Pub Date : 2019-06-30DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1637189
M. Venkataraman
This edited book by Toyin Falola and Kenneth Kalu dissects the governance and institutional challenges faced by Africa owing to the impact of globalization and how it has negatively affected Africa...
{"title":"Africa and globalization: challenges to governance and creativity","authors":"M. Venkataraman","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1637189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1637189","url":null,"abstract":"This edited book by Toyin Falola and Kenneth Kalu dissects the governance and institutional challenges faced by Africa owing to the impact of globalization and how it has negatively affected Africa...","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"134 1","pages":"210 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73841683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-25DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1634974
Abhiruchi Ojha
{"title":"China and Africa: building peace and security cooperation on the continent","authors":"Abhiruchi Ojha","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1634974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1634974","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"208 - 210"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86978678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-21DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1631641
Abel Kapodogo, Manase Kudzai Chiweshe, Nelson Muparamoto
ABSTRACT The paper examines the role sex work played as a livelihood opportunity for women to meet short and long term needs. Post 2000 Zimbabwe underwent a major socioeconomic crisis which culminated in world record inflation rates, widespread poverty, high unemployment, food and cash shortages. This culminated in 2008 where the country suspended its currency and adopted a multi-currency system with the American dollar gaining prominence as the mode of exchange. Sex work has a long history in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe but post 2000 period requires a nuanced analysis of how this livelihood activity has evolved in response to the ever-changing macroeconomic context. Participant observation and unstructured interviews with female sex workers point towards their ability to actively respond to macroeconomic changes. Agency demonstrated by sex workers characterizes how they adjusted through the context of crisis and hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. The findings point to an increased inflow of income for sex workers which have translated to an improved livelihood despite poor working conditions which are reinforced by criminalization and penalization of sex work in Zimbabwe. The paper thus argues that sex work is an occupational sector with participants who make rational choices in joining sex work.
{"title":"Sex work-based livelihoods in post 2000 in Zimbabwe","authors":"Abel Kapodogo, Manase Kudzai Chiweshe, Nelson Muparamoto","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1631641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1631641","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper examines the role sex work played as a livelihood opportunity for women to meet short and long term needs. Post 2000 Zimbabwe underwent a major socioeconomic crisis which culminated in world record inflation rates, widespread poverty, high unemployment, food and cash shortages. This culminated in 2008 where the country suspended its currency and adopted a multi-currency system with the American dollar gaining prominence as the mode of exchange. Sex work has a long history in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe but post 2000 period requires a nuanced analysis of how this livelihood activity has evolved in response to the ever-changing macroeconomic context. Participant observation and unstructured interviews with female sex workers point towards their ability to actively respond to macroeconomic changes. Agency demonstrated by sex workers characterizes how they adjusted through the context of crisis and hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. The findings point to an increased inflow of income for sex workers which have translated to an improved livelihood despite poor working conditions which are reinforced by criminalization and penalization of sex work in Zimbabwe. The paper thus argues that sex work is an occupational sector with participants who make rational choices in joining sex work.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"140 1","pages":"137 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86124288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-19DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1631658
F. Onditi
ABSTRACT This article seeks to address a policy quandary: despite Nigeria’s history of oil exploitation since 1956 and institutionalization of the Nigeria Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (NEITI) in 2004, why has the country not been able to address the resource wealth–poverty dilemma? Is it that the EITI’s governance model is too Western to address Nigeria’s resource curse? It has been established that a country’s propensity to integrate EITI principles in the oil industry is largely dependent not only on the existence of institutions, but also on the level of institutional development. Norway and Nigeria both created policy and regulatory systems. Norway’s more competent administrative structures grew into a self-regulatory system but, by contrast, Nigeria’s indigenous civil service never developed institutional arrangements sufficient to integrate the oil industry into the entire national or regional institutional framework. Considering these historical and contextual differences between Nigeria and Norway, this article employs ‘stakeholder analysis’ to construct a framework of ‘thinking’ regarding how the oil sector could be effectively governed in Nigeria (Figure 7), a country with a robust civil society but a complex political system: in such countries, evolution of what I call a ‘self-reinforcing system of institutional incompatibility’ is inevitable, but institutionalization of foreign models such as EITI is often difficult to achieve.
