Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4462
S. Bamidele, I. Pikirayi
The AU Kampala Convention aims to ensure that the states that have signed the treaty protect and assist internally displaced persons (IDPs) in their regions to establish geopolitical security, which is threatened by the inevitability, volume and heterogeneity of forced displacement. This article interrogates the link between the Kampala Convention and the minimisation of interstate conflict through a political will to tackle the challenge of forced displacement amongst member states the cooperation and integration of which would contribute to geopolitical security. Thus, using secondary data, the author determines how addressing large-scale forced displacement in the region can improve geopolitical security. Thus, based on an extensive review of relevant IDP issues in Africa, attention is paid to displacement trends on the continent, factors precipitating displacement and the flow of IDPs across the region, a current analysis of the AU Kampala Convention framework, the challenges to African geopolitical security and responsibility-sharing amongst African states. The author concludes that there should be synergy between host and displaced communities for integration and the provision of opportunities for IDPs to regain their livelihoods. Therefore, African states need to adapt and implement, as a matter of urgency, national, regional and international policies to solve the challenges of internal displacement in Africa and ensure geopolitical security.
{"title":"The Kampala Convention and Challenges to Geopolitical Security","authors":"S. Bamidele, I. Pikirayi","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4462","url":null,"abstract":"The AU Kampala Convention aims to ensure that the states that have signed the treaty protect and assist internally displaced persons (IDPs) in their regions to establish geopolitical security, which is threatened by the inevitability, volume and heterogeneity of forced displacement. This article interrogates the link between the Kampala Convention and the minimisation of interstate conflict through a political will to tackle the challenge of forced displacement amongst member states the cooperation and integration of which would contribute to geopolitical security. Thus, using secondary data, the author determines how addressing large-scale forced displacement in the region can improve geopolitical security. Thus, based on an extensive review of relevant IDP issues in Africa, attention is paid to displacement trends on the continent, factors precipitating displacement and the flow of IDPs across the region, a current analysis of the AU Kampala Convention framework, the challenges to African geopolitical security and responsibility-sharing amongst African states. The author concludes that there should be synergy between host and displaced communities for integration and the provision of opportunities for IDPs to regain their livelihoods. Therefore, African states need to adapt and implement, as a matter of urgency, national, regional and international policies to solve the challenges of internal displacement in Africa and ensure geopolitical security.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42699641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4673
Cori Wielenga, Patrick Hajayandi, Samuel Igba
Questions have abounded as to what Burundi’s motives and interests have been in sending troops, and spearheading the intervention in the eastern DRC. With reference to the case of Burundi’s intervention within the East African Community’s (EAC) response to the growing conflict in the eastern DRC, this article considers a broad range of what Burundi’s motives and interests might be. This includes security and stability, both nationally and regionally, regional political dynamics and the position of Burundi within this, and trade and business opportunities. This article discusses that in terms of intervention, while the realist perspective can help us to understand Burundi’s intervention in DRC to a large extent, an additional layer of complexity is the multifaceted relationships that African neighbouring states have with one another, and to the continent as a whole. Manifestations of this can be seen in the emphasis by the African Union and individual African states on ‘African Solutions to African Problems’, the principle of subsidiarity, and the Responsibility to Protect. These considerations not only place people at the centre of intervention as opposed to placing the state at the centre, but they also speak to issues of African agency, African resistance to external ‘interference’, Pan-Africanist interests and the decolonial concern of addressing the ongoing colonial legacy.
{"title":"Why Burundi intervenes in the DRC: Self-interest to Pan-Africanist considerations?","authors":"Cori Wielenga, Patrick Hajayandi, Samuel Igba","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4673","url":null,"abstract":"Questions have abounded as to what Burundi’s motives and interests have been in sending troops, and spearheading the intervention in the eastern DRC. With reference to the case of Burundi’s intervention within the East African Community’s (EAC) response to the growing conflict in the eastern DRC, this article considers a broad range of what Burundi’s motives and interests might be. This includes security and stability, both nationally and regionally, regional political dynamics and the position of Burundi within this, and trade and business opportunities. \u0000This article discusses that in terms of intervention, while the realist perspective can help us to understand Burundi’s intervention in DRC to a large extent, an additional layer of complexity is the multifaceted relationships that African neighbouring states have with one another, and to the continent as a whole. Manifestations of this can be seen in the emphasis by the African Union and individual African states on ‘African Solutions to African Problems’, the principle of subsidiarity, and the Responsibility to Protect. These considerations not only place people at the centre of intervention as opposed to placing the state at the centre, but they also speak to issues of African agency, African resistance to external ‘interference’, Pan-Africanist interests and the decolonial concern of addressing the ongoing colonial legacy.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44156249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4016
George Abel Mhango, Angelita Kithatu-Kiwekete
In the past two decades, the world has witnessed a speedy evolution of peacekeeping mandates. In Africa, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo has become the biggest testing ground where United Nations missions have transformed from traditional peacekeeping to a novel complex of peacekeeping and peace enforcement. The crescendo of this evolution is exemplified by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2098 that authorized, within MONUSCO, a Force Intervention Brigade to neutralize all armed groups working contrary to the objectives of peace and stability in the eastern part of the country. This paper assesses the Force Intervention Brigade in order to determine whether it's operations have matched the expectations set by its proponents. It argues that, against the promise, FIB operations have been impeded by political and strategic factors which have far-reaching implications in the form and structure of future peace operations on the African continent.
