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Determinants of Renewable Electricity Generation in Africa 非洲可再生能源发电的决定因素
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00006
A. Rashed, Chen-Chen Yong, Siew-Voon Soon
Africa’s electricity insecurity issues are getting worse. However, there has been significant foreign direct investment (FDI) absorbed by the renewable electricity generation (REG) industry in the last twenty years. To date, the impact of FDI on REG in Africa has yet to be investigated. This study thus empirically examines REG determinants with a special focus on FDI in forty African countries between 2000 and 2019. By using the Prais-Winsten panel corrected standard errors model, a range of promising results are revealed. Importantly, we find compelling evidence that FDI inflows directly and indirectly limit, or even impede, REG development. What’s more, Africa’s population growth undermines REG. However, the encouraging result is that raising awareness in Africa of renewable energy boosts REG. We conclude that there is a necessity for the gradual reform of lax environmental laws and renewable energy education plans in Africa.
非洲的电力不安全问题越来越严重。然而,在过去的二十年里,可再生能源发电(REG)行业吸收了大量的外国直接投资(FDI)。迄今为止,外国直接投资对非洲区域投资的影响还有待调查。因此,本研究对2000年至2019年期间40个非洲国家的外国直接投资进行了实证研究,考察了REG的决定因素。通过使用Prais-Winsten面板修正标准误差模型,揭示了一系列有希望的结果。重要的是,我们发现了令人信服的证据,表明FDI流入直接或间接地限制甚至阻碍了REG的发展。更重要的是,非洲的人口增长削弱了REG。然而,令人鼓舞的结果是,提高非洲对可再生能源的认识促进了REG的发展。我们的结论是,有必要逐步改革非洲宽松的环境法和可再生能源教育计划。
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引用次数: 0
A Soft Power Resource, Rationality and the Impact of Covid-19 on China’s Influence on Africa 软实力资源、合理性及新冠肺炎疫情对中国对非洲影响的影响
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00003
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey, I. Nunoo
China features significantly in the Covid-19 narrative for good and bad reasons. The purpose of this paper is to test, empirically, the assumption that Covid-19 would negatively influence perceptions of China in Ghana, due to its perceived relationship with the pandemic. We characterise Chinese manufactured products as soft power resources and analyse the role they play in addressing the personal needs and interests of Ghanaians and how they affect positive and negative perceptions of China amid the Covid-19 pandemic. We used a mixed research method and collected data from a sample size of 1,020 for analysis. We found that Ghanaians are rational actors who maximise the perceived gains of their actions in pursuit of their objectives. Thus, the self-interest and personal satisfaction Ghanaians gain through China’s manufactured products outweigh the negative representation of China in the Covid-19 narrative, shaping a positive attitude in Ghana towards China. We situate the argument within rational choice theory.
中国在新冠肺炎叙事中占据重要地位,有好有坏。本文的目的是通过实证检验一种假设,即由于中国与大流行的关系,Covid-19会对加纳对中国的看法产生负面影响。我们将中国制造的产品描述为软实力资源,并分析了它们在满足加纳人的个人需求和利益方面所发挥的作用,以及它们在新冠肺炎大流行期间如何影响对中国的正面和负面看法。我们采用混合研究方法,从1020个样本中收集数据进行分析。我们发现,加纳人是理性的行为者,在追求目标的过程中,他们会最大化自己行为的预期收益。因此,加纳人从中国制造产品中获得的自身利益和个人满足感超过了中国在新冠肺炎叙事中的负面形象,塑造了加纳人对中国的积极态度。我们把这个论点置于理性选择理论之中。
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引用次数: 0
The Neoliberal State and Management of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Nigeria 尼日利亚新自由主义国家和Covid-19大流行的管理
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00005
Aloysius-michaels Okolie, K. E. Nnamani, O. Ononogbu, Ikemefuna Sunday Nwoke, F. I. Nzekwe, C. C. Ike, Ruth Obioma Ngoka, C. Okoro, Hope Olilanya Ekwu
This study examines how neoliberalism affected the management of Covid-19 in Nigeria. As a result of its emphasis on privatisation and austerity, neoliberalism discouraged social investment programmes and provisioning. The privatisation of Nigeria’s health sector severely stifled health financing, which led to the collapse of public health institutions and the proliferation of private and informal health delivery systems. It limited universal access to quality healthcare, worsened the health conditions of poor Nigerians and rendered the health sector incapable of managing emergency health situations, such as Covid-19. The absence of well-coordinated social investment programmes to cushion the effects of lockdown widened social inequality and misery, making it impossible for citizens in the informal economy to adhere to the Covid-19 guidelines. The state responded with repression to enforce the rules. This study recommends overhauling the Nigerian state and its political economy as a condition for reducing citizen’s vulnerability to a pandemic.
