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The Record of Murders and Outrages: Racial Violence and the Fight over Truth at the Dawn of Reconstruction 《谋杀和暴行的记录:重建初期的种族暴力和对真相的争夺》
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120238
Lewis Kimberley
emancipation through the chronological progress of the war, all structured around detailed descriptions of individual battles, makes for an impressive, comprehensive and, above all, enjoyable read. It deservedly already has had an impact on its field, but in its approach and style, it will undoubtedly have a lasting impact beyond that. This is a very different kind of history of the Civil War, even if, in the end, the theme of deliverance raises the question of why the Union, having delivered the nation from the scourge of enslavement, failed to deliver it from the persistent inequalities of race. Varon recognizes as much in the conclusion, observing that the “story of Civil War-era deliverance politics is both bounded by a specific time and place and boundless, with modern echoes” (p. 434). The same might be said of histories of the Civil War. And Varon’s work is very much one that probes the past from new angles, incorporating the most recent research on the conflict, its nationalist implications, the experiences of the soldiers, the compromises made in the name of reconstruction. The Civil War, as a topic of study, is boundless. And Armies of Deliverance is undoubtedly the work for our times.
《解放黑奴》通过战争的时间顺序展开,围绕着对每一场战役的详细描述,让人印象深刻,内容全面,最重要的是,读起来令人愉快。它已经在这个领域产生了应有的影响,但在其方法和风格上,毫无疑问,它将产生持久的影响。这是一段非常不同的内战历史,尽管最后,解放的主题提出了这样一个问题:为什么联邦在把国家从奴役的祸害中拯救出来之后,却没能把它从持续的种族不平等中拯救出来。瓦隆在结论中也承认了这一点,他观察到“内战时期的解放政治故事既受到特定时间和地点的限制,又无限,具有现代的回声”(第434页)。内战的历史也是如此。瓦隆的作品在很大程度上是从新的角度探索过去,结合了对冲突的最新研究,它的民族主义含义,士兵的经历,以重建的名义做出的妥协。内战,作为一个研究课题,是无限的。《拯救的军队》无疑是我们这个时代的作品。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the editors 编辑来信
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1137/s0040585x97t991106
E. Yarovaya
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引用次数: 0
Mastering Emotions: Feelings, Power, and Slavery in the United States 控制情绪:美国的感情、权力和奴隶制
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120230
Beth R. Wilson
historiography concerning Mormon religious history is limited. While there been a lot of recent work on the history of Nauvoo and the early Mormon religion, the chapter on “ Joseph Smith and the New Politics of Belief ” draws largely from older biographies of the prophet and to sketch as something of a conman. James Simeone ’ s The Saints and the State o ff ers a thought-provoking analysis of state formation in the antebellum United States. While the analysis of Mormonism is limited, this text o ff ers an incredibly rich depiction of those who considered the Latter-Day Saints a threat and how they utilized power in the emerging democracy of antebellum Illinois.
关于摩门教宗教史的史学是有限的。虽然最近有很多关于瑙沃和早期摩门教历史的著作,但关于“约瑟夫·史密斯和信仰新政治”的章节主要取材于先知的旧传记,并描绘成一个骗子。詹姆斯·西蒙尼的《圣徒与国家》对南北战争前美国的国家形成进行了发人深省的分析。虽然对摩门教的分析是有限的,但本文对那些认为后期圣徒是一种威胁的人,以及他们如何在南北战争前伊利诺伊州新兴的民主国家中利用权力进行了极其丰富的描述。
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引用次数: 0
“In sober dignity”: the Irish Brigade, ethnicity, and the Irish Catholic temperance movement in the Civil War era “以清醒的尊严”:内战时期的爱尔兰旅、种族和爱尔兰天主教禁酒运动
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2131243
Abbi E. Smithmyer
ABSTRACT This study shows how Irish Catholic temperance groups challenged nativist stereotypes towards Irish immigrants. Irish Americans used abstinence to achieve a respectable reputation among native-born Americans in the Civil War era. By linking Civil War service with the temperance efforts of Irishmen who fought for the Union Army, prominent members of the ethnic group demonstrated that Irish Americans were respectable and virtuous citizens of the United States throughout the Civil War era.
