Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3599
Oluwaseun Tella
The #MustFall campaigns, student-led protests that began at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in 2015 and reverberated across South African universities, ignited calls for curriculum transformation, the abolition of Eurocentric epistemologies, and the embrace of indigenous knowledge systems. Given that despite more than two-and-a-half decades of majority rule, South African universities continue to promote hegemonic Western thought, the call for genuine curriculum transformation is understandable. Against this backdrop, this article investigates the challenges associated with curriculum transformation efforts in South Africa. It offers potential solutions by drawing lessons from transformation efforts in the humanities in postcolonial African states and African-American studies in the civil rights movement in the United States (US).
{"title":"South Africa’s Curriculum Transformation: Insights from Post-Independence Africa and Post-Civil Rights Movement in the United States","authors":"Oluwaseun Tella","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3599","url":null,"abstract":"The #MustFall campaigns, student-led protests that began at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in 2015 and reverberated across South African universities, ignited calls for curriculum transformation, the abolition of Eurocentric epistemologies, and the embrace of indigenous knowledge systems. Given that despite more than two-and-a-half decades of majority rule, South African universities continue to promote hegemonic Western thought, the call for genuine curriculum transformation is understandable. Against this backdrop, this article investigates the challenges associated with curriculum transformation efforts in South Africa. It offers potential solutions by drawing lessons from transformation efforts in the humanities in postcolonial African states and African-American studies in the civil rights movement in the United States (US).","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77777081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3739
Siphamandla Zondi, Hlengiwe Phetha
The unprecedented eff ects of Covid-19 have been felt in the whole world. The impact of the pandemic has drawn sharp fault lines of the world’s inequalities. Covid-19 has changed the Global North and the Global South’s social life, respectively. Whilst Covid-19 appeared to spread rapidly in certain parts of the world, and it seemed as if the pandemic would spare Africa. The state of world aff airs has made African governments feel uncomfortable. Some African governments have started making pronouncements given the long-standing grievances about the region’s status in global aff airs. African governments have seen that the threats of the spread of Covid-19 demands collective and individual action. The geopolitical tussle leaves the developing countries stranded in the new economic order. Covid-19 has shaken the foundations of various institutions and states. Africa’s profound failings are noticeable in public health, food security, governance and infrastructural development. Effective coordination of the Covid-19 crisis requires functioning state institutions, application of judiciary norms, and balancing power for the practice to adapt to the realities across the African continent. The second wave of Covid-19 requires the African Union to use this opportunity to integrate its economic pillars into the Africawide response strategy by using Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and the sub-regional blocs of African countries that have existed for decades. The paper concludes that various isolated eff orts made by African countries to deal with the disease and the failure of the continent to adopt a coordinated effort in responding to Covid-19 remain a major challenge. It then recommends that there should be a coordinated approach that goes beyond the rhetoric espoused by South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa in his capacity as AU Chairperson.