本研究探讨了新自由主义如何影响尼日利亚Covid-19的管理。由于强调私有化和紧缩,新自由主义阻碍了社会投资计划和供给。尼日利亚卫生部门的私有化严重抑制了卫生筹资,导致公共卫生机构崩溃,私人和非正式卫生服务系统激增。它限制了高质量医疗保健的普及,使尼日利亚穷人的健康状况恶化,并使卫生部门无法管理Covid-19等紧急卫生状况。由于缺乏协调良好的社会投资计划来缓解封锁的影响,社会不平等和痛苦加剧,使得非正规经济中的公民无法遵守2019冠状病毒病的指导方针。政府以镇压作为回应,强制执行这些规定。这项研究建议彻底改革尼日利亚政府及其政治经济,作为减少公民对流行病脆弱性的一个条件。
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引用次数: 1
Terrorism in Africa: New Trends and Frontiers , by Glen Segell, Sergey Kostelyanets and Hussein Solomon, eds. 《非洲的恐怖主义:新趋势与前沿》,格伦·塞格尔、谢尔盖·科斯特利亚涅茨和侯赛因·所罗门主编。
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-bja10034
P. Haokip
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引用次数: 0
Predatory Politics and the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Policy in Zimbabwe’s Mining Sector 掠夺性政治与津巴布韦矿业部门的本土化和经济赋权政策
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00004
Sizo Nkala
This paper explores the unfolding of Zimbabwe’s indigenisation policy in the country’s mining sector from the early 1990s to 2018. Informed by interviews, government reports, newspaper articles and online material, the article examines the attempts to indigenise some of the country’s biggest mining concerns, like the platinum giants Mimosa, Zimplats and Unki platinum, which are all owned by multinationals. It also delves deeper into the indigenisation efforts by other mining giants, like Metallon Gold, Duration Gold, Freda Rebecca and RioZim. In the chrome sector it recounts the experiences of ZimAlloys and Zimasco. An examination of the indigenisation process in these mining concerns revealed how the policy was turned into a political elite accumulation spree. The ruling party heavyweights, members of the military and politically connected individuals frequently turned up as part of various indigenous consortia assembled to acquire shares in the mining companies as part of the indigenisation policy.
本文探讨了从20世纪90年代初到2018年津巴布韦采矿业本土化政策的发展。通过采访、政府报告、报纸文章和网络材料,这篇文章考察了该国一些最大的矿业企业的本土化尝试,比如跨国公司拥有的铂业巨头Mimosa、Zimplats和Unki铂业。它还深入研究了其他矿业巨头的本土化努力,如Metallon Gold、Duration Gold、Freda Rebecca和RioZim。在铬行业,它叙述了ZimAlloys和Zimasco的经验。对这些矿业公司的本土化过程的考察揭示了这一政策是如何变成政治精英积累热潮的。作为本土化政策的一部分,执政党重量级人物、军方成员和有政治关系的个人经常作为各种土著财团的一部分出现,这些财团聚集在一起收购矿业公司的股份。
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引用次数: 0
A Review of the Political Economy of South African Land Reform and Its Contested Multifaceted Land Questions 回顾南非土地改革的政治经济学及其有争议的多方面土地问题
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00002
Mzingaye Brilliant Xaba
South African land matters today emanate from the past racially based land dispossession of black communities, which furthered white settler capitalism. Post-apartheid regimes have developed many policies to reverse this legacy, but with little effect. Political parties have blamed the Constitution for the slow pace of land reform, arguing for the need to amend it to clarify ‘expropriation without compensation’. Based on a broad literature review, this article suggests some political, economic and social lessons for South Africa’s land reform. It aims to understand how other countries have dealt with land acquisition for land reform and urban housing development projects, the post-acquisition stage and the reasons for failure and success of some land reforms. This article calls for an alignment of land stakeholders, inclusion of urban land in land reform policies and increasing the powers of provincial officers to improve support for beneficiaries and the subdivision of large farms.
