This edited volume responds to recent calls to go beyond research focusing on English and adds to increasing academic literature focusing instead on Portuguese as target language in Applied Language Studies. Such developments go hand in hand with growing attention paid to the development of students’ plurilingual repertoires and the acknowledgment that those repertoires are multi-layered, dynamic, and ever-evolving.
{"title":"Molsing, K. V.; Lopes Perna, C. B. & Tramunt Ibaños, A. M. (eds) (2020). Linguistic Approaches to Portuguese as an Additional Language. Amsterdam. John Benjamins Publishing Company","authors":"S. Melo-Pfeifer","doi":"10.5334/jpl.256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.256","url":null,"abstract":"This edited volume responds to recent calls to go beyond research focusing on English and adds to increasing academic literature focusing instead on Portuguese as target language in Applied Language Studies. Such developments go hand in hand with growing attention paid to the development of students’ plurilingual repertoires and the acknowledgment that those repertoires are multi-layered, dynamic, and ever-evolving.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47597866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The allophonic variation of coda /S/ in the Florianopolitan variety of Brazilian Portuguese shows explicit associations between [ʃ] and the local stereotype of native resident – one who was raised in Florianopolis whose parents were also raised in the area. We hypothesize that the aforementioned explicit association is an implicit association, that is, an unconscious and automatic one. We argue that an implicit association towards the native resident stereotype is a cognitive bias that affects how Florianopolitans perceive the speech of other Florianopolitans. The strength of the associations was verified in terms of participants’ linguistic background. In order to do so, an Implicit Association Test and an explicit task pairing the [ʃ]/[s] variants with the native/non-native resident stereotypes were applied to 30 Florianopolitans whose parents were native, non-native, or mixed-origin residents. We found that an implicit association is at play in a moderate fashion. However, linguistic background only predicted the explicit association. More important, the fact that Florianopolitans explicitly chose the guise containing [ʃ] as the most representative of the speech of the native resident – even though some participants reported that non-existent prosodic elements differentiated the guises – reinforces the role of implicit cognitive biases on the social perception of coda /S/.
{"title":"Cognitive biases on the social perception of the allophonic variation of coda /S/ in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Ana Paula Correa da Silva Biasibetti","doi":"10.5334/JPL.233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.233","url":null,"abstract":"The allophonic variation of coda /S/ in the Florianopolitan variety of Brazilian Portuguese shows explicit associations between [ʃ] and the local stereotype of native resident – one who was raised in Florianopolis whose parents were also raised in the area. We hypothesize that the aforementioned explicit association is an implicit association, that is, an unconscious and automatic one. We argue that an implicit association towards the native resident stereotype is a cognitive bias that affects how Florianopolitans perceive the speech of other Florianopolitans. The strength of the associations was verified in terms of participants’ linguistic background. In order to do so, an Implicit Association Test and an explicit task pairing the [ʃ]/[s] variants with the native/non-native resident stereotypes were applied to 30 Florianopolitans whose parents were native, non-native, or mixed-origin residents. We found that an implicit association is at play in a moderate fashion. However, linguistic background only predicted the explicit association. More important, the fact that Florianopolitans explicitly chose the guise containing [ʃ] as the most representative of the speech of the native resident – even though some participants reported that non-existent prosodic elements differentiated the guises – reinforces the role of implicit cognitive biases on the social perception of coda /S/.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47055696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the countability of deverbal bare singular nouns in Brazilian Portuguese, such as chute ‘kick’ in Maria deu mais chute ‘Maria did more kicking/Maria did more kicks’. More specifically, it investigates whether the aspectual information of a verb impacts the count (cardinal interpretation) or mass (volume/intensity interpretation) interpretation of a bare singular noun. Based on the results of a forced choice task replicating Barner, Wagner, and Snedeker (2008) for English, we show that deverbal bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese allow count and mass interpretations, depending on the aspectual features of the verbs they are derived from. Punctual events were more likely than durative events to be associated with a cardinal/count response. These results corroborate previous analysis of bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, whereby these nouns allow both count and mass interpretations (Pires de Oliveira & Rothstein 2011b).