摘要本研究展示了爱尔兰天主教禁酒团体如何挑战对爱尔兰移民的本土主义刻板印象。南北战争时期,爱尔兰裔美国人利用禁欲在土生土长的美国人中获得了令人尊敬的声誉。通过将内战服务与为联邦军作战的爱尔兰人的节制努力联系起来,该民族的杰出成员证明了爱尔兰裔美国人在整个内战时期都是受人尊敬和有道德的美国公民。
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引用次数: 0
The Saints and the State: The Mormon Troubles in Illinois 圣徒与国家:伊利诺伊州的摩门教骚乱
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120228
Lily Santoro
historiography concerning Mormon religious history is limited. While there been a lot of recent work on the history of Nauvoo and the early Mormon religion, the chapter on “ Joseph Smith and the New Politics of Belief ” draws largely from older biographies of the prophet and to sketch as something of a conman. James Simeone ’ s The Saints and the State o ff ers a thought-provoking analysis of state for-mation in the antebellum United States. While the analysis of Mormonism is limited, this text o ff ers an incredibly rich depiction of those who considered the Latter-Day Saints a threat and how they utilized power in the emerging democracy of antebellum Illinois.
关于摩门教宗教史的史学是有限的。虽然最近有很多关于瑙沃和早期摩门教历史的著作,但关于“约瑟夫·史密斯和信仰新政治”的章节主要取材于先知的旧传记,并描绘成一个骗子。詹姆斯·西蒙尼的《圣徒与国家》对南北战争前的美国现状进行了发人深省的分析。虽然对摩门教的分析是有限的,但本文对那些认为后期圣徒是一种威胁的人,以及他们如何在南北战争前伊利诺伊州新兴的民主国家中利用权力进行了极其丰富的描述。
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引用次数: 0
Armies of Deliverance: A New History of the Civil War 拯救的军队:内战的新历史
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120237
S. Grant
Destiny and settler colonialism are often linked together by historians. If Manifest Destiny needs re-evaluation, as Burge and others such as Thomas Richards have demonstrated, then perhaps settler colonialism does as well. If Manifest Destiny was ever to be popular and successful, it might be expected that the years immediately following the United States’ defeat of the Confederacy and slavery would be such a time. Instead, Burge shows this was not the case. Republicans successfully annexed Alaska in 1867, but all other efforts toward territorial expansion were thwarted, often by less bellicose Republicans. Nonetheless, as Burge emphasizes, nineteenth-century proponents of Manifest Destiny did not believe it had been achieved even after the United States reached the Pacific Ocean or subdued the Confederacy or Native American nations. They kept pushing for further North American annexations throughout Reconstruction, but most American political leaders, as well as the American people themselves, had little desire to see Manifest Destiny – as defined in the nineteenth century – succeed. One minor critique of A Failed Vision of Empire is relevant to the book’s epilogue, where Burge writes that “policymakers were not successful at implementing their grandiose dreams of empire” (p. 177). While Burge ably demonstrates that nineteenth-century American leaders failed to annex all of North America and Cuba as they desired, this does not mean that their dreams of empire failed. First, the U.S. did successfully create a huge continental empire during the nineteenth century, even if not as grandiose as they might have hoped. And second, the vision of empire itself changed in the later decades of the nineteenth century. Burge acknowledges this shift, from continental to commercial empire, but draws too hard a line of separation between the two. That said, A Failed Vision of Empire is a valuable part of a growing literature seeking to place Manifest Destiny in its proper historical and historiographical position. No longer can historians sensitive to contingency and context blithely refer to an “Era of Manifest Destiny.” Metanarratives make for easy lessons and good stories, but also for bad history.