{"title":"Peace Enforcement in the Democratic Republic of Congo","authors":"George Abel Mhango, Angelita Kithatu-Kiwekete","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4016","url":null,"abstract":"In the past two decades, the world has witnessed a speedy evolution of peacekeeping mandates. In Africa, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo has become the biggest testing ground where United Nations missions have transformed from traditional peacekeeping to a novel complex of peacekeeping and peace enforcement. The crescendo of this evolution is exemplified by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2098 that authorized, within MONUSCO, a Force Intervention Brigade to neutralize all armed groups working contrary to the objectives of peace and stability in the eastern part of the country. This paper assesses the Force Intervention Brigade in order to determine whether it's operations have matched the expectations set by its proponents. It argues that, against the promise, FIB operations have been impeded by political and strategic factors which have far-reaching implications in the form and structure of future peace operations on the African continent.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41530544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4617
K. Titeca
Russia has been trying to extend its influence over Africa over the last years; a process which became intensified due to the Russia-Ukraine war. Through the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article shows that although Russia plays an active role in this quest for influence by offering incentives (such as those shipments of weapons), anti-Western sentiments in the DRC are at least as important. These sentiments have been magnified by the M23 rebellion and perceptions of Western complicity in this crisis. This has resulted in pressure within the Congolese administration, particularly from the security forces, to “shift to Russia,” as well as Western efforts to counter this influence. At the same time, this ‘neo-Cold War’ has offered opportunities for political leverage by the Congolese government, to exercise pressure on Western governments – something which has not always been successful.
{"title":"Russian influence, anti-Western sentiments and African agency: The struggle for influence in the Democratic Republic of Congo","authors":"K. Titeca","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4617","url":null,"abstract":"Russia has been trying to extend its influence over Africa over the last years; a process which became intensified due to the Russia-Ukraine war. Through the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article shows that although Russia plays an active role in this quest for influence by offering incentives (such as those shipments of weapons), anti-Western sentiments in the DRC are at least as important. These sentiments have been magnified by the M23 rebellion and perceptions of Western complicity in this crisis. This has resulted in pressure within the Congolese administration, particularly from the security forces, to “shift to Russia,” as well as Western efforts to counter this influence. At the same time, this ‘neo-Cold War’ has offered opportunities for political leverage by the Congolese government, to exercise pressure on Western governments – something which has not always been successful.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49299440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4030
Abiodun Adiat
Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not a recent phenomenon. Power relations in this context refer to the binary nature of relations between Africa and the Western world in terms of knowledge production, application and transference. In its chronology, it has been in existence as far as the first decade of independence from European colonialism in the late 1950s. In spite of the novelty of these cerebral efforts in African studies in the post colonial era, little or no progress has been achieved in its application in our knowledge production processes. Postcolonialism as an intellectual binocular in the social sciences remains an under-explored standpoint even by African researchers in African Universities. Using the theory of Postcolonialism as its framework of analysis with primary and secondary materials, this article examines the prospect of decolonizing the epistemological processes and power relations in African studies. It also examines the factors that are responsible for the slow or no progress that has been achieved in this regard. While the article maintains a positive standpoint about the probability of decolonizing African knowledge and power relations, it concluded that the identified endogenic and exogenic challenges require an adequate attention from all the concerned stakeholders.