本文探讨了巴西葡萄牙语中无动词单数名词的可数性，如Maria deu mais中的chute ' kick ' chute ' Maria did more kicking/Maria did more kicks '。更具体地说，它研究了动词的方面信息是否影响单个名词的数量(基数解释)或质量(体积/强度解释)解释。基于Barner, Wagner, and Snedeker(2008)对英语的强制选择任务的结果，我们表明巴西葡萄牙语中的动词裸单数可以根据它们所衍生的动词的方面特征进行计数和大量解释。准时事件比持续事件更有可能与基数/计数反应相关联。这些结果证实了之前对巴西葡萄牙语中裸单数的分析，即这些名词可以进行计数和大量解释(Pires de Oliveira & Rothstein 2011b)。
{"title":"Aspectual information of durativity/punctuality impacts the countability of deverbal nouns in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Suzi Lima, Adriana Leitão Martins","doi":"10.5334/jpl.241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.241","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the countability of deverbal bare singular nouns in Brazilian Portuguese, such as chute ‘kick’ in Maria deu mais chute ‘Maria did more kicking/Maria did more kicks’. More specifically, it investigates whether the aspectual information of a verb impacts the count (cardinal interpretation) or mass (volume/intensity interpretation) interpretation of a bare singular noun. Based on the results of a forced choice task replicating Barner, Wagner, and Snedeker (2008) for English, we show that deverbal bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese allow count and mass interpretations, depending on the aspectual features of the verbs they are derived from. Punctual events were more likely than durative events to be associated with a cardinal/count response. These results corroborate previous analysis of bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, whereby these nouns allow both count and mass interpretations (Pires de Oliveira & Rothstein 2011b).","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43399797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the semantics of two epistemic operators in Portuguese: the epistemic Future and modal verbs. The idea sustained in the literature for other languages that the epistemic Future has the same semantics as the modal verb (equivalent to) MUST does not account for the Portuguese data. The proposal is made that, though epistemic Future and epistemic modal verbs are devices to convey uncertainty, they operate on different grounds. Epistemic modal verbs are quantifiers over possible worlds, expressing a degree of epistemic commitment towards a proposition, while the epistemic Future is argued to be a mark signaling lack of evidence at the context of utterance. The other modal verbs of Portuguese, in their epistemic reading, are also considered, the proposal being made that Portuguese has also a modal verb that existentially quantifies over the set of Best worlds. This shows a very symmetric picture of Portuguese modal verbs: two of them select an ordered modal base and two others an unordered modal base; for each domain of quantification – the entire modal base or the set of Best Worlds (a subset of the modal base) – there will be an existential and a universal quantifier.
{"title":"Epistemic Future and epistemic modal verbs in Portuguese","authors":"Rui Marques","doi":"10.5334/jpl.243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.243","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the semantics of two epistemic operators in Portuguese: the epistemic Future and modal verbs. The idea sustained in the literature for other languages that the epistemic Future has the same semantics as the modal verb (equivalent to) MUST does not account for the Portuguese data. The proposal is made that, though epistemic Future and epistemic modal verbs are devices to convey uncertainty, they operate on different grounds. Epistemic modal verbs are quantifiers over possible worlds, expressing a degree of epistemic commitment towards a proposition, while the epistemic Future is argued to be a mark signaling lack of evidence at the context of utterance. The other modal verbs of Portuguese, in their epistemic reading, are also considered, the proposal being made that Portuguese has also a modal verb that existentially quantifies over the set of Best worlds. This shows a very symmetric picture of Portuguese modal verbs: two of them select an ordered modal base and two others an unordered modal base; for each domain of quantification – the entire modal base or the set of Best Worlds (a subset of the modal base) – there will be an existential and a universal quantifier.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49008197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reports the results of two experiments investigating the combined role of vowel length and length of fricative voicing in the identification, by Brazilians, of minimal pairs such as casa /z/ – caca /s/ produced by speakers of Spanish (L1). In Experiment 1, stimuli were manipulated so that length of voicing in the fricative was tested in two levels (100% or 0% of voicing) and vowel length was tested in four levels (25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the length of the total vowel). In Experiment 2, voicing length was tested in three levels (25%, 50% and 75% of voicing), combined with the four levels of vowel length (25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the length of the total vowel). Both experiments were run on TP Software (Rauber et al. 2012), and forty Brazilian listeners with no experience with Spanish took part in both tasks. The results show an interaction between the two cues, especially in the stimuli with no full voicing in the fricative. These findings provide additional evidence to the gradient status of speech in production and perceptual phenomena (Albano 2001; Albano 2012; Perozzo 2017), besides shedding light on the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese as an Additional Language.
