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Peacebuilding in contemporary Africa: in search of alternative strategies 当代非洲建设和平:寻找替代战略
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755943
Abhiruchi Ojha
Peacebuilding has been a critical issue in Africa. Discourses on peacebuilding are generally rooted in a liberal framework and there have been repeated attempts to develop African solutions for Afr...
建设和平一直是非洲的一个关键问题。关于建设和平的讨论通常植根于一个自由的框架,并一再尝试为非洲发展非洲解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Potential and challenges of renewable energy development in promoting a green economy in Nigeria 可再生能源发展在促进尼日利亚绿色经济中的潜力和挑战
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755094
Z. Elum, V. Mjimba
ABSTRACT There is an established link between the availability of reliable and adequate energy supplies and economic growth and development. Based on this link, this study assesses the potential and challenges of the renewable energy sub-sector in addressing an energy deficit that has been identified as one of the obstacles hindering economic development in Nigeria. Through an analysis of various documents, the research made two important findings: First, Nigeria recognizes and has analysed its potential in a variety of renewable energy sources for possible exploitation to diversify its energy mix. Second, although there are policies to drive the renewable energy development projects, the lack of legislative backing and various systemic challenges are hindering the deep entrenchment of this thrust. The research concludes that public and private policy coherence is critical for Nigeria to develop an economically and technically viable renewable energy sub-sector to supplement its current energy supply.
可靠、充足的能源供应与经济增长和发展之间存在着既定的联系。基于这一联系,本研究评估了可再生能源子部门在解决能源赤字方面的潜力和挑战,能源赤字已被确定为阻碍尼日利亚经济发展的障碍之一。通过对各种文件的分析,该研究得出了两个重要的发现:首先,尼日利亚认识到并分析了其在各种可再生能源方面的潜力,以使其能源结构多样化。其次,虽然有政策推动可再生能源发展项目,但缺乏立法支持和各种系统性挑战阻碍了这一推动力的深入巩固。该研究的结论是,公共和私人政策的一致性对于尼日利亚发展一个经济和技术上可行的可再生能源子部门来补充其目前的能源供应至关重要。
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引用次数: 9
Reflections on the ‘Zimbabwean crisis 2000–2008’ and the survival strategies: the sustainable livelihoods framework (SLF) analysis 反思“2000-2008年津巴布韦危机”和生存战略:可持续生计框架(SLF)分析
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755093
Itai Kabonga
ABSTRACT In this paper, the author applies the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) to unravel the complexities inherent in the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis’. When unravelled from the SLF, the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis 2000-2008’ portrays a decimation of various forms of capital–financial, social, human, physical and natural–and forced Zimbabweans to innovate, show resourcefulness and ingenuity in generating various forms of capital to survive the scathing crisis. Broadly, the kukiya kiya strategy has received little scholarly study and despite various survival strategies inherent in the kukiya kiya strategy. The kukiya kiya livelihood strategy prominence is seen in its adoption across the broad spectrum of society–educated, uneducated, employed, and unemployed, women, and men, young and old. The study of kukiya kiya livelihood strategy is important because it sustained thousands of households as the Zimbabwean formal sector collapsed. This reality is largely unappreciated in literature.
在本文中,作者运用可持续生计框架(SLF)来揭示“津巴布韦危机”中固有的复杂性。从SLF中分离出来后,“2000-2008年津巴布韦危机”描绘了各种形式的资本-金融,社会,人力,物质和自然-的大量减少-迫使津巴布韦人创新,在创造各种形式的资本方面表现出足智多谋和独创性,以度过严峻的危机。总的来说,酷死屋策略得到的学术研究很少,尽管酷死屋策略中有各种固有的生存策略。kukiya kiya生计战略的重要性体现在其广泛的社会范围内——受过教育的、未受过教育的、就业的和失业的、女性和男性、年轻人和老年人。对kukiya kiya生计战略的研究很重要,因为在津巴布韦正规部门崩溃时,它支撑了成千上万的家庭。这一现实在文学中基本上没有得到重视。
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引用次数: 9
Building the nation in Southern Sudan: state emblems, symbols and national identity 南苏丹的国家建设:国家象征、符号和民族认同
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-04-22 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755095
Aleksi Ylönen
ABSTRACT This article discusses a selection of state emblems, national symbols and national identity in Southern Sudan. The emblems and symbols are used to provide meaning to a nation in the making and serve as pillars for common national identification to guide the formation of national identity. In essence, they represent the top-down process of politically dominant societal actors’ attempt to effect nation building by seeking to promote their desired type of national identity. Drawing on field observations and analysis aimed at examining aspects of state symbols and national identity, the article shows that the meanings attached to the adopted state emblems and national symbols can be inclusionary or exclusionary and may encourage unity or division. It argues that any attempt to promote unifying and cohesive national identity following a long and divisive armed conflict, as in the case of Southern Sudan, requires the adoption of inclusive and positively meaningful state emblems and national symbols.
