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Smart urban governance: An urgent symbiosis? 智慧城市治理:迫切的共生关系?
Pub Date : 2019-08-27 DOI: 10.3233/IP-190130
Huaxiong Jiang, S. Geertman, P. Witte
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引用次数: 24
Governing Smart Cities: Why Do Academics Need to Study Trendy Concepts? 治理智慧城市:为什么学者需要研究流行概念?
Pub Date : 2019-08-27 DOI: 10.3233/ip-190007
A. Meijer, C. Webster
In this issue of Information Polity we are delighted to present a set of thought-provoking papers on governing smart cities. These papers present a range of theoretical and empirical analyses of new emerging relations between new digital technologies and urban governance. A critical observer might question the choice of subject matter – why is it of interest to read a set of papers focused on a trendy concept like smart cities? Why don’t we focus on meaningful theoretical concepts such as socio-technological dynamics, informatization, the information polity or information intermediaries? Why don’t we just stick to strong theoretical narratives from disciplines such as political science, information science or organizational science? Information Polity is not the only journal that presents special issues on contemporary topics. At conferences and in journals, there is an observable trend for researchers to present research about the latest technological developments in their field. As academics in the field of e-government studies, we tend to focus on concepts that are en vogue, such as agile government, smart governance, artificial intelligence, blockchain, etc. Considerable effort is spent unpacking and repacking these concepts, often using the analytical tools embedded in different disciplinary approaches. In doing so, it is evident that narrow prescriptive labels are often not especially meaningful and that any new concept or approach needs to be understood and embedded in existing social-scientific theories of governance, democracy and the public sector. A cynic might argue that this energy could better be spent on ‘real’ academic work and that examining the latest industry terminology or policy jargon is actually a distraction to understanding the real institutional and normative changes occurring in our field. So why focus on a trendy concept like smart cities? A pragmatic explanation would be that we as academics have to use these concepts to obtain funding for our research. Funding agencies consistently ask for research that is related to current trends and topics, and this often means that proposals need to be connected to the latest hyped concept in the public sector. We understand how this works, but at the same time this is not the reason why we are presenting a special issue on governing the smart city. We cannot be naïve in these dynamics, but we also should not let the logic of the funder determine our research agendas. There are also a number of good reasons for focusing on emerging concepts like smart city governance. A practical reason is that we can use such terminology as a starting point for a conversation with practitioners, policy-makers and industry. By making reference to the latest policy and service delivery terminology, however trendy, gives us a chance to foster positive conversations with organizational actors. Academic jargon and complex impractical theoretical approaches are typically less attractive to practitione