历史学家经常把命运和殖民主义联系在一起。如果昭昭天命论需要重新评估,正如伯奇和托马斯·理查兹等人所证明的那样,那么也许移民殖民主义也需要重新评估。如果昭昭天命论受欢迎并取得成功,那么可以预料,在美国击败南部邦联和奴隶制之后的几年里,将会是这样一个时期。相反,Burge认为事实并非如此。共和党人在1867年成功地吞并了阿拉斯加,但所有其他领土扩张的努力都遭到了阻挠,往往是不那么好战的共和党人。尽管如此,正如Burge所强调的,19世纪的天定命运论者并不相信,即使在美国到达太平洋或征服邦联或美洲土著民族之后,天定命运论的支持者也不相信它已经实现了。在整个重建过程中,他们一直在推动进一步兼并北美,但大多数美国政治领导人以及美国人民自己,都不希望看到19世纪定义的天定命运成功。对《失败的帝国愿景》的一个小批评与该书的结束语有关,伯格在结束语中写道,“决策者未能成功地实现他们宏伟的帝国梦想”(第177页)。虽然伯格巧妙地证明了19世纪的美国领导人未能如愿吞并整个北美和古巴,但这并不意味着他们的帝国梦想失败了。首先,美国确实在19世纪成功地建立了一个庞大的大陆帝国,尽管没有他们希望的那么宏伟。其次,帝国的概念在19世纪后期发生了变化。Burge承认这种从大陆到商业帝国的转变,但在两者之间划清了界限。也就是说,《失败的帝国愿景》是一种不断增长的文学作品中有价值的一部分,它试图将天定命运置于其适当的历史和史学地位。对偶然性和背景敏感的历史学家再也不能无忧无虑地提到“天定命运时代”。元叙事可以提供简单的教训和好的故事,但也可以提供糟糕的历史。
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引用次数: 0
Four feral women and the rise of sectionalism in the 1850s 四个野蛮女人与19世纪50年代宗派主义的兴起
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2133762
M. Pierson
ABSTRACT This article studies how the national media reacted to four feral woman episodes between 1843 and 1857. In 1843 and 1848, newspapers reprinted stories about two feral women without sectional variations in coverage. This national consensus collapsed after a feral woman in Texas was identified as African. Northern newspapers then broke from the consensus. Dramatic sectional differences in coverage also appear after the Wild Woman of Cincinnati show in 1856 and during an Alabama Wild Woman incident in 1857. We can see gender and racial ideologies driving the North and South apart when we study antebellum feral woman episodes.
摘要本文研究了1843年至1857年间,国家媒体对四起“野蛮女人”事件的反应。1843年和1848年,报纸转载了关于两个野蛮女人的故事,报道没有分段变化。在得克萨斯州的一名野蛮妇女被认定为非洲人后,这一全国共识宣告失败。北方报纸随后打破了这一共识。在1856年的《辛辛那提的野女人》和1857年的阿拉巴马野女人事件之后,报道也出现了戏剧性的地区差异。当我们研究南北战争前的野蛮女性事件时,我们可以看到性别和种族意识形态将南北分裂。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Brahmin: a country boy’s journey to Harvard Yard 成为婆罗门:一个乡下男孩的哈佛之旅
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2131245
Andrew Porwancher, Austin Coffey
ABSTRACT James Bradley Thayer emerged from humble origins to become a Harvard professor and bona fide member of the Boston Brahmins. His unlikely rise into the Boston elite suggests that the conventional depiction of Brahmin exclusivity requires greater nuance; upward mobility was a real possibility. Just the same, Thayer’s success tacitly gestures toward the limitations on that mobility. His Anglo-Saxon ethnicity, Unitarian affiliation, and male gender all facilitated his entry into rarefied circles. Gatekeepers of the Brahmin caste were amenable to newcomers whose identities sufficiently matched their own. Given the outsized influence that Brahmins enjoyed in nineteenth-century America, the stakes of that gatekeeping were national in character.