本文讨论了南苏丹国家象征、民族象征和民族认同的选择。这些标志和符号是用来为一个正在形成的民族提供意义的,是共同的民族认同的支柱,指导民族认同的形成。从本质上讲,它们代表了政治上占主导地位的社会行动者试图通过寻求促进他们想要的国家认同类型来影响国家建设的自上而下的过程。通过实地观察和分析,旨在考察国家象征和国家认同的各个方面,本文表明,所采用的国家象征和国家象征所附带的意义可以是包容性的,也可以是排他性的,可以鼓励团结,也可以鼓励分裂。它认为,在长期分裂的武装冲突之后,如在南苏丹的情况下,任何促进统一和有凝聚力的民族认同的企图都需要采用具有包容性和积极意义的国家标志和民族象征。
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引用次数: 1
Ethiopia’s new foreign policy challenges: scope for India’s engagement 埃塞俄比亚新的外交政策挑战:与印度接触的空间
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-17 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1736764
Venkataraman Manickam
ABSTRACT Ethiopia is witnessing new twists and turns both in its domestic and foreign policy domain of late with the incumbent government in power adopting political and economic reforms aimed at fostering changes to bring about development. This has invariably provided an opportunity for India to consolidate its relationship with Ethiopia further. The new domestic political and economic reforms and the friendly gestures that the present government under Abiy Ahmed has made with its neighbors has drawn the attention of the international community to the extent of awarding him with Nobel Peace Prize. Such reform measures of Ethiopia have given India with wide scope to engage itself constructively and extend political and economic support in areas where both countries stand to gain. India's active engagement with Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular is all the more important given the China factor that has been competing with other countries of the region. This paper describes the domestic political developments in Ethiopia during the post Cold War era and its struggle to maintain the intricate ethnic balance that has characterized its nation-building process by tracing it from the days of King Haile Selassie I. It further analyzes the steps taken by the government to remove obstacles to peace and development through adopting economic liberalization measures and foreign policy changes. These are discussed in a chronological manner starting with a conceptual framework and using predominantly secondary sources and relying on personal observations.
埃塞俄比亚最近在国内和外交政策领域都经历了新的曲折,执政的现任政府正在进行旨在促进变革以实现发展的政治和经济改革。这无疑为印度进一步巩固与埃塞俄比亚的关系提供了机会。阿比•艾哈迈德领导下的现政府对邻国的友好姿态和新的国内政治、经济改革引起了国际社会的关注,甚至被授予诺贝尔和平奖。埃塞俄比亚的这些改革措施为印度提供了广泛的空间,可以建设性地参与其中,并在两国都能获益的领域提供政治和经济支持。考虑到中国一直在与该地区其他国家竞争,印度与非洲特别是埃塞俄比亚的积极接触就显得尤为重要。本文描述了埃塞俄比亚在冷战后时代的国内政治发展,以及它为维持错综复杂的种族平衡而进行的斗争,这种平衡是其国家建设过程的特征,可以追溯到国王海尔·塞拉西一世(King Haile Selassie i)时代。本文进一步分析了政府采取的步骤,通过采取经济自由化措施和外交政策变化来消除和平与发展的障碍。这些都是按时间顺序讨论的,从一个概念框架开始,主要使用二手资料,并依靠个人观察。
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引用次数: 1
Land reform, citizenship and aliens in Zimbabwe 土地改革,公民身份和在津巴布韦的外国人
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1731670
Clement Chipenda
ABSTRACT This article examines the implications of the land and agrarian reforms on ‘aliens’ and its multiplying effects on citizenship and their rights in Zimbabwe. It also interrogates the contested nature of citizenship in relation to land, agriculture and the rights of aliens. This is premised on a background where a frosty relationship has existed between aliens and the government, making them victims of the country’s land reform programme. Settler colonialism is shown as having partly contributed to contemporary challenges and despite its demise, it continues to influence land and agrarian