{"title":"Cyril Ramaphosa and the rhetoric of a coordinated African response to the Covid-19","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi, Hlengiwe Phetha","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3739","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.3739","url":null,"abstract":"The unprecedented eff ects of Covid-19 have been felt in the whole world. The impact of the pandemic has drawn sharp fault lines of the world’s inequalities. Covid-19 has changed the Global North and the Global South’s social life, respectively. Whilst Covid-19 appeared to spread rapidly in certain parts of the world, and it seemed as if the pandemic would spare Africa. The state of world aff airs has made African governments feel uncomfortable. Some African governments have started making pronouncements given the long-standing grievances about the region’s status in global aff airs. African governments have seen that the threats of the spread of Covid-19 demands collective and individual action. The geopolitical tussle leaves the developing countries stranded in the new economic order. Covid-19 has shaken the foundations of various institutions and states. Africa’s profound failings are noticeable in public health, food security, governance and infrastructural development. Effective coordination of the Covid-19 crisis requires functioning state institutions, application of judiciary norms, and balancing power for the practice to adapt to the realities across the African continent. The second wave of Covid-19 requires the African Union to use this opportunity to integrate its economic pillars into the Africawide response strategy by using Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and the sub-regional blocs of African countries that have existed for decades. The paper concludes that various isolated eff orts made by African countries to deal with the disease and the failure of the continent to adopt a coordinated effort in responding to Covid-19 remain a major challenge. It then recommends that there should be a coordinated approach that goes beyond the rhetoric espoused by South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa in his capacity as AU Chairperson.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75645173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The post-apartheid African National Congress-led government adopted several affirmative actions with an intention to dismantle the colonial-apartheid sponsored racial inequality manifested by the exclusion of black people in the country’s socio-economic and political developments. Equally, the emergence of black people in the Democratic Alliance leadership positions, saw the use of race as a basis to argue against persisting inequality between the majority of black South Africans and their white counterparts. This occasioned a heated debate within the party between white and black leaders, with the former refuting the use of race in policymaking to address the challenges faced by South Africa. Consequently, most black leaders left the party in a manner that academics and media regard as being pushed by their white counterparts inside the party, who oppose a shift from conservative to transformative policies. In recent times, the Democratic Alliance has adopted an Economic Justice Policy which excluded race as a basis to address inequality, poverty, and unemployment. This desktop article employs Afro-Decolonial perspective as an alternative lens to interrogate the question of whether Democratic Alliance Economic Justice Policy manifests that the organization is committed to transformation or the latter is just rhetoric. Methodologically, this is Afrocentric qualitative research that relied heavily on secondary data and adopted document analysis.
种族隔离后由非洲人国民大会(African National congress)领导的政府采取了几项平权行动，旨在消除由殖民种族隔离引发的种族不平等，这种不平等表现为在南非的社会经济和政治发展中排斥黑人。同样，黑人在民主联盟领导职位上的出现，将种族作为反对大多数南非黑人和白人之间持续存在的不平等的基础。这在党内引起了白人和黑人领导人之间的激烈辩论，前者反对在政策制定中使用种族因素来解决南非面临的挑战。因此，大多数黑人领导人以一种被学术界和媒体认为是受到党内白人同行推动的方式离开了共和党，后者反对从保守政策转向变革政策。最近，民主联盟采取了一项经济正义政策，排除种族作为解决不平等、贫困和失业问题的基础。这篇桌面文章采用非殖民化视角作为另一种视角来询问民主联盟经济正义政策是否表明该组织致力于转型，或者后者只是修辞。在方法上，这是非洲中心的定性研究，严重依赖于二手数据和采用文件分析。
{"title":"A Rhetoric or Genuine Transformation? An Afro- Decolonial analysis of Democratic Alliance Economic Justice Policy","authors":"D. Maphaka","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.767","url":null,"abstract":"The post-apartheid African National Congress-led government adopted several affirmative actions with an intention to dismantle the colonial-apartheid sponsored racial inequality manifested by the exclusion of black people in the country’s socio-economic and political developments. Equally, the emergence of black people in the Democratic Alliance leadership positions, saw the use of race as a basis to argue against persisting inequality between the majority of black South Africans and their white counterparts. This occasioned a heated debate within the party between white and black leaders, with the former refuting the use of race in policymaking to address the challenges faced by South Africa. Consequently, most black leaders left the party in a manner that academics and media regard as being pushed by their white counterparts inside the party, who oppose a shift from conservative to transformative policies. In recent times, the Democratic Alliance has adopted an Economic Justice Policy which excluded race as a basis to address inequality, poverty, and unemployment. This desktop article employs Afro-Decolonial perspective as an alternative lens to interrogate the question of whether Democratic Alliance Economic Justice Policy manifests that the organization is committed to transformation or the latter is just rhetoric. Methodologically, this is Afrocentric qualitative research that relied heavily on secondary data and adopted document analysis.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"67 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76323124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is widely agreed that service provision is the biggest challenge facing South African municipalities, particularly smaller municipalities. This paper is a South African Municipality document study and focuses on creating a capable state through the developmental government and the effects of these problems in order to find ways to reduce the problems of service delivery. A qualitative approach was used, and data was collected from various jurisdictions through record review and telephone interviews to fill the data gaps in knowledge. Clean water, work prospects and free basic services have been described by most municipalities as the key service delivery obstacles that hinder the realization of a vision for the developmentally competent local government in South Africa. The study found that yet another problem is political intervention in municipal administration. Although public engagement in civic affairs is a legal necessity, much remains to be done to bring about meaningful participation. Sanitation has always been a challenge for service delivery, particularly in rural communities, due primarily to a lack of infrastructure. Lastly, it was found that municipalities need to do more to create human resources to provide services that resemble a status of a developmentally competent South African local government.