{"title":"From resource curse to institutional incompatibility: a comparative study of Nigeria and Norway oil resource governance","authors":"F. Onditi","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1631658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1631658","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to address a policy quandary: despite Nigeria’s history of oil exploitation since 1956 and institutionalization of the Nigeria Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (NEITI) in 2004, why has the country not been able to address the resource wealth–poverty dilemma? Is it that the EITI’s governance model is too Western to address Nigeria’s resource curse? It has been established that a country’s propensity to integrate EITI principles in the oil industry is largely dependent not only on the existence of institutions, but also on the level of institutional development. Norway and Nigeria both created policy and regulatory systems. Norway’s more competent administrative structures grew into a self-regulatory system but, by contrast, Nigeria’s indigenous civil service never developed institutional arrangements sufficient to integrate the oil industry into the entire national or regional institutional framework. Considering these historical and contextual differences between Nigeria and Norway, this article employs ‘stakeholder analysis’ to construct a framework of ‘thinking’ regarding how the oil sector could be effectively governed in Nigeria (Figure 7), a country with a robust civil society but a complex political system: in such countries, evolution of what I call a ‘self-reinforcing system of institutional incompatibility’ is inevitable, but institutionalization of foreign models such as EITI is often difficult to achieve.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"152 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81188586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-16DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1631078
D. Arowolo
ABSTRACT Leadership dispositions in politics determine, to a large extent, the direction, nature and character of democracy and electoral politics. For a long time, Nigeria has had power-mongering leadership, whose dispositions have redefined followership behaviour. Leadership–followership disconnect has impacted on democracy. Consequently, democracy in Nigeria operates in breach of its tenets. Most elections in Nigeria are synonymous with insidious violence, which have attracted the attention of scholars with insightful analyses. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the primary factors accounting for democratic decline in Nigeria with particular regard to leadership–followership dialectic. This article interrogates the relationship between leadership dispositions and followership behaviour and the effect on democracy. Using content analysis, this article finds evidence that leadership–followership disconnect is the most important factor accounting for democratic decline in Nigeria. The findings are relevant both for understanding the dynamics of leadership–followership disconnect and its impact on democracy in Nigeria.
{"title":"Leadership–followership disconnect and democratic decline in Nigeria","authors":"D. Arowolo","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1631078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1631078","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Leadership dispositions in politics determine, to a large extent, the direction, nature and character of democracy and electoral politics. For a long time, Nigeria has had power-mongering leadership, whose dispositions have redefined followership behaviour. Leadership–followership disconnect has impacted on democracy. Consequently, democracy in Nigeria operates in breach of its tenets. Most elections in Nigeria are synonymous with insidious violence, which have attracted the attention of scholars with insightful analyses. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the primary factors accounting for democratic decline in Nigeria with particular regard to leadership–followership dialectic. This article interrogates the relationship between leadership dispositions and followership behaviour and the effect on democracy. Using content analysis, this article finds evidence that leadership–followership disconnect is the most important factor accounting for democratic decline in Nigeria. The findings are relevant both for understanding the dynamics of leadership–followership disconnect and its impact on democracy in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"121 1","pages":"107 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76743070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2019.1631079
Ashwin Desai
ABSTRACT South African cricket (re)entered international cricket in 1991, a few years before the country's first democratic elections. A tour of India was a prelude to playing in the 1992 World Cup in Australia and New Zealand. From the outset of ‘unity’, cricket was lauded for its transformation programme and for making a decisive break with the past. This break was epitomized by the team being called the Proteas rather than the Springboks. Despite this and on-going efforts to transform the team into a more representative one, issues of racism and racial representation have continued to haunt the game. Questions are persistently raised about racial targets and interference in selection from on high. At local level, Cricket South Africa (CSA) has now made it mandatory that franchises and semi-professional teams be obliged to include six players of colour, of whom three must be Black Africans, raising concerns about deliberate racial engineering. These apprehensions have been exacerbated by increasing calls for national teams to reflect the racial demographics of the country. This article looks at issues of race and representivity in South African cricket post-unity, seeking to probe allegations of racism, as well as how CSA has approached issues of racial representation in the form of quotas and the possible effects of this on the game.
