The study analysed the Zimbabwean responses to the RENAMO incursions that have affected communities along the border. The analysis was done through the lens of John Paul Lederach’s theory of Conflict Transformation. In particular, the study sought to gauge the effectiveness and sustainability of these methods employed by both the Zimbabwean community and the government. The recurrence of the violent incursions necessitated the study into the Zimbabwean border communities by the RENAMO rebels. It was also necessitated by the recurrence of hostilities between RENAMO and FRELIMO forces in Mozambique. The study was based on the case study of Chipinge in Manicaland, Zimbabwe. The community is located near the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border and is frequently affected by violent incursions whenever conflict breaks out in Mozambique. The research findings made it clear that the Zimbabwean responses to the RENAMO incursions have not been effective. The responses thus far have left the border communities vulnerable to further attacks from the rebels. However, these approaches are unsustainable from a Conflict transformation perspective. The approaches are short-sighted in outlook and have at best achieved a negative peace scenario. The study recommends Zimbabwe devise a conflict transformative approach that is long term in nature to stand against the RENAMO incursions effectively.
{"title":"The Zimbabwean Response to RENAMO Incursions: A Conflict Transformation Perspective","authors":"M. Muchanyuka","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.368","url":null,"abstract":"The study analysed the Zimbabwean responses to the RENAMO incursions that have affected communities along the border. The analysis was done through the lens of John Paul Lederach’s theory of Conflict Transformation. In particular, the study sought to gauge the effectiveness and sustainability of these methods employed by both the Zimbabwean community and the government. The recurrence of the violent incursions necessitated the study into the Zimbabwean border communities by the RENAMO rebels. It was also necessitated by the recurrence of hostilities between RENAMO and FRELIMO forces in Mozambique. The study was based on the case study of Chipinge in Manicaland, Zimbabwe. The community is located near the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border and is frequently affected by violent incursions whenever conflict breaks out in Mozambique. The research findings made it clear that the Zimbabwean responses to the RENAMO incursions have not been effective. The responses thus far have left the border communities vulnerable to further attacks from the rebels. However, these approaches are unsustainable from a Conflict transformation perspective. The approaches are short-sighted in outlook and have at best achieved a negative peace scenario. The study recommends Zimbabwe devise a conflict transformative approach that is long term in nature to stand against the RENAMO incursions effectively.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77405211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The political arena is now abounding with people who either live ‘off’ or ‘for’ politics. The ferocious competition for people’s votes is akin to economic competition and as this study submits, the politicians are just like business people. Both productive and predatory profit opportunities have pervaded the Zimbabwean political arena where politics is a type of business. Political positions have afforded some people access to economic resources, making politics the quickest way to untold and unending riches. As a result, the political landscape has invited abuse of power thereby decimating not the physical being but the entire moral fibre of the nation. This study shows how Zimbabwean political leaders have turned out to be the primary controllers and distributors of power and resources with the capacity to penetrate society politically and secure their hegemony. Reference is made to politicians belonging to the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), where politicians from either party have exhibited, though not uniformly, patterns of misconduct characteristic of political entrepreneurship. This paper applies the theory of the entrepreneur to political behaviour for the purpose of identifying political entrepreneurs and analytically distinguishing them from other government agents.