{"title":"Is South Africa Building a Capable State through Developmental Local Government?","authors":"X. Ngumbela","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i2.872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i2.872","url":null,"abstract":"It is widely agreed that service provision is the biggest challenge facing South African municipalities, particularly smaller municipalities. This paper is a South African Municipality document study and focuses on creating a capable state through the developmental government and the effects of these problems in order to find ways to reduce the problems of service delivery. A qualitative approach was used, and data was collected from various jurisdictions through record review and telephone interviews to fill the data gaps in knowledge. Clean water, work prospects and free basic services have been described by most municipalities as the key service delivery obstacles that hinder the realization of a vision for the developmentally competent local government in South Africa. The study found that yet another problem is political intervention in municipal administration. Although public engagement in civic affairs is a legal necessity, much remains to be done to bring about meaningful participation. Sanitation has always been a challenge for service delivery, particularly in rural communities, due primarily to a lack of infrastructure. Lastly, it was found that municipalities need to do more to create human resources to provide services that resemble a status of a developmentally competent South African local government.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83081461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Silent No More: Challenges Facing Black Academics at South African Universities (Itumeleng Mekoa)","authors":"K. Shai","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v39i1.331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v39i1.331","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41625362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent decades have witnessed a 'middle classing of development' as global institutions hail the expansion of middle classes in the global South. Although the African continent has lagged behind in this regard, expanding middle classes have nonetheless been proclaimed as drivers of development and progress. However, such generalisation smoothes over the rough edges of history, for the emergence, evolution and character of middle classes have been shaped, historically as well as contemporaneously, by the timing and manner of their incorporation into the global system. In this article, it is demonstrated how the character and present prospects of middle classes in key countries in Southern Africa have been differentially shaped, not only by varying experiences under colonial rule, but also by significantly different policies pursued by the party-states of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and South Africa.
{"title":"THE POVERTY OF THE 'MIDDLE CLASSING' OF DEVELOPMENT: KEY PROBLEMS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA","authors":"R. Southall","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V39I1.328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V39I1.328","url":null,"abstract":"Recent decades have witnessed a 'middle classing of development' as global institutions hail the expansion of middle classes in the global South. Although the African continent has lagged behind in this regard, expanding middle classes have nonetheless been proclaimed as drivers of development and progress. However, such generalisation smoothes over the rough edges of history, for the emergence, evolution and character of middle classes have been shaped, historically as well as contemporaneously, by the timing and manner of their incorporation into the global system. In this article, it is demonstrated how the character and present prospects of middle classes in key countries in Southern Africa have been differentially shaped, not only by varying experiences under colonial rule, but also by significantly different policies pursued by the party-states of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and South Africa.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46052965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In October 2016, the University of Pretoria, in association with Brand South Africa, hosted the first Nation Brand University Dialogue. For most participants, this was a rare opportunity to interrogate the need for a nation brand, assess the factors that shape it, examine the reciprocal effect between nation branding and the policy environment, and consider its potential limitations. From the ten presentations and extended panel discussion presented during the Dialogue, we chose to include five in this special focus because each reviewed a specific strategic aspect of nation branding.Branding as a concept is often restricted to the world of business and the marketing of products and services. But while promoting a nation's brand does rely on marketing tactics, the political scientists studying branding acknowledge that its purpose is far broader. From a strategic perspective, nation branding seeks to grow a positive predisposition towards a country's principles, policies and products, which, in turn, is used to leverage a nation's soft power authority to advocate forspecific objectives in the world's centres of power.