在本期的《资讯政策》中,我们很高兴为大家提供一系列关于治理智慧城市的文章,这些文章发人深省。这些论文对新数字技术与城市治理之间的新关系进行了一系列理论和实证分析。挑剔的观察者可能会质疑主题的选择——为什么阅读一组专注于智能城市等时髦概念的论文会引起人们的兴趣?为什么我们不把重点放在有意义的理论概念上,比如社会技术动力学、信息化、信息政策或信息中介?为什么我们不坚持从政治学、信息科学或组织科学等学科中获得强有力的理论叙述呢?《信息政策》并不是唯一一本就当代话题发表专题的杂志。在会议和期刊上,研究人员展示他们领域最新技术发展的研究是一个可观察到的趋势。作为电子政务研究领域的学者,我们倾向于关注当下流行的概念,如敏捷政府、智能治理、人工智能、区块链等。我们花费了大量的精力来拆解和重新包装这些概念,通常使用嵌入在不同学科方法中的分析工具。在这样做的过程中,很明显,狭隘的规定性标签往往不是特别有意义,任何新的概念或办法都需要理解并纳入现有的关于管理、民主和公共部门的社会科学理论。愤世嫉俗的人可能会争辩说,这些精力最好花在“真正的”学术工作上,研究最新的行业术语或政策术语实际上是一种分心,无法理解我们这个领域发生的真正的制度和规范变化。那么,为什么要关注像智慧城市这样的时髦概念呢?一个务实的解释是,作为学者,我们必须利用这些概念为我们的研究获得资金。资助机构总是要求与当前趋势和主题相关的研究,这通常意味着提案需要与公共部门最新炒作的概念联系起来。我们理解这是如何运作的,但同时这也不是我们提出智慧城市治理专题的原因。我们不能在这些动态中naïve,但我们也不应该让资助者的逻辑决定我们的研究议程。关注智能城市治理等新兴概念也有很多很好的理由。一个实际的原因是,我们可以使用这些术语作为与从业者、政策制定者和行业对话的起点。通过参考最新的政策和服务交付术语,无论多么时髦,都使我们有机会促进与组织参与者的积极对话。学术术语和复杂的不切实际的理论方法通常对实践者不太有吸引力,因此不太可能支持正在进行的对话。如果对话以引用最新概念开始,那么我们就有机会与他们的框架建立联系,这样双方就可以探索一种互利的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Open data policy-making: A review of the state-of-the-art and an emerging research agenda 开放数据政策制定:对最新研究成果和新兴研究议程的回顾
Pub Date : 2019-05-29 DOI: 10.3233/IP-190160
Anneke Zuiderwijk, C. Hinnant
This section presents a selection of papers on open data policy- making from the 19th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research 2018 (dg.o 2018). To position the research discussed in this section meaningfully, our introductory article aims to create an overview of the state- of- the- art of open data policy- making research and to derive an emerging research agenda from this overview. We found that much research has been done in the field of open data in the past few decades. However, the number of conducted systematic literature reviews concerning open data research is limited and literature reviews that have included aspects related to open data policy- making are even more rare. Our analysis of eight systematic literature review articles that include the topic of open data policy- making shows that these articles contain four main content-related elements: open data policy- making, a discussion of open data policy- making research, theory used in open data policy- making research and suggested areas for future research about open data policy- making. We discuss each of these areas and we outline emerging research directions categorized by three main topics: 1) open data policy- making and theory development, 2) open data policy- making effects, and 3) open data policy- making from a multi-actor perspective. Finally, we provide an overview of the papers included in this section on open data policy-making.
本节介绍了2018年第19届数字政府研究国际会议(dg. 11)上关于开放数据政策制定的论文选集。啊,2018)。为了对本节中讨论的研究进行有意义的定位,我们的介绍性文章旨在概述开放数据政策制定研究的最新状况,并从该概述中得出一个新兴的研究议程。我们发现,在过去的几十年里,在开放数据领域已经做了很多研究。然而,关于开放数据研究的系统文献综述数量有限,包括开放数据政策制定相关方面的文献综述更是罕见。我们分析了八篇包含开放数据政策制定主题的系统文献综述文章,发现这些文章包含四个主要内容相关元素:开放数据政策制定、开放数据政策制定研究的讨论、开放数据政策制定研究中使用的理论以及开放数据政策制定未来研究的建议领域。我们讨论了这些领域,并概述了三个主要主题分类的新兴研究方向:1)开放数据政策制定和理论发展,2)开放数据政策制定效果,以及3)从多参与者的角度来看开放数据政策制定。最后,我们概述了本节中关于开放数据决策的论文。
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引用次数: 9
The barriers to the opening of government data in the UK: A view from the bottom 英国政府数据开放的障碍:来自底层的观点
Pub Date : 2019-05-03 DOI: 10.3233/IP-180107
Victoria Wang, David Shepherd, Mark D. Button
This paper explores some of the key barriers to Open Government Data (OGD) that responsible civil servants in the UK face as they try to comply with the UK-led OGD initiative. Empirically, we provide a quantitative analysis of the resources published on the government’s central OGD portal, data.gov.uk, and a unique insight into the publishing of OGD in the UK based on 22 interviews with responsible individuals at the operational level of publishing OGD. Our findings reveal that while the barriers to open government information have been substantially reduced, the barriers to open government data persist. Even the most enthusiastic responsible individuals face considerable obstacles in publishing OGD. Further, a key barrier to OGD in the UK is its impression management strategy based on its informational rather than data orientation. Due to the UK’s pioneering position in the OGD initiative, these findings are relevant to understanding and improving OGD programmes at local, national and international levels. The findings may, subsequently, lead to evidence-based strategies and policies.
