This paper is concerned with the pronominalization of the patient in reflexive passives and reflexive impersonals in Peninsular Spanish. It is commonly agreed that only human patients can pronominalize in these contexts in Standard Peninsular Spanish. However, some varieties show full pronominalization of non-human patients. This paper aims to describe the geographical distribution of this pronominalization in Peninsular Spanish, together with the evolution of this phenomenon. Dialectal data allow describing the evolution of linguistic phenomena by means of investigating their geographical spreading in different contexts. The data contained in this paper show that the pronominalization of the patient in reflexive indefinite agent constructions (namely, reflexive passives and reflexive impersonals) is related to the animacy hierarchy, connecting this phenomenon with the more general category of agreement.
{"title":"The pronominal coding of the patient in reflexive indefinite agent constructions in Peninsular Spanish","authors":"Carlota de Benito Moreno","doi":"10.5334/JPL.91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.91","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is concerned with the pronominalization of the patient in reflexive passives and reflexive impersonals in Peninsular Spanish. It is commonly agreed that only human patients can pronominalize in these contexts in Standard Peninsular Spanish. However, some varieties show full pronominalization of non-human patients. This paper aims to describe the geographical distribution of this pronominalization in Peninsular Spanish, together with the evolution of this phenomenon. Dialectal data allow describing the evolution of linguistic phenomena by means of investigating their geographical spreading in different contexts. The data contained in this paper show that the pronominalization of the patient in reflexive indefinite agent constructions (namely, reflexive passives and reflexive impersonals) is related to the animacy hierarchy, connecting this phenomenon with the more general category of agreement.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Intransitive verbs in Basque vary depending on their subject case and auxiliary selection: (i) some of them (considered unaccusatives and inchoatives) always have an absolutive subject and an intransitive auxiliary; (ii) others (prototypical unergatives) show diachronic and dialectal variation (absolutive subject and intransitive auxiliary vs. ergative subject and transitive auxiliary); and (iii) other unergative verbs with which an ergative subject and a transitive auxiliary prevail cross-dialectally. We propose a sublexical structure (Ramchand 2004, 2008) where verbs can be decomposed in three subevents. Unaccusative verbs in Basque are Path predicates, selecting a V of process (V PROC P) that, in the case of telic verbs, takes an adpositional phrase (PP) as complement. Atelic unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs having intransitive morphology are similarly Path predicates, but instead of a result PP, they can select a Rheme of process. In unergative verbs with transitive morphology no V of process is projected, but a little v of initiation (v INIT or v DO ). Verbal roots may be inserted at three levels in Basque: vP, VP or PP. The last two are below an AspectualP involved in absolutive case assignment and intransitive auxiliary selection. Thus, depending on where the root is inserted has an effect on the alignment.
巴斯克语中的不及物动词根据其主语和助动词的选择而有所不同:(i)其中一些(被认为是非宾格和初格)总是有一个绝对主语和一个不及物助动词;(ii)其他(典型非否定句)表现出历时性和方言性的变化(绝对主语和不及物助词vs.否定主语和不及物助词);(三)其他否定主语和及物助动词跨方言使用的非否定动词。我们提出了一种亚词汇结构(Ramchand 2004, 2008)，其中动词可以分解为三个子事件。巴斯克语中的非宾格动词是路径谓词，选择过程的V (V PROC P)，在远动动词的情况下，以对立短语(PP)作为补语。具有不及物形态的非宾格动词和非否定动词都是类似的路径谓词，但它们可以选择过程的述位而不是结果PP。在具有及物形态的非否定动词中，不投射过程的V，但有少量的起始V (V INIT或V DO)。在巴斯克语中，动词根可以在三个层次上插入:vP、vP或PP。后两个层次在参与绝对格分配和不及物助动词选择的aspecalp之下。因此，根插入位置的不同会对对齐产生影响。
{"title":"Three levels of root insertion in Basque intransitive verbs","authors":"Ane Berro","doi":"10.5334/JPL.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.89","url":null,"abstract":"Intransitive verbs in Basque vary depending on their subject case and auxiliary selection: (i) some of them (considered unaccusatives and inchoatives) always have an absolutive subject and an intransitive auxiliary; (ii) others (prototypical unergatives) show diachronic and dialectal variation (absolutive subject and intransitive auxiliary vs. ergative subject and transitive auxiliary); and (iii) other unergative verbs with which an ergative subject and a transitive auxiliary prevail cross-dialectally. We propose a sublexical structure (Ramchand 2004, 2008) where verbs can be decomposed in three subevents. Unaccusative verbs in Basque are Path predicates, selecting a V of process (V PROC P) that, in the case of telic verbs, takes an adpositional phrase (PP) as complement. Atelic unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs having intransitive morphology are similarly Path predicates, but instead of a result PP, they can select a Rheme of process. In unergative verbs with transitive morphology no V of process is projected, but a little v of initiation (v INIT or v DO ). Verbal roots may be inserted at three levels in Basque: vP, VP or PP. The last two are below an AspectualP involved in absolutive case assignment and intransitive auxiliary selection. Thus, depending on where the root is inserted has an effect on the alignment.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Basque weak quantifiers optionally agree with the inflected verb in number. This papers’ main aim is to study the dialectal variation shown by this phenomenon. The study will show that it is necessary to differentiate at least three systems: the central-western system, one that we will call the transition system (Lapurdian), and the eastern system (Souletin). The central-western system allows the presence of non-agreeing weak quantifiers in every case-marked position (ergative, dative or absolutive); the transition system does not allow it with ergative case arguments; and the oriental system allows it only with absolutive case arguments. In the latter system, the distribution of non-agreeing quantifiers is identical to that of bare nouns: bare nouns are only possible in those positions where absolutive case is assigned.