{"title":"Listening to accented speech in Brazilian Portuguese: On the role of fricative voicing and vowel duration in the identification of /s/ – /z/ minimal pairs produced by speakers of L1 Spanish","authors":"U. Alves, Luciene Bassols Brisolara","doi":"10.5334/jpl.237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.237","url":null,"abstract":"This article reports the results of two experiments investigating the combined role of vowel length and length of fricative voicing in the identification, by Brazilians, of minimal pairs such as casa /z/ – caca /s/ produced by speakers of Spanish (L1). In Experiment 1, stimuli were manipulated so that length of voicing in the fricative was tested in two levels (100% or 0% of voicing) and vowel length was tested in four levels (25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the length of the total vowel). In Experiment 2, voicing length was tested in three levels (25%, 50% and 75% of voicing), combined with the four levels of vowel length (25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the length of the total vowel). Both experiments were run on TP Software (Rauber et al. 2012), and forty Brazilian listeners with no experience with Spanish took part in both tasks. The results show an interaction between the two cues, especially in the stimuli with no full voicing in the fricative. These findings provide additional evidence to the gradient status of speech in production and perceptual phenomena (Albano 2001; Albano 2012; Perozzo 2017), besides shedding light on the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese as an Additional Language.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42364907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the L1 acquisition of different types of direct objects in European Portuguese (EP). Previous research has revealed that although children have early syntactic and pragmatic knowledge of objects across languages, the adequate use of pronouns and null objects is protracted in the acquisition of EP (Costa et al. 2012). The present study shows that children acquiring the distribution of direct objects are aware of universal pragmatic hierarchies but struggle with the interpretation and feature bundles of null objects. Assuming that arguments are linked to left-peripheral C/edge linkers (Sigurðsson 2011), we argue that children need more time to discover the adult-like feature composition of null objects in EP because they involve phi-silent features. Relative accessibility (Ariel 1991) is universal and available early, whereas the absolute accessibility of null objects, i.e. their feature content, is acquired relatively late.
{"title":"Acquiring the distribution of null and overt direct objects in European Portuguese","authors":"Cristina Flores, E. Rinke, Aldona Sopata","doi":"10.5334/jpl.239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.239","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the L1 acquisition of different types of direct objects in European Portuguese (EP). Previous research has revealed that although children have early syntactic and pragmatic knowledge of objects across languages, the adequate use of pronouns and null objects is protracted in the acquisition of EP (Costa et al. 2012). The present study shows that children acquiring the distribution of direct objects are aware of universal pragmatic hierarchies but struggle with the interpretation and feature bundles of null objects. Assuming that arguments are linked to left-peripheral C/edge linkers (Sigurðsson 2011), we argue that children need more time to discover the adult-like feature composition of null objects in EP because they involve phi-silent features. Relative accessibility (Ariel 1991) is universal and available early, whereas the absolute accessibility of null objects, i.e. their feature content, is acquired relatively late.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45641321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marisa Cruz, Joseph Butler, C. Severino, Marisa G. Filipe, Sónia Frota
Previous research has shown that eye gaze patterns relate to language development, with more attention to the mouth signaling ongoing acquisition. We examined infants’ eye gaze in a stress perception experiment, in which European Portuguese (EP) learning infants showed a preference for the iambic stress pattern. Specifically, we asked whether there was a relation between eye gaze patterns and the preferred stress pattern. Eye gaze patterns of 25 monolingual typically developing infants aged 5–6 months old were examined using eye-tracking. Our results show that, although an interaction between looks to the area of interest (face, eyes, mouth, and arm) and stress preference was not found, eye gaze to the mouth region (and to the face) was modulated by the stress pattern, with more attention to the mouth in infants that do not show an iambic preference. These findings add further support for infants’ use of eye gaze in early language development. They also highlight the need for multimodal approaches for a better understanding of language development. In the particular case of the challenging topic of the acquisition of stress in European Portuguese, they provide converging evidence for an advantage of iambic stress in early development. (195 words).