本文探讨了英国负责任的公务员在试图遵守英国领导的OGD倡议时面临的一些开放政府数据(OGD)的主要障碍。根据经验,我们对政府中央OGD门户网站data.gov.uk上发布的资源进行了定量分析,并基于对22位OGD发布运营层面负责人的采访,对英国OGD发布进行了独特的见解。我们的研究结果表明,虽然政府信息开放的障碍已经大大减少,但政府数据开放的障碍仍然存在。即使是最热心的负责任的个人在发布OGD时也面临相当大的障碍。此外,OGD在英国的一个主要障碍是其基于信息而非数据导向的印象管理策略。由于英国在OGD计划中的领先地位,这些发现与理解和改进地方、国家和国际层面的OGD计划有关。这些发现可能随后导致以证据为基础的战略和政策。
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引用次数: 16
The effect of the Internet on corruption awareness and corruption incidence in the EU 互联网对欧盟腐败意识和腐败发生率的影响
Pub Date : 2019-03-06 DOI: 10.3233/IP-180086
J. Huňady
It is obvious that the Internet connection brings several unquestionable benefits to people and society. However, not all of them can be seen at first sight. This study examines the potential effect of Internet usage on corruption awareness as well as experience with corruption and actual reporting of corruption cases. We conducted mainly IV probit and 2SLS regression based on the data from the Eurobarometer survey. We have found that intensity of Internet usage seems to be a significant factor affecting respondents’ knowledge about where to report the corruption. Internet usage appears to have a positive effect on the accuracy of corruption extent estimation in a country. Moreover, our results strongly suggest that those using the Internet frequently are more likely to report experiences of corruption. In line with this result, promoting of Internet usage and enabling Internet access can be seen as a potential anti-corruption tool. Our findings have several important implications for anti-corruption and bribery policies. Due to the fact that especially the initial installation cost proves to be the essential problem, the effective strategy should also include the subsidies for Internet access.
很明显,互联网连接给人们和社会带来了一些不容置疑的好处。然而,并不是所有的都能一眼看到。本研究探讨互联网使用对贪污意识、贪污经验及实际举报贪污案件的潜在影响。基于Eurobarometer调查数据,我们主要进行了IV probit和2SLS回归。我们发现,互联网使用的密集程度似乎是影响受访者对何处举报贪污的知识的重要因素。互联网的使用似乎对一个国家腐败程度估计的准确性有积极的影响。此外,我们的研究结果强烈表明,经常使用互联网的人更有可能报告腐败经历。根据这一结果,促进互联网的使用和允许互联网接入可以被视为一种潜在的反腐败工具。我们的研究结果对反腐败和贿赂政策有几个重要的启示。由于事实证明,特别是初始安装成本是必不可少的问题,因此有效的策略还应包括对互联网接入的补贴。
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引用次数: 6
Platform politics: Party organisation in the digital age 平台政治:数字时代的政党组织
Pub Date : 2019-01-04 DOI: 10.3233/IP-180093
Alberto Lioy, Marc Esteve Del Valle, J. Gottlieb
This article examines the interaction of organisational and technological changes adopted by parties to respond to members’ demands for more participation. We develop a term, platform politics, and create a framework for identifying how parties use platforms to open or close intra-party decision-making. The framework is then applied to two institutionalised parties (PSOE and PD) and to two movement-based parties (Podemos and M5S) of the changing party systems of Spain and Italy. We conclude that the tensions between existing organisational structures and the use of internet-based platforms create a series of unintended consequences for parties, which result in potentially disruptive outcomes.