{"title":"THE NATION BRAND AND ITS STRATEGIC REFLECTION","authors":"M. Schoeman, Heather A. Thuynsma","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V39I1.318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V39I1.318","url":null,"abstract":"In October 2016, the University of Pretoria, in association with Brand South Africa, hosted the first Nation Brand University Dialogue. For most participants, this was a rare opportunity to interrogate the need for a nation brand, assess the factors that shape it, examine the reciprocal effect between nation branding and the policy environment, and consider its potential limitations. From the ten presentations and extended panel discussion presented during the Dialogue, we chose to include five in this special focus because each reviewed a specific strategic aspect of nation branding.Branding as a concept is often restricted to the world of business and the marketing of products and services. But while promoting a nation's brand does rely on marketing tactics, the political scientists studying branding acknowledge that its purpose is far broader. From a strategic perspective, nation branding seeks to grow a positive predisposition towards a country's principles, policies and products, which, in turn, is used to leverage a nation's soft power authority to advocate forspecific objectives in the world's centres of power.","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46751780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.35293/srsa.v43i1.3583
Sulzer Metco
D EXPRESSWAY Take the LIE to Exit 59. Go south on Ocean Avenue. Bear left on Lakeland Avenue. Highway. Continue South on Lakeland Avenue for two traffic lights to Church Street. Turn left onto Church o Dayton T. Brown, Inc. (on north side of road). HWAY Take Sunrise Highway to Lakeland Avenue exit. Go north on Lakeland Avenue then turn right onto will be either the third or fourth traffic light, depending on whether you were travelling west or east, rise Highway. Continue on Church to Dayton T. Brown, Inc. (on north side of road).
D高速公路走LIE到59号出口。沿着海洋大道向南走。在莱克兰大道向左拐。高速公路。继续向南沿着莱克兰大道走两个红绿灯到教堂街。左转进入Church o Dayton T. Brown, Inc.(在路的北边)。从日出高速公路到莱克兰大道出口。沿着莱克兰大道向北走，然后右转到第三或第四个红绿灯上，这取决于你是向西还是向东行驶，上升高速公路。继续沿着教堂走到代顿布朗公司(在路的北边)。
{"title":"Volume 43 Issue 1","authors":"Sulzer Metco","doi":"10.35293/srsa.v43i1.3583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v43i1.3583","url":null,"abstract":"D EXPRESSWAY Take the LIE to Exit 59. Go south on Ocean Avenue. Bear left on Lakeland Avenue. Highway. Continue South on Lakeland Avenue for two traffic lights to Church Street. Turn left onto Church o Dayton T. Brown, Inc. (on north side of road). HWAY Take Sunrise Highway to Lakeland Avenue exit. Go north on Lakeland Avenue then turn right onto will be either the third or fourth traffic light, depending on whether you were travelling west or east, rise Highway. Continue on Church to Dayton T. Brown, Inc. (on north side of road).","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"71 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75490325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Economic Freedom Index published by the Heritage Foundation ranks South Africa at 72nd out of 178 countries in terms of economic freedom in 2015. This index classifies South Africa as moderately free in terms of its level of economic freedom. While the country may be in the middle of the pack on the Economic Freedom Index, it is also often classified as one of the most unequal societies in the world. South Africa is often seen in the top five unequal countries globally with a high Gini-coefficient, and when using the Palma index (measuring the ratio of income share between the top 10 per cent and bottom 40 per cent), South Africa can also be classified as highly unequal. Therefore a contradiction seems to exist. While South Africa ranks as economically moderately free on one hand, the country is also regarded as one of the most unequal societies in the world, on the other hand. It is this contradiction that brings to the fore a contested ideological construction of economic freedom within its political narrative premised on a view that the promise of democracy had not delivered. This article presents a critical discourse analysis of the contested interpretations of economic freedom through the lens of securing liberation and the promise of democracy in South Africa: a promise built on the Freedom Charter's construction of a democratic South Africa. 