{"title":"Eyes or mouth? Exploring eye gaze patterns and their relation with early stress perception in European Portuguese","authors":"Marisa Cruz, Joseph Butler, C. Severino, Marisa G. Filipe, Sónia Frota","doi":"10.5334/jpl.240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.240","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research has shown that eye gaze patterns relate to language development, with more attention to the mouth signaling ongoing acquisition. We examined infants’ eye gaze in a stress perception experiment, in which European Portuguese (EP) learning infants showed a preference for the iambic stress pattern. Specifically, we asked whether there was a relation between eye gaze patterns and the preferred stress pattern. Eye gaze patterns of 25 monolingual typically developing infants aged 5–6 months old were examined using eye-tracking. Our results show that, although an interaction between looks to the area of interest (face, eyes, mouth, and arm) and stress preference was not found, eye gaze to the mouth region (and to the face) was modulated by the stress pattern, with more attention to the mouth in infants that do not show an iambic preference. These findings add further support for infants’ use of eye gaze in early language development. They also highlight the need for multimodal approaches for a better understanding of language development. In the particular case of the challenging topic of the acquisition of stress in European Portuguese, they provide converging evidence for an advantage of iambic stress in early development. (195 words).","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44307066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study explores the nature of the oral-nasal vowel contrast in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). While vowel nasality is a salient property in the language, scholars differ on whether this property forms the basis of a phonological contrast. The presence of a consonant-like nasal resonance at the right edge of the heavily nasalized vowels (i.e., nasal appendix) leads to an analysis that nasal vowels may be product of a contextual nasalization rule (e.g., Camara Jr 1970, 1971), thus coarticulatory in nature. While most of the literature explores the issue from the perspective of production, the present study analyzes how BP listeners perceive nasal vowels in comparison to oral counterparts. If vowel nasality is coarticulatory, speakers should perceive it as they would other coarticulation; namely, they would perceptually compensate for vowel nasality, attributing the nasality to the nasal consonant element and hearing the vowel as essentially oral (Beddor & Krakow 1999). If the nasality is phonemic, however, it should not induce compensation. A forced-choice comparison task was presented to a group of 43 BP listeners, who had to compare nasality in vowels of paired stimuli with and without the appendix. Results show that participants did not perceptually compensate for vowel nasality. The substance of the contrast lies in the combination of vowel quality changes associated with nasality and the presence of a nasal appendix.