{"title":"Decolonizing Knowledge Production and Power Relations in African Studies: Prospects and Challenges","authors":"Abiodun Adiat","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v45i1.4030","url":null,"abstract":"Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not a recent phenomenon. Power relations in this context refer to the binary nature of relations between Africa and the Western world in terms of knowledge production, application and transference. In its chronology, it has been in existence as far as the first decade of independence from European colonialism in the late 1950s. In spite of the novelty of these cerebral efforts in African studies in the post colonial era, little or no progress has been achieved in its application in our knowledge production processes. Postcolonialism as an intellectual binocular in the social sciences remains an under-explored standpoint even by African researchers in African Universities. Using the theory of Postcolonialism as its framework of analysis with primary and secondary materials, this article examines the prospect of decolonizing the epistemological processes and power relations in African studies. It also examines the factors that are responsible for the slow or no progress that has been achieved in this regard. While the article maintains a positive standpoint about the probability of decolonizing African knowledge and power relations, it concluded that the identified endogenic and exogenic challenges require an adequate attention from all the concerned stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44563018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4100
J. Seekings, C. Saunders
The South African government and the ruling African National Congress shared the ambivalent responses of many African countries to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Analysing the South African response to the invasion, in the United Nations General Assembly debate and elsewhere, this paper suggests that the country’s professed “non-alignment” or neutrality was misleading, for South Africa was more critical of Western countries (and Ukraine) than of Russia. The support for an imperially minded, undemocratic Russia cast doubt on South Africa’s commitment to liberal democracy. Statements by government officials and members of civil society after the invasion suggested that liberal democracy was tainted by its association with the West. The future of democracy in South Africa is likely to be further weakened by implicit or explicit alignment in the post-invasion world with Russia against the West, for the West is unlikely to strengthen its commitment to democracy in Africa in the face of the challenges posed by Russia and China, countries that have no interest in democracy. While surveys suggest that a majority of South African citizens want their democratic system to continue, the governing elite’s alignment with Russia is likely to weaken the country’s pro-democratic forces.
南非政府和执政的非洲人国民大会(African National Congress)对俄罗斯2022年2月入侵乌克兰的反应与许多非洲国家一样矛盾。本文分析了南非在联合国大会辩论和其他场合对入侵的反应，认为南非宣称的“不结盟”或中立具有误导性，因为南非对西方国家(和乌克兰)的批评多于对俄罗斯的批评。对具有帝国主义思想、不民主的俄罗斯的支持，让人怀疑南非对自由民主的承诺。政府官员和公民社会成员在入侵后发表的声明表明，自由民主因与西方的联系而受到玷污。南非民主的未来很可能会被入侵后世界与俄罗斯或明或暗的结盟所进一步削弱，因为面对俄罗斯和中国构成的挑战，西方不太可能加强其对非洲民主的承诺，这两个国家对民主没有兴趣。虽然调查显示，大多数南非公民希望他们的民主制度继续下去，但执政精英与俄罗斯的结盟可能会削弱该国的亲民主力量。
{"title":"The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Future of Democracy in South Africa","authors":"J. Seekings, C. Saunders","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4100","url":null,"abstract":"The South African government and the ruling African National Congress shared the ambivalent responses of many African countries to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Analysing the South African response to the invasion, in the United Nations General Assembly debate and elsewhere, this paper suggests that the country’s professed “non-alignment” or neutrality was misleading, for South Africa was more critical of Western countries (and Ukraine) than of Russia. The support for an imperially minded, undemocratic Russia cast doubt on South Africa’s commitment to liberal democracy. Statements by government officials and members of civil society after the invasion suggested that liberal democracy was tainted by its association with the West. The future of democracy in South Africa is likely to be further weakened by implicit or explicit alignment in the post-invasion world with Russia against the West, for the West is unlikely to strengthen its commitment to democracy in Africa in the face of the challenges posed by Russia and China, countries that have no interest in democracy. While surveys suggest that a majority of South African citizens want their democratic system to continue, the governing elite’s alignment with Russia is likely to weaken the country’s pro-democratic forces.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89902441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4082
Tim Murithi
This article argues that during the 2022 Russian Federation invasion of Ukraine, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) failed to create the framework conditions to facilitate the mediation of the crisis due to the systemic constraints created by the veto powers of the Permanent Five (P5) members of the Council. Specifically, the institutional gap created by a dysfunctional UNSC, efforts to mediate ongoing and future crises in which one or more members of the P5 are involved are confronted by the same systemic failure. Given the reality of the UNSC’s paralysis and the indefinite postponement of UN reform, this article argues for the need for radical transformation of the international system and the articulation of a new global democratic architecture, which includes a new global infrastructure for mediation. The article concludes with a discussion of how a UN Charter review process can lay the foundation for the establishment of this new global democratic dispensation, which includes a new global infrastructure for mediation.