詹姆斯·布拉德利·塞耶出身卑微,后来成为哈佛大学教授和真正的波士顿婆罗门成员。他不太可能成为波士顿精英,这表明对婆罗门排他性的传统描述需要更大的细微差别;向上流动确实是可能的。同样,塞耶的成功也默认了这种流动性的局限性。他的盎格鲁-撒克逊种族、一神教信仰和男性都为他进入贵族圈子提供了便利。婆罗门种姓的守门人对身份与自己完全匹配的新来者很顺从。考虑到婆罗门在19世纪的美国所享有的巨大影响力,这种守门的利害关系是国家性质的。
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引用次数: 0
Performing Racial Uplift: E. Azalia Hackley and African American Activism in the Postbellum to Pre-Harlem Era 表演种族提升:E. Azalia Hackley和非裔美国人在战后到前哈莱姆时代的行动主义
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120250
Benjamen W. Douglas
ists” had been “well established” in the preceding decades (pp. 198–199). But in attempting to debunk the common myth that the U.S. has always been an anti-imperialist nation, the country’s anti-imperialists themselves have largely been written out, as have many of the prodigious studies of them and their ideological motivations. More engagement with how European imperial projects and ideas intimately informed the U.S. anti-imperialist mind would have gone a long way, especially considering that the anti-imperialist movement was comprised of the foreign policy elite’s leading liberal thinkers. Granted, some do feature here, like Charles Sumner, William Graham Sumner, Edward Atkinson, William Cullen Bryant, and William Lloyd Garrison, but with little, if any, acknowledgement of how their Europeaninspired economic ideologies shaped their responses to European and American imperialism. The connections between U.S. anti-imperialists and European liberal radicals were strong indeed during this period, evolving into a vast network of cosmopolitan elites – journalists, academics, politicians, theologians – opposed to Euro-American colonialism. Designs on Empire is a welcome addition to the study of nineteenth-century ideology and U.S. foreign relations. Priest’s innovative ideological approach, chronology, and case studies provide a fresh vantage point for exploring the transimperial ties that bound the U.S. Empire with those of Europe. It demonstrates that, as important as the British Empire was in the growth of the Gilded Age American Empire, other European empires also played pivotal roles in shaping elite thought about U.S. expansionism.
在过去的几十年里,“ist”已经“很好地确立了”(第198-199页)。但是,在试图揭穿美国一直是一个反帝国主义国家的普遍神话时,这个国家的反帝国主义者本身在很大程度上被写了出来,就像许多关于他们及其意识形态动机的惊人研究一样。更多地了解欧洲帝国主义计划和思想是如何密切影响美国反帝国主义思想的,将会有很长的路要走,特别是考虑到反帝国主义运动是由外交政策精英的主要自由思想家组成的。当然,有些人确实在这里有特色,比如查尔斯·萨姆纳、威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳、爱德华·阿特金森、威廉·卡伦·布莱恩特和威廉·劳埃德·加里森,但他们很少承认,如果有的话,他们的欧洲启发的经济意识形态如何塑造了他们对欧洲和美国帝国主义的反应。在这一时期,美国反帝国主义者和欧洲自由激进派之间的联系确实很强,并演变成一个庞大的世界精英网络——记者、学者、政治家、神学家——反对欧美殖民主义。《帝国的设计》是对19世纪意识形态和美国外交关系研究的一个受欢迎的补充。普里斯特创新的意识形态方法、编年史和案例研究为探索将美帝国与欧洲帝国联系在一起的跨帝国关系提供了一个新的有利位置。它表明,与大英帝国在镀金时代美国帝国的发展中一样重要,其他欧洲帝国在塑造精英阶层对美国扩张主义的看法方面也发挥了关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
In the True Blue’s Wake: Slavery and Freedom among the Families of Smithfield Plantation 在真正的蓝色觉醒中:史密斯菲尔德种植园家庭中的奴隶制和自由
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14664658.2022.2120229
Libra R. Hilde
“worthy” independent producer. In succeeding chapters, as Smith’s power in Nauvoo solidified and the Mormons came to be considered a particularist group that voted and consolidated power in the interests of their community at the expense of their neighbors, Simeone argues that the old settlers of Hancock County considered the Saints a threat to their individualist societal culture and utilized their own informal state when the governor would not use state resources to check them. The greatest strength of this book is Simeone’s