disputes between the government, indigenous Zimbabweans and aliens. It is against this background that this article interrogates and tells a unique story of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe. The country’s land reform programme is shown as having had deep seated socio-cultural, political and economic implications some which are now only becoming evident now. The paper uses strong field based empirical evidence, adopts an interpretive life history research approach and uses the conceptual lenses of T.H. Marshall’s distinction of social citizenship (civil political and economic) to show how land reform has reconfigured rural social and economic relations. The article shows that in post land reform Zimbabwe, citizenship remains a contested issue and socially, economically and politically aliens are at a disadvantage and are failing to enjoy the rights and privileges which are due to them as enshrined in the country’s laws. The article concludes that despite the politics of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe, aliens continue to positively contribute to socio-economic and political processes in the resettlement areas.
本文探讨了土地和土地改革对“外国人”的影响及其对津巴布韦公民身份和权利的倍增效应。它还探讨了公民身份在土地、农业和外国人权利方面的争议性。这是建立在外国人与政府关系冷淡的背景下,使他们成为该国土地改革计划的受害者。移民殖民主义在一定程度上造成了当代的挑战,尽管它已经消亡,但它继续影响着政府、土著津巴布韦人和外国人之间的土地和土地争端。正是在这种背景下,这篇文章询问并讲述了津巴布韦农村包容与排斥的独特故事。该国的土地改革方案显示具有深刻的社会文化、政治和经济影响,其中一些影响现在才开始显现。本文采用强有力的基于实地的经验证据,采用解释性生活史研究方法,并使用马歇尔社会公民身份(公民政治和经济)区分的概念镜头来展示土地改革如何重新配置农村社会和经济关系。文章表明,在土地改革后的津巴布韦,公民身份仍然是一个有争议的问题,外国人在社会、经济和政治上处于不利地位,无法享受该国法律所规定的应有的权利和特权。文章的结论是,尽管津巴布韦农村存在包容和排斥的政治,但外国人继续对重新安置地区的社会经济和政治进程作出积极贡献。
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引用次数: 6
A choreographed Sinophobia? An analysis of China's identity from the perspective of Zambia's Patriotic Front 精心设计的恐华症?从赞比亚爱国阵线看中国的身份认同
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685322
Emmanuel Matambo
ABSTRACT China's identity in Zambia has been constructed in polarizing terms depending on the political and social standing of Zambians from political parties, civil society to ordinary citizens. The current paper looks at how the Patriotic Front (PF), from its time as an opposition to its time as a governing party, has constructed China's identity. The ill-will towards China that the PF constructed in its opposition days is described here as Sinophobia, a fear of China, the likely consequences of its investment and the presence of Chinese nationals. The paper traces how the PF (as an opposition party) moved from being a critic of China to being a staunch defender of China and Zambia-China relations (as ruling party). The conclusions drawn are that while Sinophobia was constructed, the fears expressed by the PF during its opposition days were justifiable and have become even more significant with the deepening of Zambia-China economic relations. Furthermore, the paper argues that current hostile positions towards China by opposition parties in Zambia reinforce the argument that China is an opportune pretext for those who hope to win the support of ordinary Zambians, who endure the perceived threat that comes with Chinese investment and Chinese employers and entrepreneurs. The paper relied mainly on Zambian media, government reports and legislation documents, the author's empirical study on China's identity and interest in Zambia and scholarly secondary literature as sources of data.