本文考察了各方为响应成员更多参与的要求而采取的组织变革和技术变革之间的相互作用。我们开发了一个术语,平台政治,并创建了一个框架,用于确定政党如何使用平台来开启或关闭党内决策。然后将该框架应用于西班牙和意大利两个制度化的政党(社会主义工人党和民主党)以及两个以运动为基础的政党(我们可以党和五星运动党)。我们的结论是,现有组织结构和基于互联网平台的使用之间的紧张关系为各方创造了一系列意想不到的后果,从而导致潜在的破坏性结果。
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引用次数: 13
Creating value through data collaboratives 通过数据协作创造价值
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.3233/IP-180070
B. Klievink, H. V. D. Voort, W. Veeneman
Driven by the technological capabilities that ICTs offer, data enable new ways to generate value for both society and the parties that own or offer the data. This article looks at the idea of data collaboratives as a form of cross-sector partnership to exchange and integrate data and data use to generate public value. The concept thereby bridges data-driven value creation and collaboration, both current themes in the field. To understand how data collaboratives can add value in a public governance context, we exploratively studied the qualitative longitudinal case of an infomobility platform. We investigated the ability of a data collaborative to produce results while facing significant challenges and tensions between the goals of parties, each having the conflicting objectives of simultaneously retaining control whilst allowing for generativity. Taken together, the literature and case study findings help us to understand the emergence and viability of data collaboratives. Although limited by this study’s explorative nature, we find that conditions such as prior history of collaboration and supportive rules of the game are key to the emergence of collaboration. Positive feedback between trust and the collaboration process can institutionalise the collaborative, which helps it survive if conditions change for the worse.
在信息通信技术提供的技术能力的推动下,数据为社会和拥有或提供数据的各方创造价值提供了新的途径。本文将数据协作的概念视为一种跨部门伙伴关系的形式,以交换和整合数据和数据使用以产生公共价值。因此,这个概念连接了数据驱动的价值创造和协作,这两个领域的当前主题。为了理解数据协作如何在公共治理环境中增加价值,我们探索性地研究了一个信息移动平台的定性纵向案例。我们调查了数据协作产生结果的能力,同时面临着各方目标之间的重大挑战和紧张关系,每个人都有相互冲突的目标,同时保持控制,同时允许生成。综上所述,文献和案例研究结果有助于我们理解数据协作的出现和可行性。尽管受限于本研究的探索性,我们发现合作的先验历史和支持性游戏规则等条件是合作出现的关键。信任和协作过程之间的积极反馈可以使协作制度化,这有助于在情况变得更糟的情况下生存下来。
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引用次数: 16
Social networks, cultural orientations and e-government adoption behavior: A Fijian study 社会网络、文化取向与电子政务采用行为:一项斐济研究
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.3233/IP-170068
F. Zhao, Suwastika Naidu, A. Chand, Gurmeet Singh, Aarti Sewak, Maureen Karan
Research demonstrates that social networks have an intrinsic relationship with culture. However, very limited research – theoretical or empirical – has examined how social networks, along with cultural orientations, influence e-government adoption. In this paper we seek to address the gap. Based on social network theory, as well as the culture models of Hofstede (2001) and House et al. (2004), we develop a research model to study the relationships between social networks, cultural orientations and e-government adoption behavior. We then test the model empirically by means of a survey in Fiji where community-based social networks are an integral part of people’s lives. Our results demonstrate in detail how social networks and cultural orientations influence e-government adoption. The theoretical and practical implications of the study are discussed.
研究表明,社交网络与文化有着内在的联系。然而,非常有限的研究——无论是理论的还是实证的——研究了社会网络以及文化取向如何影响电子政务的采用。在本文中,我们试图解决这一差距。基于社会网络理论,结合Hofstede(2001)和House等人(2004)的文化模型,我们建立了一个研究社会网络、文化取向和电子政务采用行为之间关系的研究模型。然后,我们通过在斐济进行的一项调查对该模型进行了实证检验,在斐济,以社区为基础的社交网络是人们生活中不可或缺的一部分。我们的研究结果详细展示了社会网络和文化取向如何影响电子政务的采用。讨论了本研究的理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 2
Pseudo-public political speech: Democratic implications of the Cambridge Analytica scandal 伪公开政治演讲:剑桥分析公司丑闻的民主含义
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.3233/IP-180009
J. Heawood