{"title":"Dynamics of Political Entrepreneurship among the Elites in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe","authors":"G. Tarugarira","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.384","url":null,"abstract":"The political arena is now abounding with people who either live ‘off’ or ‘for’ politics. The ferocious competition for people’s votes is akin to economic competition and as this study submits, the politicians are just like business people. Both productive and predatory profit opportunities have pervaded the Zimbabwean political arena where politics is a type of business. Political positions have afforded some people access to economic resources, making politics the quickest way to untold and unending riches. As a result, the political landscape has invited abuse of power thereby decimating not the physical being but the entire moral fibre of the nation. This study shows how Zimbabwean political leaders have turned out to be the primary controllers and distributors of power and resources with the capacity to penetrate society politically and secure their hegemony. Reference is made to politicians belonging to the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), where politicians from either party have exhibited, though not uniformly, patterns of misconduct characteristic of political entrepreneurship. This paper applies the theory of the entrepreneur to political behaviour for the purpose of identifying political entrepreneurs and analytically distinguishing them from other government agents.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85197743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of social security is not a new phenomenon to sub-Saharan Africa. Before the introduction of formal social security systems, local communities had their own unique traditional ways of protecting their members from the hazards and vicissitude of life. This paper provides an overview of social security in sub-Saharan Africa. Arguably, high unemployment in the region has contributed towards the rise of the informal sector. Nevertheless, this sector has been precluded from the existing formal social security arrangements. Through an extensive and systematic review of literature on social security, it was established that existing formal social security systems in sub-Saharan Africa are fragmented and lack inclusivity. The findings revealed that the majority of the population is excluded from formal social security schemes because they work in the informal sector. However, the existing formal social security schemes are generally labour-centred and state-regulated. The recommendations include the transformation of existing social security measures to include the informal sector and other vulnerable groups. In light of the low coverage, the social security narrative needs to be revisited. There is a need to integrate and synchronise existing formal social security strategies with traditional social security arrangements in the region.
{"title":"Reflecting on the past, present, and future of social security systems in Africa with specific reference to selected countries","authors":"N. Nhede","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.372","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of social security is not a new phenomenon to sub-Saharan Africa. Before the introduction of formal social security systems, local communities had their own unique traditional ways of protecting their members from the hazards and vicissitude of life. This paper provides an overview of social security in sub-Saharan Africa. Arguably, high unemployment in the region has contributed towards the rise of the informal sector. Nevertheless, this sector has been precluded from the existing formal social security arrangements. Through an extensive and systematic review of literature on social security, it was established that existing formal social security systems in sub-Saharan Africa are fragmented and lack inclusivity. The findings revealed that the majority of the population is excluded from formal social security schemes because they work in the informal sector. However, the existing formal social security schemes are generally labour-centred and state-regulated. The recommendations include the transformation of existing social security measures to include the informal sector and other vulnerable groups. In light of the low coverage, the social security narrative needs to be revisited. There is a need to integrate and synchronise existing formal social security strategies with traditional social security arrangements in the region.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85178777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3720
Dominic Maphanga
{"title":"Eddy Maloka, When Foreign Becomes Domestic: The Interplay of National Interests, Pan-Africanism and Internationalism in South Africa’s Foreign Policy, Johannesburg: Ssali Publishing House, 2019","authors":"Dominic Maphanga","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3720","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"198 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76959662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3619
T. Ojo
This paper describes a study of South Africans’ national perception and alignment to financial inclusion for women. It explains the impact of institutional roles and governance on financial inclusion in South Africa. There is ample evidence of government eff orts on implementing financial inclusion in the country. Still, the significance of how governance and institutions promote access to finance for women has been overlooked in the literature. The main objective of this study is to identify the impact of institutional quality and governance on financial inclusion for women in South Africa. Data for analytical purposes supporting the research has been obtained from primary sources through semi-structured open-ended interviews collected from 2019 to 2020. The research approach employed and coded data from a recent study on 30 women entrepreneurs, five key policymakers on women empowerment and five financial institutions supervisors on financial inclusion for women. The results obtained suggest that there is little institutional quality and governance on financial inclusion for women, and further eff orts must be intensified to achieve equal access to financial services in South Africa. Furthermore, the paper presents recommendations for policymakers that, if implemented, would prove fruitful. Policymakers are expected to facilitate gender-mainstreaming/strategies and working policies, monitoring and evaluation, financial literacy, and transparent legal framework on financial policies addressing women.