{"title":"When quantifiers do not agree: three systems","authors":"Urtzi Etxeberria, R. Etxepare","doi":"10.5334/JPL.92","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.92","url":null,"abstract":"Basque weak quantifiers optionally agree with the inflected verb in number. This papers’ main aim is to study the dialectal variation shown by this phenomenon. The study will show that it is necessary to differentiate at least three systems: the central-western system, one that we will call the transition system (Lapurdian), and the eastern system (Souletin). The central-western system allows the presence of non-agreeing weak quantifiers in every case-marked position (ergative, dative or absolutive); the transition system does not allow it with ergative case arguments; and the oriental system allows it only with absolutive case arguments. In the latter system, the distribution of non-agreeing quantifiers is identical to that of bare nouns: bare nouns are only possible in those positions where absolutive case is assigned.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitive clauses in Breton are case-filtered. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the distribution of infinitive clauses: bare infinitives appear in positions where direct case is available to them; prepositional infinitives appear as a last resort, in positions where no case is available. In these environments, da, homophonous with a preposition, appears at the left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that da realizes inherent case. I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for control and ECM structures, with both intervening subjects and objects, purpose clauses and their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms. Larger infinitive structures in narrative matrix infinitives and concessive clauses are not case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where only perception and causative structures are case-filtered, whereas other infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins & Nunes 2008).
{"title":"Ф-feature agreement: the distribution of the Breton bare and prepositional infinitives with the preposition da","authors":"Mélanie Jouitteau","doi":"10.5334/JPL.94","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.94","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the hypothesis that infinitive clauses in Breton are case-filtered. This hypothesis makes a straightforward prediction for the distribution of infinitive clauses: bare infinitives appear in positions where direct case is available to them; prepositional infinitives appear as a last resort, in positions where no case is available. In these environments, da, homophonous with a preposition, appears at the left-edge of the infinitive clause. I propose that da realizes inherent case. I show that once the paradigms of semantically motivated preposition insertion are set apart, the hypothesis shows correct for control and ECM structures, with both intervening subjects and objects, purpose clauses and their alternation paradigms, including some preposition tripling paradigms. Larger infinitive structures in narrative matrix infinitives and concessive clauses are not case-filtered. This makes Breton similar to English, where only perception and causative structures are case-filtered, whereas other infinitive structures are not (Hornstein, Martins & Nunes 2008).","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses the syntax of naming constructions with the verb chamar ‘to call’. We show that in some varieties of European Portuguese the verb chamar displays an alternation in the expression of the named entity, which is manifested by the presence/omission of the preposition a in sentences like Nos chamamos (a) isso cruzeta ‘lit. We call (to) this hanger’. We will look at this phenomenon from an areal, historical and theoretical perspective, trying to relate the intricate patterns observed. We will show that the alternation with the verb chamar is attested in the course of the diachrony of Portuguese, but it is synchronically confined to two restricted geographical areas: the archipelago of the Azores and the northern region of the Portuguese continental territory. As for the theoretical analysis, we claim that both the variants involve a small clause complement structure, with the named entity in the subject position. The a that precedes the subject of the small clause is taken to be a kind of ‘dummy’ preposition that showed up as a strategy to resolve syntactic ambiguity in sentences exhibiting the verb chamar with the personal pronoun se (which were ambiguous between an impersonal and an anticausative reading).