{"title":"The race chase: the colour of cricket transformation in South Africa","authors":"Ashwin Desai","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2019.1631079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2019.1631079","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT South African cricket (re)entered international cricket in 1991, a few years before the country's first democratic elections. A tour of India was a prelude to playing in the 1992 World Cup in Australia and New Zealand. From the outset of ‘unity’, cricket was lauded for its transformation programme and for making a decisive break with the past. This break was epitomized by the team being called the Proteas rather than the Springboks. Despite this and on-going efforts to transform the team into a more representative one, issues of racism and racial representation have continued to haunt the game. Questions are persistently raised about racial targets and interference in selection from on high. At local level, Cricket South Africa (CSA) has now made it mandatory that franchises and semi-professional teams be obliged to include six players of colour, of whom three must be Black Africans, raising concerns about deliberate racial engineering. These apprehensions have been exacerbated by increasing calls for national teams to reflect the racial demographics of the country. This article looks at issues of race and representivity in South African cricket post-unity, seeking to probe allegations of racism, as well as how CSA has approached issues of racial representation in the form of quotas and the possible effects of this on the game.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"122 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81639311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2018.1538681
Tsegaye Tuke Kia
ABSTRACT In the contemporary world, enormous changes and improvement are taking place in governance practices throughout the world. Democratic decentralization, in particular, has become a serious concern in many countries, especially in developing countries like Ethiopia. Successive Ethiopian governments have introduced and implemented modern governance system. This happened despite the existence of indigenous institutions which have been playing an indispensable role in guiding the social-political lives of the societies, especially for the rural area communities in filling the gap of the formal state institutions. Given the limitations of modern institutions, relying on traditional institutions could be an attractive option to improve local governance. This is because, when compared with state institutions, traditional institutions do not need to build from the beginning. At the local level creating new and efficient state institutions can be difficult and costly and time-consuming. Accordingly, the qualitative research methodology was employed in the study for its appropriateness to investigate indigenous institutions and local governance by collecting practical evidence from Sidaama province. Eventually, the findings of the study revealed that properly employing indigenous institutions are good mechanisms for improving the performance of formal local governance institutions in the study area.
{"title":"Contemporary local governance and indigenous institutions: the case of the Sidaama, Southern Ethiopia*","authors":"Tsegaye Tuke Kia","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2018.1538681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2018.1538681","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the contemporary world, enormous changes and improvement are taking place in governance practices throughout the world. Democratic decentralization, in particular, has become a serious concern in many countries, especially in developing countries like Ethiopia. Successive Ethiopian governments have introduced and implemented modern governance system. This happened despite the existence of indigenous institutions which have been playing an indispensable role in guiding the social-political lives of the societies, especially for the rural area communities in filling the gap of the formal state institutions. Given the limitations of modern institutions, relying on traditional institutions could be an attractive option to improve local governance. This is because, when compared with state institutions, traditional institutions do not need to build from the beginning. At the local level creating new and efficient state institutions can be difficult and costly and time-consuming. Accordingly, the qualitative research methodology was employed in the study for its appropriateness to investigate indigenous institutions and local governance by collecting practical evidence from Sidaama province. Eventually, the findings of the study revealed that properly employing indigenous institutions are good mechanisms for improving the performance of formal local governance institutions in the study area.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"38 1","pages":"77 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81450994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-07DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2018.1538680
M. Seotsanyana
ABSTRACT The study on which this article is based, intended to assess the level of financial literacy among the Government of Lesotho sponsored university students studying at the National University of Lesotho. The study was carried out during the academic year 2016/17. The objectives of the study were; first, to determine Development Studies education students’ level of financial literacy. Second, to identify if there is a change in Development Studies students’ attitude and behaviour towards handling National Manpower Development Secretariat financial support. Last, to identify strategies that could help students improve knowledge and skills in handling finances. The study adopted both a quantitative and qualitative approaches. It is a qualitative approach because it provided participants responses non-statistically, while quantitative approach descriptive statistics, frequency counts and percentages in order to hear the voices of the student teachers on how they handle their finances. A financial literacy survey questionnaire of four parts was developed to collect data from Development Studies education students/student teachers in the third year of study. The survey questionnaire was self – administered to a purposefully sampled group of 60 students. Data was analysed with the use of descriptive statistics, frequency counts and inclusion of participants’ verbatim excerpts. The study revealed that student teachers lack financial literacy. It concludes with the recommendation that student teachers require financial education that can assist them to understand the use of money.