中国在赞比亚的身份认同一直以两极分化的方式构建,这取决于赞比亚人从政党、公民社会到普通公民的政治和社会地位。本文着眼于爱国阵线(PF)如何从反对党到执政党,构建中国的身份认同。民阵在执政期间对中国的敌意被描述为“恐华症”,即对中国的恐惧,对中国投资和中国公民存在的可能后果的恐惧。本文追溯了爱国阵线(作为反对党)如何从批评中国转变为坚定捍卫中国和赞比亚-中国关系(作为执政党)。得出的结论是,尽管“恐华症”是被制造出来的,但爱国阵线在执政期间表达的担忧是合理的,随着赞比亚与中国经济关系的深化,这种担忧变得更加严重。此外,本文认为,目前赞比亚反对党对中国的敌对立场强化了这样一种观点,即对于那些希望赢得普通赞比亚人支持的人来说,中国是一个合适的借口,普通赞比亚人忍受着来自中国投资、中国雇主和企业家的威胁。本文主要依靠赞比亚媒体、政府报告和立法文件、作者对中国在赞比亚的身份和兴趣的实证研究以及学术二手文献作为数据来源。
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引用次数: 3
An overview of the obstacles to the African economic integration process in view of the African continental free trade area 从非洲大陆自由贸易区的角度概述非洲经济一体化进程的障碍
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685336
Michael Takudzwa Pasara
ABSTRACT African governments signed the largest trade agreement, the Continental Free Trade Agreement in 2018 in order to boost intra-trade thereby improving economic welfare of African citizens. This paper provides an overview of the obstacles to the African economic integration process experienced in the past and the possible solutions. The paper discussed the theoretical postulations and empirically reviewed some African experiences. Some theoretical aspects included not only the traditional international trade theories but also other non-orthodox theories such as organizational theories which include intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and neorealism. Empirically, Africa’s economic integration challenges range from economic such as polarization of benefits towards larger economies at the expense of smaller economies, an unclear model of distributing welfare gains (or losses), traditional trade models which do not stimulate intra-African trade, several non-tariff and institutional barriers among other factors. Other challenges include lack of political will to implement signed trade contracts and political instability in some economic regions which results in small and fragmented markets. The paper also discussed the legal challenges such as lack of standardization on products and procedures which result in subjectivity in interpretation of trade instruments. The paper made recommendations to each identified challenge in order to make the CFTA more effective.
非洲各国政府于2018年签署了最大的贸易协定——大陆自由贸易协定,以促进内部贸易,从而改善非洲公民的经济福利。本文概述了过去非洲经济一体化进程中遇到的障碍以及可能的解决办法。本文讨论了理论假设,并对非洲的一些经验进行了实证回顾。一些理论方面既包括传统的国际贸易理论,也包括一些非正统的理论,如政府间主义、新功能主义和新现实主义等组织理论。从经验上看,非洲的经济一体化挑战包括经济上的,例如以牺牲较小经济体为代价向较大经济体提供的利益两极分化,分配福利收益(或损失)的不明确模式,不能刺激非洲内部贸易的传统贸易模式,以及其他因素中的一些非关税和制度障碍。其他挑战包括缺乏执行已签署的贸易合同的政治意愿和一些经济区域的政治不稳定,导致市场小而分散。本文还讨论了诸如产品和程序缺乏标准化等法律挑战,从而导致对贸易文书的解释存在主观性。该文件针对每个确定的挑战提出了建议,以使CFTA更加有效。
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引用次数: 15
The subversive rug or how art reconciles with suffering in the postcolonial Maghreb: a reading of Laila Lalami’s ‘The Storyteller’ 颠覆性的地毯或艺术如何与后殖民时期马格里布的苦难和解:阅读莱拉·拉拉米的《讲故事的人》
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1637190
F. Mami
ABSTRACT Research on illegal immigration rarely checks the postmodernist propulsions that hinge on postcolonial subjects and their choices. In the following essay on Laila Lalami’s last piece, titled: ‘The Storyteller’ in Hope and Other Dangerous Pursuits (2005), an argument is specified through the Moroccan-American author carefully tracing Murad’s rise from the dregs of angst. This rise reflects the lives of disenchanted Maghrebi youths seeking illegal immigration or harr’ga as part of impinging postmodernism on postcolonial experience. Embracing the future in Murad’s circumstances could be possible via affective, not cognitive, means, by investing in cultural memory. Following his deportation from Spain, Murad, the failed harr’ag, becomes emotionally damaged, a force of destruction propelling his own annihilation. Only when abiding by the story he learned from his deceased father does he notice his chances of reconciling with suffering. Through the medieval story of Ghomari, the rug weaver, whose art brought down a despot, Murad shakes off the two American tourists’ emotional oversight of what it means to be postcolonial. Eventually, Murad decides to become a writer: an artist and dreamer. By combining phenomenological, existential, and mythical insights, the essay highlights how Lalami’s story leads readers to discover an empowering narrative for the Maghrebi youth; affective empowerment rooted in shouldering responsibility and emulating the mythic hero.