本文讨论了带有动词动词“叫”的命名结构的语法。我们发现，在欧洲葡萄牙语的某些变体中，动词chamar在命名实体的表达中表现出一种交替，这表现为在Nos chamamos (a) isso cruzeta ' lit等句子中介词a的存在/省略。我们叫它“衣架”。我们将从地域、历史和理论的角度来看待这一现象，试图将观察到的复杂模式联系起来。我们将证明，与动词chamar的交替是在葡萄牙语的历时过程中得到证实的，但它同时局限于两个有限的地理区域:亚速尔群岛和葡萄牙大陆领土的北部地区。在理论分析方面，我们认为这两个变体都涉及一个小从句补语结构，命名实体位于主语位置。小句主语前面的a被认为是一种“假”介词，它是一种解决句子句法歧义的策略，在句子中表现出动词与人称代词的魅力(这些句子在非人称阅读和反格阅读之间模棱两可)。
{"title":"The syntax of naming constructions in European Portuguese dialects: variation and change","authors":"Adriana Cardoso, C. Magro","doi":"10.5334/JPL.90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.90","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the syntax of naming constructions with the verb chamar ‘to call’. We show that in some varieties of European Portuguese the verb chamar displays an alternation in the expression of the named entity, which is manifested by the presence/omission of the preposition a in sentences like Nos chamamos (a) isso cruzeta ‘lit. We call (to) this hanger’. We will look at this phenomenon from an areal, historical and theoretical perspective, trying to relate the intricate patterns observed. We will show that the alternation with the verb chamar is attested in the course of the diachrony of Portuguese, but it is synchronically confined to two restricted geographical areas: the archipelago of the Azores and the northern region of the Portuguese continental territory. As for the theoretical analysis, we claim that both the variants involve a small clause complement structure, with the named entity in the subject position. The a that precedes the subject of the small clause is taken to be a kind of ‘dummy’ preposition that showed up as a strategy to resolve syntactic ambiguity in sentences exhibiting the verb chamar with the personal pronoun se (which were ambiguous between an impersonal and an anticausative reading).","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines dative complements of unergative verbs in Basque, i.e., dative arguments of morphologically “transitive” verbs, which, unlike ditransitives, do not co-occur with a canonical object complement. We will claim that such arguments fall under two different types, each of which involves a different type of non-structural licensing of the dative case. The presence of two different types of dative case in these constructions is correlated with the two different types of complement case alternations which many of these predicates exhibit, so that alternation patterns will provide us with clues to identify different sources for the dative marking. In particular, we will examine datives alternating with absolutives (i.e., with the regular object structural case in an ergative language) and datives alternating with postpositional phrases. We will first examine an approach to the former which relies on current proposals that identify a low applicative head as case licenser. Such approach, while accounting for the dative case, raises a number of issues with respect to the absolutive variant. As for datives alternating with postpositional phrases, we claim that they are lexically licensed by the lower verbal head V.
{"title":"Dative (first) complements in Basque","authors":"Beatriz Fernández, J. O. D. Urbina","doi":"10.5334/JPL.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.93","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines dative complements of unergative verbs in Basque, i.e., dative arguments of morphologically “transitive” verbs, which, unlike ditransitives, do not co-occur with a canonical object complement. We will claim that such arguments fall under two different types, each of which involves a different type of non-structural licensing of the dative case. The presence of two different types of dative case in these constructions is correlated with the two different types of complement case alternations which many of these predicates exhibit, so that alternation patterns will provide us with clues to identify different sources for the dative marking. In particular, we will examine datives alternating with absolutives (i.e., with the regular object structural case in an ergative language) and datives alternating with postpositional phrases. We will first examine an approach to the former which relies on current proposals that identify a low applicative head as case licenser. Such approach, while accounting for the dative case, raises a number of issues with respect to the absolutive variant. As for datives alternating with postpositional phrases, we claim that they are lexically licensed by the lower verbal head V.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is concerned with the diachrony of passivization in Papiamentu. While it is generally held in the literature that passivization in Papiamentu is a non-native 19th century borrowing from Dutch and Spanish, this paper argues that it is in fact an original, native feature of the Papiamentu grammar. With that purpose, the use of auxiliary-less passives in Early (19th / early 20th century) Papiamentu texts is illustrated and analyzed in detail. In addition, synchronic evidence will be adduced. This paper furthermore argues that Papiamentu inherited its passive morphology from proto-Upper Guinea Portuguese Creole. To bolster that claim, the auxiliary-less passives found in Early Papiamentu texts will be systematically compared with passivization patterns found in Upper Guinea Portuguese Creole.
