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A Method to the Madness? 疯狂的方法?
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-bja10059
Jacob Randolph
Abstract This article assesses the 1534–1535 Anabaptist kingdom of Münster and how its leader, Jan of Leiden, asserted the legitimacy of his divinely anointed kingship. Rather than dismiss Jan of Leiden’s displays of supremacy as arbitrary, radical, or mere delusions of grandeur, I seek to contextualize the spectacle of Münster through an appeal to the power of cultural memory and chivalry. At least three applications of chivalric power are narrated in contemporary accounts of Münster. These relate to clothing, royal entries, and tournament events. By paying particular attention to these applications of chivalric power, we can surmise with more clarity just what Jan of Leiden and his advisors envisioned for the city and themselves and how that vision made sense within the social imaginary of late medieval Europe from which chivalry drew its symbolic power.
本文评估了1534年至1535年的再洗礼派恩斯特王国,以及它的领导人莱顿扬(Jan of Leiden)如何宣称他的神圣受膏王权的合法性。我并没有将简·莱顿的优越感视为武断的、激进的,或者仅仅是伟大的妄想,而是试图通过对文化记忆和骑士精神的力量的呼吁,将姆斯特的奇观置于语境中。在当代《骑士权力》的叙述中,至少有三种骑士权力的应用。这些与服装、皇室参赛作品和比赛项目有关。通过特别关注骑士权力的这些应用,我们可以更清楚地推测莱顿的扬和他的顾问们对城市和他们自己的设想以及这种设想在中世纪晚期欧洲的社会想象中是如何有意义的骑士制度从中获得了象征性的权力。
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引用次数: 0
Religious Diversity in the Early Medieval Middle East through the Lens of the Syriac Chronicle of Zuqnin 从祖宁的叙利亚编年史看中世纪早期中东的宗教多样性
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-bja10058
Reyhan Durmaz
Abstract The medieval Middle East is often described as a multiconfessional place inhabited by Christians, Muslims, Jews, Manichaeans, Zoroastrians, pagans, and others. These groups, scholars demonstrate, manifested complex modes of cohabitation, exchange, negotiations with law, conflict, and resilience under Islamic governance. The ways this religious diversity was perceived by non-Muslim communities, however, need further study. Considering the voluminous theological, apologetic, and debate literature, some scholars argue that the religious diversity in the medieval Middle East was construed especially by Christians as a mix of one form of orthodoxy and many heresies. Others point at the possibility of some early steps in the development of religious pluralism–harmonious co-existence of different religions. The current article revisits the question of religious diversity in the medieval Middle East. Through a detailed reading of the Syriac Chronicle of Zuqnin (8th c.), it highlights the role licit and illicit practice played in the articulations of religious diversity in the medieval Middle Eastern countryside.
中世纪的中东通常被描述为一个多教派的地方,居住着基督徒、穆斯林、犹太人、摩尼教徒、琐罗亚斯德教徒、异教徒和其他人。学者们证明,这些群体在伊斯兰统治下表现出了同居、交流、与法律谈判、冲突和弹性的复杂模式。然而,非穆斯林社区对这种宗教多样性的看法需要进一步研究。考虑到大量的神学、护教和辩论文学,一些学者认为,中世纪中东的宗教多样性被解释为一种正统形式和许多异端的混合体,尤其是基督徒。另一些人则指出了宗教多元化发展的一些早期步骤的可能性——不同宗教的和谐共存。这篇文章重新探讨了中世纪中东地区的宗教多样性问题。通过详细阅读叙利亚的祖宁编年史(公元前8年),它强调了合法和非法的实践在中世纪中东农村宗教多样性的表达中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Grace and Conformity. The Reformed Conformist Tradition and the Early Stuart Church of England , by Stephen Hampton 优雅与顺从。《改革宗国教传统与早期斯图亚特教会》作者:史蒂芬·汉普顿
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-10302007
Randall J. Pederson
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引用次数: 1
Augustine and the Jews 奥古斯丁和犹太人
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-bja10060
Johannes van Oort
Abstract The essay discusses the main topics of ‘Augustine and the Jews.’ It opens with the question where, according to Augustine, the name ‘Jew’ comes from. It then proceeds to his use of the designations ‘Hebrew’ and ‘Israelite’ parallel (and partly in contrast) to ‘Jew.’ Mainly according to The City of God a brief biblical history of the Jews is outlined. Augustine’s theological valuation of the Jews turns out to be partly positive, but mainly negative. The same applies to the (rather often discussed, but frequently misunderstood) ‘sign of Cain.’ The analysis of Aduersus Iudaeos shows Augustine’s ‘provocation’ of the Jews. By and then in the course of the overview, the question of Augustine’s (likely) ‘anti-Judaism’ is briefly dealt with. Finally, the essay discusses Augustine’s acquaintance with ‘real’ i.e. contemporary Jews, draws some conclusions, and presents a concise overview of subjects requiring further research.