对非法移民的研究很少考察后现代主义的推动力,这种推动力依赖于后殖民主体及其选择。下面这篇文章是关于Laila Lalami的最后一篇作品,题目是《希望与其他危险的追求》(2005)中的“讲故事的人”,这位摩洛哥裔美国作家仔细地追溯了穆拉德从焦虑的渣滓中崛起的过程,并提出了一个论点。这种上升反映了马格里布年轻人的生活,他们寻求非法移民或harr 'ga,作为后现代主义对后殖民经验的冲击的一部分。在穆拉德的情况下,拥抱未来是可能的,通过情感的方式,而不是认知的方式,通过投资文化记忆。在被西班牙驱逐出境后,失败的哈拉格人穆拉德在情感上受到了伤害,一股毁灭的力量推动着他自己的毁灭。只有当他遵守从他已故的父亲那里得知的故事时,他才注意到他与苦难和解的机会。通过古马里(Ghomari)的中世纪故事,穆拉德摆脱了两位美国游客对后殖民意味着什么的情感上的疏忽。古马里是一个编织地毯的人,他的艺术推翻了一个暴君。最终,穆拉德决定成为一名作家:艺术家和梦想家。通过结合现象学、存在主义和神话的见解,这篇文章强调了拉拉米的故事如何引导读者发现马格里布青年的赋权叙事;情感赋权根植于承担责任和模仿神话英雄。
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引用次数: 2
U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement: implications for climate finance in Africa 美国退出《巴黎协定》:对非洲气候融资的影响
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1685334
O. Olutola
ABSTRACT Relying on complex interdependence as a theoretical approach, this paper investigates the hypothetical damage that the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement could represent for Africa in terms of climate finance. In June 2017, President Donald Trump publicly declared the U.S. intention to withdraw from further participating in the multilateral Paris Agreement. To keen followers and analysts of the U.S. climate policy beyond its borders, such unilateral action was never a surprise. Rather, it is nostalgic of the experience of the Kyoto Protocol, particularly how more or less similar move unduly prolonged the global climate negotiations up till late 2015 when the Paris Agreement came about. Although the Paris Agreement is remarkable as it represents the first states-wide climate deal, it however left a number of issues unresolved. Notable among which is climate finance which has remained the most contentious and of critical concern to developing countries, particularly in Africa. Pitted against the fact that Africa contributes less to climate change and, ironically, the hardest-hit by the phenomenon, the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement aggravates concerns around climate finance and, indeed, portends additional burdens for a continent that is still struggling to cope with the untoward fallout of climate change.
本文以复杂的相互依赖为理论方法,研究了美国退出《巴黎协定》可能对非洲气候融资造成的假设损害。2017年6月,唐纳德·特朗普总统公开宣布美国打算退出进一步参与多边的《巴黎协定》。对于美国气候政策的海外热心追随者和分析人士来说,这种单边行动从来都不奇怪。相反,这是对《京都议定书》经历的怀念,特别是类似的举动是如何过度延长了全球气候谈判,直到2015年底《巴黎协定》出台。尽管《巴黎协定》是第一个全国性的气候协议,值得注意,但它也留下了一些未解决的问题。其中值得注意的是气候融资,这一问题一直是发展中国家,特别是非洲发展中国家最具争议和最关键的问题。非洲对气候变化的影响较小,而且具有讽刺意味的是,非洲是受气候变化影响最严重的地区,与此相反,美国退出《巴黎协定》加剧了人们对气候融资的担忧,实际上,这预示着非洲大陆仍在努力应对气候变化的不利影响。
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引用次数: 3
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