On 29 July 2018, the House of Commons Select Committee on Digital, Culture, Media and Sport published a report on ‘fake news’ (DCMS, 2018). Oddly, but perhaps appropriately, the report wasn’t actually about fake news. The Select Committee explained that, although they had begun by looking at fake news, they had been diverted by a series of stories about a company called Cambridge Analytica1 that were published in the Observer earlier this year. In those articles, Carole Cadwalladr,2 the Observer journalist, had revealed that Cambridge Analytica, or companies linked to Cambridge Analytica, had used the personal data of about 200,000 Facebook users to build up detailed psychological profiles of up to 87 million Facebook users. Whilst the initial 200,000 users had voluntarily completed a personality test, they had not necessarily known how their answers would be used, and the 87 million users who were profiled had most certainly not given their informed consent for this (Cadwalladr, 2018). Cambridge Analytica used this massive database to help political campaigners in the United Kingdom, the United States and other countries to target Facebook users with highly specific messages. This ‘microtargeting’ has been defined as ‘a type of personalised communication that involves collecting information about people, and using that information to show them targeted political advertisements’ (Borgesius et al., 2018: 81). Cambridge Analytica used a profiling tool called OCEAN to categorise Facebook users on the basis of their ‘Openness’, ‘Conscientiousness’, ‘Extraversion’, ‘Agreeableness’ and ‘Neuroticism’. They then helped their clients to target users with the most effective messages. The Select Committee observed that Cambridge Analytica ‘might play on the fears of someone who could be frightened into believing that they needed the right to have a gun to protect their home from intruders’
2018年7月29日,下议院数字、文化、媒体和体育特别委员会发布了一份关于“假新闻”的报告(DCMS, 2018)。奇怪的是,这篇报道实际上并不是关于假新闻的,但也许是恰当的。特别委员会解释说,尽管他们一开始是在调查假新闻,但今年早些时候《观察家报》上发表的一系列关于剑桥分析公司的报道转移了他们的注意力。在这些文章中,《观察家报》记者卡罗尔·卡德瓦拉德(Carole Cadwalladr)披露,剑桥分析公司或与剑桥分析公司有关联的公司,使用了大约20万Facebook用户的个人数据,建立了多达8700万Facebook用户的详细心理档案。虽然最初的20万用户是自愿完成性格测试的,但他们并不一定知道他们的答案将如何被使用,而被分析的8700万用户几乎肯定没有对此表示知情同意(Cadwalladr, 2018)。剑桥分析公司利用这个庞大的数据库,帮助英国、美国和其他国家的政治活动家向Facebook用户发送高度具体的信息。这种“微目标”被定义为“一种个性化的沟通,涉及收集人们的信息,并使用这些信息向他们展示有针对性的政治广告”(Borgesius等人,2018:81)。剑桥分析公司使用了一种名为OCEAN的分析工具,根据“开放性”、“严谨性”、“外向性”、“宜人性”和“神经质”对Facebook用户进行分类。然后,他们帮助客户向目标用户发送最有效的信息。特别委员会指出,剑桥分析公司“可能会利用一些人的恐惧,让他们相信自己需要拥有枪支的权利来保护自己的家不受入侵者的侵犯”。
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引用次数: 22
Explaining non-adoption of electronic government services by citizens: A study among non-users of public e-services in Latvia 解释公民不采用电子政府服务:拉脱维亚非公共电子服务用户的研究
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.3233/IP-170069
S. Walle, Zane Zeibote, Sergejs Stacenko, T. Muravska, K. Migchelbrink
This paper analyses citizen motives for not using electronic government services. Using qualitative interviews among users of Citizens´ Service Centers in Latvia, this paper analyses the motives of citizens not to use electronic government services but to rely on non-electronic equivalents or on in-person assistance. It expands the literature on e-commerce and egovernment through an explicit focus on non-adoption rather than adoption. Findings show a higher than expected importance of hardware and internet availability, as well convenience factors as important reasons for non-adoption. The research furthermore reveals that the well-intentioned supply of non-electronic alternatives may hamper the take-up of egovernment. A number of recommendations for the further development of electronic government services follow.
本文分析了公民不使用电子政务服务的动机。通过对拉脱维亚公民服务中心用户的定性访谈,本文分析了公民不使用电子政府服务,而是依赖非电子等同物或亲自协助的动机。它通过明确地关注非采用而不是采用,扩展了电子商务和电子政务的文献。调查结果显示,硬件和互联网可用性的重要性高于预期,便利性因素是不采用的重要原因。研究进一步表明,非电子替代品的善意供应可能会阻碍电子政务的普及。以下是进一步发展电子政府服务的若干建议。
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引用次数: 11
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Inf. Polity
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