{"title":"The origin and originality of passivization in Papiamentu","authors":"B. Jacobs","doi":"10.5334/JPL.96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.96","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is concerned with the diachrony of passivization in Papiamentu. While it is generally held in the literature that passivization in Papiamentu is a non-native 19th century borrowing from Dutch and Spanish, this paper argues that it is in fact an original, native feature of the Papiamentu grammar. With that purpose, the use of auxiliary-less passives in Early (19th / early 20th century) Papiamentu texts is illustrated and analyzed in detail. In addition, synchronic evidence will be adduced. This paper furthermore argues that Papiamentu inherited its passive morphology from proto-Upper Guinea Portuguese Creole. To bolster that claim, the auxiliary-less passives found in Early Papiamentu texts will be systematically compared with passivization patterns found in Upper Guinea Portuguese Creole.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2011-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70691106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This PhD dissertation proposes a model for a phonological description of the speech patterns observed in the Portuguese language variety spoken in the Beira Interior (BI) region (in the municipality of Fundao). Our major goal was to present the main phone prototypes, which could be considered in the description of the Portuguese language, taking into account minority speech.
{"title":"Sistema fonológico da Beira Interior e algumas considerações sintáctico-semânticas","authors":"Sara Candeias","doi":"10.5334/JPL.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.97","url":null,"abstract":"This PhD dissertation proposes a model for a phonological description of the speech patterns observed in the Portuguese language variety spoken in the Beira Interior (BI) region (in the municipality of Fundao). Our major goal was to present the main phone prototypes, which could be considered in the description of the Portuguese language, taking into account minority speech.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2011-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70691066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the present article is to deconstruct a specific line of argumentation used by Boeckx, Hornstein, and Nunes (2010) to support what is usually called the movement theory of control. Such line of argumentation involves the assumption that null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese are “controlled” in the sense that they are derived by A-movement out of finite clauses. It is shown that the postulation of finite control in Brazilian Portuguese requires assumptions that are not empirically supported. An alternative analysis is discussed and argued to be theoretically and empirically superior to movement analyses. That alternative analysis takes null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese to be elided topics.
{"title":"Finite control: Where movement goes wrong in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"M. Modesto","doi":"10.5334/JPL.95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.95","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the present article is to deconstruct a specific line of argumentation used by Boeckx, Hornstein, and Nunes (2010) to support what is usually called the movement theory of control. Such line of argumentation involves the assumption that null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese are “controlled” in the sense that they are derived by A-movement out of finite clauses. It is shown that the postulation of finite control in Brazilian Portuguese requires assumptions that are not empirically supported. An alternative analysis is discussed and argued to be theoretically and empirically superior to movement analyses. That alternative analysis takes null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese to be elided topics.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2011-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70690878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper reviews recent studies on the early segmentation of word forms from fluent speech. After having exposed the importance of this issue from a developmental point of view, we summarize studies conducted on this issue with American English-learning infants. These studies show that segmentation abilities emerge around 8 months, develop during the following months, and rely on infants’ processing of various word boundary cues the relative weight of which changes across development. Given that these studies show that infants mostly use cues that are specific to the language they are acquiring, we underline that the development of these abilities should vary cross-linguistically, and raise the issue of the developmental origin of segmentation abilities. We then offer one solution to both the crosslinguistic differences (also observed in adulthood) and bootstrapping issues in the form of the early rhythmic segmentation hypothesis. This hypothesis states that infants rely on the underlying rhythmic unit of their native language at the onset of segmentation abilities: the trochaic unit for stress-based languages, the syllable for syllable-based languages. After the presentation of various elements on which this hypothesis relies, we present recent data on French infants offering a first validation of this proposal.
{"title":"Cross-linguistic differences in early word form segmentation: a rhythmic-based account","authors":"Karima Mersad, Louise Goyet, T. Nazzi","doi":"10.5334/JPL.100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/JPL.100","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper reviews recent studies on the early segmentation of word forms from fluent speech. After having exposed the importance of this issue from a developmental point of view, we summarize studies conducted on this issue with American English-learning infants. These studies show that segmentation abilities emerge around 8 months, develop during the following months, and rely on infants’ processing of various word boundary cues the relative weight of which changes across development. Given that these studies show that infants mostly use cues that are specific to the language they are acquiring, we underline that the development of these abilities should vary cross-linguistically, and raise the issue of the developmental origin of segmentation abilities. We then offer one solution to both the crosslinguistic differences (also observed in adulthood) and bootstrapping issues in the form of the early rhythmic segmentation hypothesis. This hypothesis states that infants rely on the underlying rhythmic unit of their native language at the onset of segmentation abilities: the trochaic unit for stress-based languages, the syllable for syllable-based languages. After the presentation of various elements on which this hypothesis relies, we present recent data on French infants offering a first validation of this proposal.","PeriodicalId":41871,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Portuguese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2011-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70684317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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