{"title":"Impact of Institutional Quality and Governance on Financial Inclusion for Women in South Africa: A Case of Gauteng Women Entrepreneurs","authors":"T. Ojo","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3619","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes a study of South Africans’ national perception and alignment to financial inclusion for women. It explains the impact of institutional roles and governance on financial inclusion in South Africa. There is ample evidence of government eff orts on implementing financial inclusion in the country. Still, the significance of how governance and institutions promote access to finance for women has been overlooked in the literature. The main objective of this study is to identify the impact of institutional quality and governance on financial inclusion for women in South Africa. Data for analytical purposes supporting the research has been obtained from primary sources through semi-structured open-ended interviews collected from 2019 to 2020. The research approach employed and coded data from a recent study on 30 women entrepreneurs, five key policymakers on women empowerment and five financial institutions supervisors on financial inclusion for women. The results obtained suggest that there is little institutional quality and governance on financial inclusion for women, and further eff orts must be intensified to achieve equal access to financial services in South Africa. Furthermore, the paper presents recommendations for policymakers that, if implemented, would prove fruitful. Policymakers are expected to facilitate gender-mainstreaming/strategies and working policies, monitoring and evaluation, financial literacy, and transparent legal framework on financial policies addressing women.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"2014 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86597986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Post-1994 South Africa is founded on values of human dignity, equality and ensuring fundamental human rights for all which are enshrined in its democratic constitution. This comes as the advent of democracy in South Africa from the apartheid past coincided with the advancement of the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDPs) reconfigured concept of security from a state-centric to a people-focused ideal. The new concept of human security integrates all rights, needs and security of men together with aspirations for sustainable and inclusive development. It advocates for the protection and empowerment of people against threats to their lives, something that the apartheid state failed to do as it was the main orchestrator of human insecurity in the country. Likewise, the article is a qualitative review of the role that human security has played in post-South Africa’s policymaking decisions using the level of analysis approach. The four levels feature the individual, local/provincial, domestic/state and global analysis. These levels of analysis help in shedding qualitative understanding of how a single dynamic in socio-political empowerment affects another. It concludes that despite the notion of human security being widely articulated as a conceptual basis for the country’s official documents, it lacks de facto operational power to shaping actual policy actions.
{"title":"The Qualitative Review of Human Security in South Africa: A Four Levels Analysis","authors":"S. Zondi","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.341","url":null,"abstract":"Post-1994 South Africa is founded on values of human dignity, equality and ensuring fundamental human rights for all which are enshrined in its democratic constitution. This comes as the advent of democracy in South Africa from the apartheid past coincided with the advancement of the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDPs) reconfigured concept of security from a state-centric to a people-focused ideal. The new concept of human security integrates all rights, needs and security of men together with aspirations for sustainable and inclusive development. It advocates for the protection and empowerment of people against threats to their lives, something that the apartheid state failed to do as it was the main orchestrator of human insecurity in the country. Likewise, the article is a qualitative review of the role that human security has played in post-South Africa’s policymaking decisions using the level of analysis approach. The four levels feature the individual, local/provincial, domestic/state and global analysis. These levels of analysis help in shedding qualitative understanding of how a single dynamic in socio-political empowerment affects another. It concludes that despite the notion of human security being widely articulated as a conceptual basis for the country’s official documents, it lacks de facto operational power to shaping actual policy actions.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"135 10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82978767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fungayi Promote Maraire, M. Sani, Siti Darwinda Binti Mohamed
The paper argues for the need to look beyond norms in accounting for the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) noncommittal approach to crisis management in Zimbabwe as from the year 2000 onwards. To justify this need, the paper highlights some notable limitations in the dominant normative explanations for SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe. The paper posits that despite their popularity, norms do not account for SADC’s inconsistent approach to crisis management. Norms therefore, provide a partial and incomplete explanation for SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe. The paper concludes that the key factors shaping SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe go beyond just norms to include regional power dynamics in SADC. Therefore, this paper recommends extending debate on SADC’s approach to Zimbabwe beyond the currently dominant issue of norms.