今天南非的土地问题源于过去以种族为基础的对黑人社区的土地剥夺,这进一步推动了白人定居者的资本主义。种族隔离后的政权制定了许多政策来扭转这一遗留问题,但收效甚微。各政党将土地改革进展缓慢归咎于宪法,认为有必要修改宪法,明确“无偿征用”的规定。在广泛的文献综述的基础上,本文提出了南非土地改革的一些政治、经济和社会经验教训。旨在了解其他国家如何处理土地改革和城市住房开发项目的征地问题,征地后阶段以及一些土地改革失败和成功的原因。本文呼吁协调土地利益相关者,将城市土地纳入土地改革政策,并增加省级官员的权力,以改善对受益者的支持和大农场的细分。
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引用次数: 1
Labour Dynamics in Chinese Small and Medium Enterprises (SME s) 中国中小企业的劳动力动态(SME s)
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-bja10030
S. Gukurume, F. Matsika
Over the past few years, China–Africa engagements have intensified, manifesting in an escalation of Chinese small-scale entrepreneurs investing in African countries. Nevertheless, there is little research on everyday workplace encounters, management styles and labour dynamics in these businesses. This study fills this lacuna by examining labour and management practices in Chinese-owned SME s in Zimbabwe, and how local employees experience and perceive Chinese management styles and practices. We employed an ethnographic qualitative methodology, conducting interviews and informal conversations. Secondary data came from newspaper and civil society reports. The findings revealed that workplace regimes in Chinese SME s are complex and ambivalent, marked by precariousness, conflict, contestation and conviviality. The findings also highlighted meagre salaries, job insecurity, long working hours and unfair dismissals. We argue that the socio-spatial context of work in Chinese SME s in Zimbabwe is imbued with complex power dynamics driven by divergent cultural interpretations of work and being a worker.
过去几年,中非交往不断加强,体现在中国小企业在非洲国家投资的数量不断增加。然而,关于这些企业日常工作场所遭遇、管理风格和劳动力动态的研究却很少。本研究通过考察津巴布韦中资中小企业 的劳动和管理实践,以及当地员工如何体验和感知中国的管理风格和实践,填补了这一空白。我们采用人种学定性方法,进行访谈和非正式交谈。次要数据来自报纸和公民社会的报道。调查结果显示,中国中小企业 的工作场所制度复杂而矛盾,其特点是不稳定、冲突、争议和狂欢。调查结果还强调了工资微薄、工作不稳定、工作时间长和不公平解雇。我们认为,在津巴布韦的中国中小企业 中,工作的社会空间背景充满了复杂的权力动态,这是由对工作和作为一名工人的不同文化解释驱动的。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Framework of Civil Conflicts and External Support for Insurgents in Africa South of the Sahara 了解非洲撒哈拉以南地区内部冲突的框架和外部对叛乱分子的支持
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-tat00001
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey
Since independence in Africa south of the Sahara, deadly internal conflicts have wracked the region more than any other in the world. Some of these conflicts transcended national boundaries because external states became involved in supporting rebel movements. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to an understanding of this international dimension of civil conflict. It develops a framework—unholy alignment, referring to the cooperative relationship between states and rebels—to examine how external support leads to the onset and intensification of civil conflict. I argue that external state support augments rebels’ capabilities to intensify violent demands that threaten the target government. I use data from secondary sources through historical process tracing and observation of congruence, and the case studies method, to explore three instances of Rwanda’s cooperative relations with rebels between 1994 and 1999, to show how they shaped civil wars in the DRC.