{"title":"Assessment of university students’ level of financial literacy: the voices of the National University of Development Studies education students","authors":"M. Seotsanyana","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2018.1538680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2018.1538680","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The study on which this article is based, intended to assess the level of financial literacy among the Government of Lesotho sponsored university students studying at the National University of Lesotho. The study was carried out during the academic year 2016/17. The objectives of the study were; first, to determine Development Studies education students’ level of financial literacy. Second, to identify if there is a change in Development Studies students’ attitude and behaviour towards handling National Manpower Development Secretariat financial support. Last, to identify strategies that could help students improve knowledge and skills in handling finances. The study adopted both a quantitative and qualitative approaches. It is a qualitative approach because it provided participants responses non-statistically, while quantitative approach descriptive statistics, frequency counts and percentages in order to hear the voices of the student teachers on how they handle their finances. A financial literacy survey questionnaire of four parts was developed to collect data from Development Studies education students/student teachers in the third year of study. The survey questionnaire was self – administered to a purposefully sampled group of 60 students. Data was analysed with the use of descriptive statistics, frequency counts and inclusion of participants’ verbatim excerpts. The study revealed that student teachers lack financial literacy. It concludes with the recommendation that student teachers require financial education that can assist them to understand the use of money.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"18 1","pages":"63 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83483191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2018.1538679
Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga
ABSTRACT My main concern in this paper is to critically examine judicial deference to the executive within the context of Cameroon. I portray how authorities in the country purposely fail to invest the judiciary with substantial levels of independence. In so doing, I look at the nexus between the domineering executive entity and the prevailing Hobbesian conception of separation of powers according to which powers mutually divided destroy each other. My investigation revolves around the idea as to know whether it is possible to mitigate political intrusion and interference to judicial independence when such intrusion and interference have become inherent and consubstantial to the modus operandi of the political system itself. Various studies on judicial independence are available but the peculiarity of the current one is not about the extent or limitation to judicial independence but it questions whether this independence exists in the first place. The study further innovates by providing a theory based approach which is an attempt to capture judicial motivations as well as the rationale behind the erosion of the liberal political theory within the context of Cameroon.
{"title":"The political (in) dependence of the judiciary in Cameroon: fact or fiction?","authors":"Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2018.1538679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2018.1538679","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT My main concern in this paper is to critically examine judicial deference to the executive within the context of Cameroon. I portray how authorities in the country purposely fail to invest the judiciary with substantial levels of independence. In so doing, I look at the nexus between the domineering executive entity and the prevailing Hobbesian conception of separation of powers according to which powers mutually divided destroy each other. My investigation revolves around the idea as to know whether it is possible to mitigate political intrusion and interference to judicial independence when such intrusion and interference have become inherent and consubstantial to the modus operandi of the political system itself. Various studies on judicial independence are available but the peculiarity of the current one is not about the extent or limitation to judicial independence but it questions whether this independence exists in the first place. The study further innovates by providing a theory based approach which is an attempt to capture judicial motivations as well as the rationale behind the erosion of the liberal political theory within the context of Cameroon.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"100 1","pages":"46 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85412415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2018.1538676
Antwi Boasiako
ABSTRACT This article assesses the social construction of the Ghana Police Service to explain why the government of Ghana assigned pay increase to the personnel of the service in the initial stage of implementation of the Single Spine Pay Policy. Through a diachronic case study design, the article undertakes a content analysis of budget states of Ghana from 2001 to 2016 and shows that despite the widespread negative societal perception of the police service, the GPS remains a positively constructed target population in the eyes of the state. The article argues that this state-driven positive social construction combined with the preponderant political power to make the police service an advantaged target group deserving of the salary increment under the SSPP. The theoretical implications of this dichotomous state-society social construction for the democratic policy design theory are further explored with a call l for a new research agenda.
{"title":"Whose perception matters? An analysis of the social construction of Ghana Police Service and the implementation of the Single Spine Pay Policy","authors":"Antwi Boasiako","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2018.1538676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2018.1538676","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article assesses the social construction of the Ghana Police Service to explain why the government of Ghana assigned pay increase to the personnel of the service in the initial stage of implementation of the Single Spine Pay Policy. Through a diachronic case study design, the article undertakes a content analysis of budget states of Ghana from 2001 to 2016 and shows that despite the widespread negative societal perception of the police service, the GPS remains a positively constructed target population in the eyes of the state. The article argues that this state-driven positive social construction combined with the preponderant political power to make the police service an advantaged target group deserving of the salary increment under the SSPP. The theoretical implications of this dichotomous state-society social construction for the democratic policy design theory are further explored with a call l for a new research agenda.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"1 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80235239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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