{"title":"The Southern African Development Community’s Noncommittal Approach to Crisis Management in Zimbabwe: The Need to Look beyond Norms","authors":"Fungayi Promote Maraire, M. Sani, Siti Darwinda Binti Mohamed","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.337","url":null,"abstract":"The paper argues for the need to look beyond norms in accounting for the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) noncommittal approach to crisis management in Zimbabwe as from the year 2000 onwards. To justify this need, the paper highlights some notable limitations in the dominant normative explanations for SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe. The paper posits that despite their popularity, norms do not account for SADC’s inconsistent approach to crisis management. Norms therefore, provide a partial and incomplete explanation for SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe. The paper concludes that the key factors shaping SADC’s noncommittal approach to Zimbabwe go beyond just norms to include regional power dynamics in SADC. Therefore, this paper recommends extending debate on SADC’s approach to Zimbabwe beyond the currently dominant issue of norms.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81744632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3600
Kidane Seife
This paper focuses on the nature and significance of belonging and its intersection with Identity and being in the world. Its primary impetus is to address the question of belonging as it arises in postcolonial multi-ethnic, language, religious and racial identities in Africa. Where does ethnic and national Identity intersect and diverge? It remains a highly politicised and contested issue. Narratives on African belongings provide insights into the shape and complexity of the contemporary African debate and illustrate how, in the presentation of belonging as having multiple and competing manifestations, what it is to belong per se is rendered indistinct. This exemplifies the critical problem where Belonging is concerned. While Belonging is invoked as an issue of crucial existential concern in public discourse and across a broad range of disciplines, there is an apparent and troubling lack of conceptual or linguistic apparatus. The notion can be grasped and critically analysed. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore and redress this problematic situation. Consideration of Belonging also involves Identity and thinking of how these two concepts are articulated together in theory. This latter question is explored by surveying the theoretical and conceptual frameworks from which ‘senses’ of Identity and Belonging are commonly expressed in postcolonial Africa. Belonging qua correct relation represents an entirely new way of understanding, in existential terms, what it is to belong (or not), not only in the postcolonial African context but wherever and whenever the question arises.
{"title":"Being, Belonging and Becoming in Africa: A Postcolonial Rethinking","authors":"Kidane Seife","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3600","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3600","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the nature and significance of belonging and its intersection with Identity and being in the world. Its primary impetus is to address the question of belonging as it arises in postcolonial multi-ethnic, language, religious and racial identities in Africa. Where does ethnic and national Identity intersect and diverge? It remains a highly politicised and contested issue. Narratives on African belongings provide insights into the shape and complexity of the contemporary African debate and illustrate how, in the presentation of belonging as having multiple and competing manifestations, what it is to belong per se is rendered indistinct. This exemplifies the critical problem where Belonging is concerned. While Belonging is invoked as an issue of crucial existential concern in public discourse and across a broad range of disciplines, there is an apparent and troubling lack of conceptual or linguistic apparatus. The notion can be grasped and critically analysed. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore and redress this problematic situation. Consideration of Belonging also involves Identity and thinking of how these two concepts are articulated together in theory. This latter question is explored by surveying the theoretical and conceptual frameworks from which ‘senses’ of Identity and Belonging are commonly expressed in postcolonial Africa. Belonging qua correct relation represents an entirely new way of understanding, in existential terms, what it is to belong (or not), not only in the postcolonial African context but wherever and whenever the question arises.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87559268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article merges and examines the following four phenomena, (1) pandemics which are predominantly a human security matter, (2) vaccines and vaccinations, which are predominantly a public health matter, (3), power which is the alpha currency in international relations and, (4), fi nally ideology. Global developments such as wars, revolutions and pandemics usually give rise to new forms of power, redrawing power confi gurations and in some cases shift ing and redrawing biographical and geographical boundaries. This article explores the rise of vaccine nationalism and how it will impede the global eff orts to curtail the devastation of the Covid-19 pandemic. I also present the Covid-19 vaccine as a new currency in soft power that, unlike hard power, is owned by an emerging vaccine oligarchy epitomised as Big Pharma. Vaccine nationalism is positioned as being counterproductive to eff orts to reduce the eff ects of the virus. This way, vaccine nationalism and vaccine diplomacy constitute new forms of and fronts for colonialism. I conclude by asserting that vaccine nationalism will result in more asymmetrical power relations in international relations as the vaccine will gradually become a new form of soft power. As a form of soft power, the vaccine will entrench and perpetuate coloniality. Vaccine nationalism and vaccine diplomacy are self-defeating, will aid those paddling eugenics and result in a new form of inequality, vaccine inequality.