本研究探讨了巴西葡萄牙语中口鼻元音对比的性质。虽然元音鼻音性是语言中的一个显著特性，但学者们对这种特性是否构成语音对比的基础存在分歧。在重度鼻音化元音（即鼻附录）的右边缘存在类似辅音的鼻共振，这导致了一种分析，即鼻元音可能是上下文鼻音化规则的产物（例如，Camara Jr 19701971），因此本质上是共发音的。虽然大多数文献都是从生产的角度来探讨这个问题的，但本研究分析了BP听众与口语听众相比如何感知鼻元音。如果元音鼻音是共发音的，说话者应该像其他共发音一样感知它；也就是说，他们会在感知上补偿元音的鼻音性，将鼻音性归因于鼻辅音元素，并将元音听为基本上口头的（Beddor&Krakow 1999）。然而，如果鼻音是音位的，就不应该引起补偿。一项强迫选择比较任务被提交给一组43名BP听众，他们必须比较有和没有阑尾的配对刺激的元音鼻音。结果表明，参与者在感知上并没有补偿元音鼻音。对比的实质在于与鼻音相关的元音质量变化和鼻阑尾的存在。
{"title":"Perceptual Compensation of Vowel Nasality in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Luciana Marques, Rebecca Scarborough","doi":"10.5334/jpl.230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.230","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the nature of the oral-nasal vowel contrast in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). While vowel nasality is a salient property in the language, scholars differ on whether this property forms the basis of a phonological contrast. The presence of a consonant-like nasal resonance at the right edge of the heavily nasalized vowels (i.e., nasal appendix) leads to an analysis that nasal vowels may be product of a contextual nasalization rule (e.g., Camara Jr 1970, 1971), thus coarticulatory in nature. While most of the literature explores the issue from the perspective of production, the present study analyzes how BP listeners perceive nasal vowels in comparison to oral counterparts. If vowel nasality is coarticulatory, speakers should perceive it as they would other coarticulation; namely, they would perceptually compensate for vowel nasality, attributing the nasality to the nasal consonant element and hearing the vowel as essentially oral (Beddor & Krakow 1999). If the nasality is phonemic, however, it should not induce compensation. A forced-choice comparison task was presented to a group of 43 BP listeners, who had to compare nasality in vowels of paired stimuli with and without the appendix. Results show that participants did not perceptually compensate for vowel nasality. The substance of the contrast lies in the combination of vowel quality changes associated with nasality and the presence of a nasal appendix.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46010143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ana Paulla Braga Mattos, Márcia Santos Duarte de Oliveira
Kalunga is a variety of Afro-Portuguese spoken in a rural community located in the state of Goias, Brazil. In this study, we compare Kalunga with other varieties of Portuguese spoken in Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, and Portugal and Portuguese-based creoles from a contact linguistics perspective. We investigate typological similarities, differences, and possible connections between these varieties. The results support previous sociohistorical and linguistic studies that reveal significant differences between Kalunga and standardized varieties of Portuguese, and the typological distinction between creoles, more vernacular varieties, and more standard varieties.
{"title":"Kalunga in the lusophone context: A phylogenetic study","authors":"Ana Paulla Braga Mattos, Márcia Santos Duarte de Oliveira","doi":"10.5334/jpl.224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.224","url":null,"abstract":"Kalunga is a variety of Afro-Portuguese spoken in a rural community located in the state of Goias, Brazil. In this study, we compare Kalunga with other varieties of Portuguese spoken in Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, and Portugal and Portuguese-based creoles from a contact linguistics perspective. We investigate typological similarities, differences, and possible connections between these varieties. The results support previous sociohistorical and linguistic studies that reveal significant differences between Kalunga and standardized varieties of Portuguese, and the typological distinction between creoles, more vernacular varieties, and more standard varieties.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44709902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper aims at providing empirical evidence for dialectal variation concerning the perception of the central vowel [ɐ] in European Portuguese (EP). More concretely, this study compares the perception of the contrast between [a] and [ɐ] by native speakers of two varieties of EP: 23 speakers of a northern Portuguese dialect (from the city of Braga) and 23 speakers of the Littoral Center variety of EP (from the city of Lisbon, defined as Standard European Portuguese (SEP)). Based on a discrimination test, the results show that the two groups of speakers differ with respect to the perception of the contrast between the two central vowels under investigation. The speakers of the northern variety differentiate less between the two central vowels compared to the speakers from Lisbon.
{"title":"Dialectal Variation in European Portuguese Central Vowel Perception","authors":"Valerie Horn, E. Rinke, Cristina Flores","doi":"10.5334/jpl.232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.232","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper aims at providing empirical evidence for dialectal variation concerning the perception of the central vowel [ɐ] in European Portuguese (EP). More concretely, this study compares the perception of the contrast between [a] and [ɐ] by native speakers of two varieties of EP: 23 speakers of a northern Portuguese dialect (from the city of Braga) and 23 speakers of the Littoral Center variety of EP (from the city of Lisbon, defined as Standard European Portuguese (SEP)). Based on a discrimination test, the results show that the two groups of speakers differ with respect to the perception of the contrast between the two central vowels under investigation. The speakers of the northern variety differentiate less between the two central vowels compared to the speakers from Lisbon.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48131521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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