摘要本文论述了《奥古斯丁与犹太人》的主要主题。它以一个问题开始,根据奥古斯丁的说法,“犹太人”这个名字从何而来。接着,他使用了“希伯来人”和“以色列人”的称呼,与“犹太人”平行(部分是相对的)。主要根据《上帝之城》概述了犹太人的简短圣经历史。奥古斯丁对犹太人的神学评价部分是正面的,但主要是负面的。这同样适用于该隐的记号(经常被讨论,但经常被误解)。对阿杜厄斯的分析表明奥古斯丁对犹太人的“挑衅”。然后在概述的过程中,奥古斯丁(可能)“反犹太教”的问题被简单地处理了。最后,本文讨论了奥古斯丁对“真实的”即当代犹太人的认识,得出了一些结论,并对需要进一步研究的主题进行了简要概述。
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引用次数: 0
The Sermons of Benjamin Beddome: Volume 1 , by Benjamin Beddome 本杰明·贝德多姆的布道:第一卷,本杰明·贝德多姆著
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-10302004
Michael A.G. Haykin
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引用次数: 0
Kerst, Pasen en Pinksteren in zondagsschoolboekjes en andere negentiende-eeuwse lectuur voor de jeugd , by Cees Houtman 圣诞节,复活节和圣灵降临节在主日学校的书和其他19世纪的青少年读物,由Cees Houtman
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-10302006
Ineke Smit
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引用次数: 0
Monnica’s Bishop and the “filius istarum lacrimarum” (conf. 3,21) 蒙尼察的主教和“泪珠”(见3.21)
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-bja10055
Johannes van Oort
Augustine is known as “the son of tears.” This essay searches for the meaning of this expression. Based on conf. 3,21, first the background of the African bishop who spoke the winged words is analysed. Not only had he once been handed over to the Manichaeans as an oblate, but he had also become acquainted with their writings. Especially from this experience he gives his advice to Monnica: her son will come to the right insight legendo, i.e. by reading Manichaean texts. From Manichaean texts that recently have become known, some characteristic elements of conf. 3,21 and especially the expression “filius istarum lacrimarum” appear in a new light.
奥古斯丁被称为“眼泪之子”。本文试图探求这一表达的意义。根据会议3,21,首先分析了说翅膀的话的非洲主教的背景。他不仅曾经被当作贡品交给摩尼教徒,而且还熟悉了他们的著作。特别是从这次经历中,他给了莫妮卡建议:她的儿子将会得到正确的洞察力,传说,即通过阅读摩尼教的文本。从最近为人所知的摩尼教文本中,conf. 3,21的一些特征元素,特别是表达“filius istarum lacrimarum”以新的视角出现。
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引用次数: 0
Images in the Borderlands. The Mediterranean between Christian and Muslim Worlds in the Early Modern Period , by Ivana Čapeta Rakić, Giuseppe Capriotti (Eds.) 《无主之地》中的图像。现代早期基督教和穆斯林世界之间的地中海,作者:Ivana Čapeta rakiki, Giuseppe Capriotti(编)
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-10301003
A. Hamilton
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引用次数: 0
Luther vs. the Lutherans (and Catholics) 路德vs路德派(和天主教徒)
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-bja10056
Nicholas A. Cumming
This article examines the reception and authority of Martin Luther and Philip Melanchthon in Francis Turretin’s (1623–1687) Institutio Theologiae Elencticae (1679–1685). Scholarship on the reception of the Reformers in seventeenth-century Calvinism has continued to grow and I argue that Turretin utilized both Luther and Melanchthon in fluid and diverse ways. In particular, Luther and Melanchthon, alongside being authorities against Roman Catholicism, were also used as evidence against the “innovations” of seventeenth-century Lutherans. For Turretin, Luther and Melanchthon were two of God’s prophets sent at the Reformation and Catholics and Lutherans needed to return to “pure” Reformed doctrine as illustrated by Luther and Melanchthon. Though these two were not the only sources of authority for Turretin, they were substantial witnesses against Lutheran and Catholic innovations in the post-Reformation period. Ultimately for Turretin, Luther and Melanchthon were more Reformed than they were Lutheran.
本文考察了马丁·路德和菲利普·梅兰希顿在弗朗西斯·杜伦(1623-1687)的《神学学院》(1679-1685)中的接受和权威。关于接受十七世纪加尔文主义改革家的学术研究一直在增长,我认为特雷廷以不同的方式利用了路德和梅兰希顿。特别是,路德和梅兰希顿,除了作为反对罗马天主教的权威之外,也被用来作为反对十七世纪路德会“创新”的证据。在特雷廷看来,路德和梅兰希顿是上帝派来进行宗教改革的两位先知,天主教徒和路德教徒需要回归路德和梅兰希顿所阐释的“纯粹的”改革宗教义。虽然这两个人并不是特雷廷唯一的权威来源,但他们是反对路德教会和天主教改革后时期创新的重要证人。最终,对杜仁廷来说,路德和梅兰希顿更倾向于改革宗,而不是路德宗。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/18712428-10301000
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引用次数: 0
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Church History and Religious Culture
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