{"title":"Covid-19 Vaccine Nationalism and Vaccine Diplomacy: A New Currency in Soft Power?","authors":"Evaristo Benyera","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.871","url":null,"abstract":"This article merges and examines the following four phenomena, (1) pandemics which are predominantly a human security matter, (2) vaccines and vaccinations, which are predominantly a public health matter, (3), power which is the alpha currency in international relations and, (4), fi nally ideology. Global developments such as wars, revolutions and pandemics usually give rise to new forms of power, redrawing power confi gurations and in some cases shift ing and redrawing biographical and geographical boundaries. This article explores the rise of vaccine nationalism and how it will impede the global eff orts to curtail the devastation of the Covid-19 pandemic. I also present the Covid-19 vaccine as a new currency in soft power that, unlike hard power, is owned by an emerging vaccine oligarchy epitomised as Big Pharma. Vaccine nationalism is positioned as being counterproductive to eff orts to reduce the eff ects of the virus. This way, vaccine nationalism and vaccine diplomacy constitute new forms of and fronts for colonialism. I conclude by asserting that vaccine nationalism will result in more asymmetrical power relations in international relations as the vaccine will gradually become a new form of soft power. As a form of soft power, the vaccine will entrench and perpetuate coloniality. Vaccine nationalism and vaccine diplomacy are self-defeating, will aid those paddling eugenics and result in a new form of inequality, vaccine inequality.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72865611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.2540
Keaobaka Tsholo
The purpose of this study is to examine the transition of liberation movements into political parties and whether that guarantees good governance or not. Since the end of the Second World War and the Cold War, the number of democratic states has increased on all continents. African states began to explore democratic governance from independence and the end of apartheid. Furthermore, the liberation struggle fought by many African movements led to independence and ‘decolonisation’. The emergence of these liberation movements was to emancipate and liberate their respective states so that the rule of oppressive imperialists such as the British could come to an end. The transition of the former colonial states ensured that the movements which fought the liberation struggle turned into political parties. The study uses the cases of the Zimbabwe African National-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) in Zimbabwe and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to interrogate the transition into political parties and examine if good governance has been achieved because of that. The study has found that the implications of former liberation movements turning into political parties have not had the foreseen intentions. With the neopatrimonial theory, the study substantially examines whether ZANU-PF and the ANC have been in accordance with or against the dynamics of good governance informed by liberalism values.
{"title":"Do Transitions from Liberation Movements to Political Parties Guarantee Good Governance? The Case of ZANU-PF and the ANC","authors":"Keaobaka Tsholo","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.2540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.2540","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to examine the transition of liberation movements into political parties and whether that guarantees good governance or not. Since the end of the Second World War and the Cold War, the number of democratic states has increased on all continents. African states began to explore democratic governance from independence and the end of apartheid. Furthermore, the liberation struggle fought by many African movements led to independence and ‘decolonisation’. The emergence of these liberation movements was to emancipate and liberate their respective states so that the rule of oppressive imperialists such as the British could come to an end. The transition of the former colonial states ensured that the movements which fought the liberation struggle turned into political parties. The study uses the cases of the Zimbabwe African National-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) in Zimbabwe and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to interrogate the transition into political parties and examine if good governance has been achieved because of that. The study has found that the implications of former liberation movements turning into political parties have not had the foreseen intentions. With the neopatrimonial theory, the study substantially examines whether ZANU-PF and the ANC have been in accordance with or against the dynamics of good governance informed by liberalism values.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"10 2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89859829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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