encyclopedic knowledge of the political landscape of Illinois in the 1830s–1840s. Set against the backdrop of the larger national political story of Jacksonian America, Simeone’s detailing of the political machinations at the state and local level demonstrates a depth of research in the state archives that brings to life those engaged in debates over the freedom of the press, town charters, religious tolerance, and abolition. Governor Thomas Ford, Stephen A. Douglas, Thomas Sharp, and many other minor characters in this drama appear with nuanced analysis. Even as Simeone connects Illinois state politics to national issues, he makes clear that each political party shaped their platforms in accordance with local concerns in recognition of how much power really rested at the local level in the young state. For all of its analytical punch, the narrative arc of The Saints and the State can be a bit daunting for readers unfamiliar with the Mormon troubles in Missouri and Illinois. With a thematic structure focused on highlighting different aspects of the competing societal cultures that created tensions, events are describedmultiple times throughout the text, and not always in chronological order. While this approach is often effective in demonstrating how the actions or statements of one character had competing meanings and uses for the multiple groups involved, it can give the less-informed reader a bit of whiplash as the narrative jumps from 1839 to 1844 and back again. It is also important to note that Simeone considers this a story of “institutional breakdown and concomitant group polarization, not religious intolerance” (p. 268). Put another way, Simeone is not attempting to write a history of religion. Thus, his engagement with the current historiography concerning Mormon religious history is limited. While there has been a lot of recent work on the history of Nauvoo and the early Mormon religion, the chapter on “Joseph Smith and the New Politics of Belief” draws largely from older biographies of the prophet and tends to sketch him as something of a conman. James Simeone’s The Saints and the State offers a thought-provoking analysis of state formation in the antebellum United States. While the analysis of Mormonism is limited, this text offers an incredibly rich depiction of those who considered the Latter-Day Saints a threat and how they utilized power in the emerging democracy of antebellum Illinois.
“有价值”的独立制片人。在接下来的章节中,随着史密斯在瑙沃的权力巩固,摩门教徒被认为是一个特殊的群体,他们以牺牲邻居为代价,为了社区的利益而投票并巩固权力,Simeone认为,汉考克县的老定居者认为圣徒是对他们个人主义社会文化的威胁,当州长不使用州资源来检查他们时,他们利用了自己的非正式州。这本书最大的优势是西蒙对19世纪30年代至19世纪40年代伊利诺伊州政治格局的百科全书式了解。西蒙以杰克逊时代美国更大的国家政治故事为背景,详细描述了州和地方层面的政治阴谋,展示了对州档案的深入研究,使那些参与新闻自由、城镇宪章、宗教宽容和废除死刑辩论的人活了起来。这部剧中的州长托马斯·福特、斯蒂芬·A·道格拉斯、托马斯·夏普和许多其他小人物都以细致入微的分析出现。尽管西蒙尼将伊利诺伊州的政治与国家问题联系起来,但他明确表示,每个政党都根据当地的担忧制定了自己的纲领,以承认这个年轻州的地方一级真正掌握了多少权力。尽管《圣徒与州》的分析力很强,但对于不熟悉密苏里州和伊利诺伊州摩门教麻烦的读者来说,它的叙事弧线可能有点令人生畏。由于主题结构侧重于突出造成紧张局势的相互竞争的社会文化的不同方面,事件在整个文本中被多次描述,而不总是按时间顺序描述。虽然这种方法通常能有效地证明一个角色的行为或陈述如何在涉及的多个群体中具有相互竞争的意义和用途,但当叙事从1839年跳到1844年再跳回来时,它会给不太了解情况的读者一点鞭笞。同样重要的是,Simeone认为这是一个“制度崩溃和随之而来的群体两极分化,而不是宗教不容忍”的故事(第268页)。换句话说,西蒙尼并没有试图写一部宗教史。因此,他对当前有关摩门教宗教史的史学的参与是有限的。虽然最近有很多关于瑙沃和早期摩门教历史的著作,但关于“约瑟夫·史密斯和信仰新政治”的章节主要取材于这位先知的旧传记,并倾向于将他描绘成一个骗子。詹姆斯·西蒙尼的《圣徒与国家》对南北战争前美国的国家形成进行了发人深省的分析。虽然对摩门教的分析是有限的,但本文对那些认为后期圣徒是一种威胁的人,以及他们如何在南北战争前伊利诺伊州新兴的民主国家中利用权力进行了极其丰富的描述。
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引用次数: 0
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American Nineteenth Century History
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