{"title":"The Failure of the United Nations Security Council in Creating the Framework Conditions for Mediation in the Russia-Ukraine Crisis","authors":"Tim Murithi","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4082","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that during the 2022 Russian Federation invasion of Ukraine, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) failed to create the framework conditions to facilitate the mediation of the crisis due to the systemic constraints created by the veto powers of the Permanent Five (P5) members of the Council. Specifically, the institutional gap created by a dysfunctional UNSC, efforts to mediate ongoing and future crises in which one or more members of the P5 are involved are confronted by the same systemic failure. Given the reality of the UNSC’s paralysis and the indefinite postponement of UN reform, this article argues for the need for radical transformation of the international system and the articulation of a new global democratic architecture, which includes a new global infrastructure for mediation. The article concludes with a discussion of how a UN Charter review process can lay the foundation for the establishment of this new global democratic dispensation, which includes a new global infrastructure for mediation.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82361523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4058
Anna Naa Adochoo Mensah, K. Aning
Growing international concern over Russia’s military and political resurgence in Africa and the possibility of creating a renewed Cold War has been rekindled by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the outbreak of war in Europe in February 2022. Russia’s growing influence in Africa through the re-establishment of old ties and the creation of new ones has been perceived as a quest to re-establish the geopolitical gains that the Soviet Union achieved before its collapse in 1989. Increasing demand for Russian weaponry and equipment, support for unpopular, illegitimate, or unconstitutionally elected leaders, and the targeting and interest in mining concessions and natural resources are considered by the West to be a threat to democratic gains and stability in an already fragile continent. Several questions arise as a result of the deepfake propaganda around occurrences on the continent. How has Russia’s resurgence or reemergence manifested on the African continent? What instruments does Russia utilise to exert its influence in Africa? What are the potential opportunities and threats of Russian presence in West Africa and the Sahel? And how will other global actors be affected? This debate article seeks to examine a particular aspect of Russia’s resurgence on the African continent, namely, the presence of Russian proxies in West Africa and the Sahel. It examines the multiple dynamics created by their presence, the potential threats that their proliferation and activities generate in an already fragile sub-region, and how such activities, if unconstrained, can impose other potential dangers on the continent and the globe.
{"title":"Russia Resurgent? Untangling the Role and Meaning of Moscow’s Proxies in West Africa and the Sahel","authors":"Anna Naa Adochoo Mensah, K. Aning","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4058","url":null,"abstract":"Growing international concern over Russia’s military and political resurgence in Africa and the possibility of creating a renewed Cold War has been rekindled by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the outbreak of war in Europe in February 2022. Russia’s growing influence in Africa through the re-establishment of old ties and the creation of new ones has been perceived as a quest to re-establish the geopolitical gains that the Soviet Union achieved before its collapse in 1989. Increasing demand for Russian weaponry and equipment, support for unpopular, illegitimate, or unconstitutionally elected leaders, and the targeting and interest in mining concessions and natural resources are considered by the West to be a threat to democratic gains and stability in an already fragile continent. Several questions arise as a result of the deepfake propaganda around occurrences on the continent. How has Russia’s resurgence or reemergence manifested on the African continent? What instruments does Russia utilise to exert its influence in Africa? What are the potential opportunities and threats of Russian presence in West Africa and the Sahel? And how will other global actors be affected? This debate article seeks to examine a particular aspect of Russia’s resurgence on the African continent, namely, the presence of Russian proxies in West Africa and the Sahel. It examines the multiple dynamics created by their presence, the potential threats that their proliferation and activities generate in an already fragile sub-region, and how such activities, if unconstrained, can impose other potential dangers on the continent and the globe.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90452083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4054
Hassan Aden, Nicholas Marsh
This article examines African states’ security interests concerning Russia in order to explain those states’ voting behaviour on a UN resolution condemning the invasion of Ukraine. African states do not form a bloc ready to support action taken by ‘the West’. Many African states are themselves authoritarian and harbour longstanding suspicion of European and North American powers. Russia has also built close security relations with many African governments as an arms supplier, provider of military assistance, and source of private military companies. Overall, African states may prefer to maintain relations with both Russia and its opponents rather than choosing between rival blocs.
{"title":"Security Logics of Africa’s Divided Position on Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Hassan Aden, Nicholas Marsh","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v44i1.4054","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines African states’ security interests concerning Russia in order to explain those states’ voting behaviour on a UN resolution condemning the invasion of Ukraine. African states do not form a bloc ready to support action taken by ‘the West’. Many African states are themselves authoritarian and harbour longstanding suspicion of European and North American powers. Russia has also built close security relations with many African governments as an arms supplier, provider of military assistance, and source of private military companies. Overall, African states may prefer to maintain relations with both Russia and its opponents rather than choosing between rival blocs.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"140 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86626696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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