自从撒哈拉以南非洲独立以来,致命的内部冲突对该地区的破坏比世界上任何其他地区都要严重。其中一些冲突超越了国界,因为外部国家参与了支持反叛运动。本文的目的是促进对国内冲突的这一国际层面的理解。它发展了一个框架——邪恶联盟,指的是国家和叛军之间的合作关系——来研究外部支持是如何导致国内冲突的爆发和加剧的。我认为,外部国家的支持增强了叛军强化暴力诉求的能力,从而威胁到目标政府。我通过历史过程追踪和一致性观察,以及案例研究方法,使用二手来源的数据,探索1994年至1999年间卢旺达与叛军合作关系的三个实例,以展示它们如何影响刚果民主共和国的内战。
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引用次数: 0
The Gordian Knot 高尔迪之结
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-bja10002
E. Keller, E. Omwami, Catherine Pauline Anena
This article is a preliminary critical assessment of Uganda’s current refugee policy, ReHOPE, in the north-western part of the country. The research was based on quantitative and qualitative data gathered over six weeks in 2018 and 2019. The article is centred on national efforts to implement the UN-mandated Sustainable Development Goal #5, “gender equity and empower all women and girls”. Here the focus is on the policy as it relates to formal education, technical training and livelihood improvements and the empowerment of female South Sudan refugees in two settlements in Adjumani District. ReHOPE is a very complex, ambitious and costly programme. The data from this study seems to indicate that the goals of refugee female empowerment and improved livelihoods are not being widely realised in the two Adjumani settlements accessed. However, it is suggested that future studies of ReHOPE policies should be more extensive than the present one and researchers, employing mixed methodologies, should spend more time on the ground than a few weeks.
这篇文章是对乌干达目前在该国西北部的难民政策ReHOPE的初步批判性评估。该研究基于2018年和2019年6周内收集的定量和定性数据。这篇文章的重点是各国为实施联合国授权的可持续发展目标#5“性别平等和赋予所有妇女和女童权力”所做的努力。这里的重点是政策,因为它涉及正规教育、技术培训和改善生计,以及赋予阿祖德马尼区两个定居点的南苏丹女性难民权力。ReHOPE是一个非常复杂、雄心勃勃且耗资巨大的项目。这项研究的数据似乎表明,难民妇女赋权和改善生计的目标并没有在所访问的两个亚祖玛尼定居点广泛实现。然而,有人建议,未来对ReHOPE政策的研究应该比目前的研究更广泛,研究人员应该采用混合的方法,花更多的时间在实地,而不是几个星期。
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引用次数: 0
Developmental State in Africa 非洲发展中国家
IF 0.8 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/09744061-bja10031
Kidanu A. Temesgen
As various studies have uncovered, a significant number of states in Africa remain in abject poverty and are underdeveloped, long after the end of colonialism. These degrading economic conditions are further reinforced by authoritarian political cultures, unending instability and civil wars. The few exceptions include Botswana, South Africa and Mauritius. To stimulate national economic and social progress, African countries have experimented with different development models. In this paper, we compare the developmental state experiences of Ethiopia and Mauritius. A qualitative research approach was used, and the study is based entirely on an analysis of secondary data sources. The analysis proceeds by using comparative techniques. The findings of the study reveal that though the employment of the developmental state model resulted in growth in both Ethiopia and Mauritius, the way in which they instituted key policies and institutions of the developmental state has been quite different.
正如各种研究所揭示的那样,在殖民主义结束很久之后,非洲仍有相当多的国家处于赤贫和不发达状态。专制政治文化、无休止的不稳定和内战进一步加剧了这些有辱人格的经济状况。少数例外包括博茨瓦纳、南非和毛里求斯。为促进国家经济和社会进步,非洲国家尝试了不同的发展模式。本文比较了埃塞俄比亚和毛里求斯的国家发展经验。采用了定性研究方法,研究完全基于对二手数据源的分析。分析是通过比较技术进行的。研究结果表明,尽管采用发展型国家模式导致了埃塞俄比亚和毛里求斯的经济增长,但它们制定发展型国家关键政策和制度的方式却大不相同。
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引用次数: 0
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Africa Review
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