1. Introduction The concept of economic freedom is accredited to the seminal work of Adam Smith entitled An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations (De Haan and Sturm 2000: 217; Johnson and Lenartowicz 1998: 337). Generally this concept is used to determine to what extent a market economy is present within a given state (Bergen 2003: 194). To do this, a number of key variables are measured to assess the level of economic freedom to pursue capitalist economic activity within a state. These include voluntary exchange through contract, free competition, freedom from governmental controls over individual transactions, and protection of private property rights (Berggen 1999; Hanke and Walters 1997; Berggen 2003: 194; De Haan and Sturm 2000: 217). The classic interpretation of economic freedom is found in the conceptualisation of Gwartney and Lawson (2001) who state that-- Individuals have economic freedom when property they acquire without the use of force, fraud, or theft is protected from physical invasion by others and they are free to use, exchange, or give their property as long as their actions do not violate the identical rights of others. It would thus seem that the realisation of economic freedom is dependent on the right to private property, a minimalist state in regulating economic activity and a high degree of autonomy for actors in pursuing economic activity. This also extends to international trade where state actors are able to transact freely. In other words, actors are free to make choices and engage in activities for their economic livelihoods. We see two p
{"title":"WHOSE ECONOMIC FREEDOM ANYWAY? REVELATIONS FROM THE SOUTH AFRICAN DISCOURSE","authors":"J. Kotze","doi":"10.35293/SRSA.V38I2.220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35293/SRSA.V38I2.220","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Economic Freedom Index published by the Heritage Foundation ranks South Africa at 72nd out of 178 countries in terms of economic freedom in 2015. This index classifies South Africa as moderately free in terms of its level of economic freedom. While the country may be in the middle of the pack on the Economic Freedom Index, it is also often classified as one of the most unequal societies in the world. South Africa is often seen in the top five unequal countries globally with a high Gini-coefficient, and when using the Palma index (measuring the ratio of income share between the top 10 per cent and bottom 40 per cent), South Africa can also be classified as highly unequal. Therefore a contradiction seems to exist. While South Africa ranks as economically moderately free on one hand, the country is also regarded as one of the most unequal societies in the world, on the other hand. It is this contradiction that brings to the fore a contested ideological construction of economic freedom within its political narrative premised on a view that the promise of democracy had not delivered. This article presents a critical discourse analysis of the contested interpretations of economic freedom through the lens of securing liberation and the promise of democracy in South Africa: a promise built on the Freedom Charter's construction of a democratic South Africa. 1. Introduction The concept of economic freedom is accredited to the seminal work of Adam Smith entitled An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations (De Haan and Sturm 2000: 217; Johnson and Lenartowicz 1998: 337). Generally this concept is used to determine to what extent a market economy is present within a given state (Bergen 2003: 194). To do this, a number of key variables are measured to assess the level of economic freedom to pursue capitalist economic activity within a state. These include voluntary exchange through contract, free competition, freedom from governmental controls over individual transactions, and protection of private property rights (Berggen 1999; Hanke and Walters 1997; Berggen 2003: 194; De Haan and Sturm 2000: 217). The classic interpretation of economic freedom is found in the conceptualisation of Gwartney and Lawson (2001) who state that-- Individuals have economic freedom when property they acquire without the use of force, fraud, or theft is protected from physical invasion by others and they are free to use, exchange, or give their property as long as their actions do not violate the identical rights of others. It would thus seem that the realisation of economic freedom is dependent on the right to private property, a minimalist state in regulating economic activity and a high degree of autonomy for actors in pursuing economic activity. This also extends to international trade where state actors are able to transact freely. In other words, actors are free to make choices and engage in activities for their economic livelihoods. We see two p","PeriodicalId":41892,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Review for Southern Africa","volume":"38 1","pages":"5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49106791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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