Pub Date : 2020-12-24DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1842993
U. Obuka, E. Adibe, Onyedikachi Josiah Alozie, Morning-Glory Nwafor, Helen U. Agu, I. Chime, P. Umoh, Obinne Oguejiofor, N. Nwafor, Paul Abutu
ABSTRACT The extractive industry is essential to the economic development of Nigeria. Accordingly, section 6 of Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative Act 2007provides for a stakeholders forum called National Stakeholders Working Group of which Civil Society Organizations are involved. But the participation of civil society organizations in this forum has not been effective. Using doctrinal approach, the paper analyses the roles of civil society organizations as stakeholder representative in Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative. It seeks to identify the obstacles hindering their effective participation. The paper finds that problems ranging from lack of cooperation among the civil society organizations, politicization of their appointments by the President into the forum and other issues act as hindrances to their effective participation in the National Stakeholders Working Group. It is suggested that section 6 of Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative Act be amended to give civil society organization the freedom to appoint a representative into the forum while they are encouraged to develop a better synergy amongst them.
{"title":"Obstacles to effective participation of civil society organizations in Nigerian extractive industry transparency initiative","authors":"U. Obuka, E. Adibe, Onyedikachi Josiah Alozie, Morning-Glory Nwafor, Helen U. Agu, I. Chime, P. Umoh, Obinne Oguejiofor, N. Nwafor, Paul Abutu","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1842993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1842993","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The extractive industry is essential to the economic development of Nigeria. Accordingly, section 6 of Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative Act 2007provides for a stakeholders forum called National Stakeholders Working Group of which Civil Society Organizations are involved. But the participation of civil society organizations in this forum has not been effective. Using doctrinal approach, the paper analyses the roles of civil society organizations as stakeholder representative in Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative. It seeks to identify the obstacles hindering their effective participation. The paper finds that problems ranging from lack of cooperation among the civil society organizations, politicization of their appointments by the President into the forum and other issues act as hindrances to their effective participation in the National Stakeholders Working Group. It is suggested that section 6 of Nigerian Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative Act be amended to give civil society organization the freedom to appoint a representative into the forum while they are encouraged to develop a better synergy amongst them.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"89 6 1","pages":"1 - 11"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84080689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-23DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1842994
Christian A. Williams
In this book Joanna Tague traces Africa’s decolonization from the perspective of Mozambicans displaced from Portuguese-ruled Mozambique and living in Tanzania during the 1960s and early 1970s. As s...
{"title":"Displaced Mozambicans in postcolonial Tanzania: refugee power, mobility, education and rural development","authors":"Christian A. Williams","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1842994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1842994","url":null,"abstract":"In this book Joanna Tague traces Africa’s decolonization from the perspective of Mozambicans displaced from Portuguese-ruled Mozambique and living in Tanzania during the 1960s and early 1970s. As s...","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"75 1","pages":"118 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74824922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-10DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1842995
Rajneesh Gupta
American strategist Alfred Thayer Mahanin his book The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890) argued that ‘the sea power provides the basis of national power’. His conception of naval policy wa...
{"title":"Maritime security in East and West Africa – a tale of two regions","authors":"Rajneesh Gupta","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1842995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1842995","url":null,"abstract":"American strategist Alfred Thayer Mahanin his book The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890) argued that ‘the sea power provides the basis of national power’. His conception of naval policy wa...","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"120 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80877398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1840900
Fanie Herman
ABSTRACT The word trust is oftentimes used by leaders in the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and as the literature points out mainly to foster conditions for cooperation and mutual understanding. Studies in International Relations (IR), reveal that trust is an important tool to manage social behaviour in multilateral organizations by way of past and current interactions, learning and sharing and encapsulating common interests. Group meetings in the forum is the main form of interaction and ultimately aim to advance the collective interest, however, interpersonal contacts between leaders and officials also contribute to a common set of objectives. Trust is also an attribute in the establishment of Sino-African strategic partnerships that have increased in recent years. The argument is that concepts of trust in IR can provide answers to the following research question. What are the characteristics of trust-building in the forum and does it facilitate and enhance cooperation and understanding? This question is addressed along three main themes. China’s role as initiator of trust building, the managing of relations between the members and a socio-psychological approach to create trust. An important finding is that interaction creates conditions for acquiring information about the interests of other members and the expected outcomes they want to achieve. In return, when members believe in the benefits of cooperation, they will behave in a trustworthy manner to build better relationships.
{"title":"Does trust facilitate cooperation in the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC)? A socio-psychological approach","authors":"Fanie Herman","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1840900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1840900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The word trust is oftentimes used by leaders in the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and as the literature points out mainly to foster conditions for cooperation and mutual understanding. Studies in International Relations (IR), reveal that trust is an important tool to manage social behaviour in multilateral organizations by way of past and current interactions, learning and sharing and encapsulating common interests. Group meetings in the forum is the main form of interaction and ultimately aim to advance the collective interest, however, interpersonal contacts between leaders and officials also contribute to a common set of objectives. Trust is also an attribute in the establishment of Sino-African strategic partnerships that have increased in recent years. The argument is that concepts of trust in IR can provide answers to the following research question. What are the characteristics of trust-building in the forum and does it facilitate and enhance cooperation and understanding? This question is addressed along three main themes. China’s role as initiator of trust building, the managing of relations between the members and a socio-psychological approach to create trust. An important finding is that interaction creates conditions for acquiring information about the interests of other members and the expected outcomes they want to achieve. In return, when members believe in the benefits of cooperation, they will behave in a trustworthy manner to build better relationships.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"2017 1","pages":"76 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87263321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505
Peter Uledi, Godfrey Hove
ABSTRACT This paper explores the roots of rural poverty in Zimbabwe within the context of the role of the state and its economic and political interests over time and specific space. It traces the socio-economic and political factors that led to the impoverishment of rural areas in Zimbabwe, demonstrating that rural poverty is a colonial legacy whose roots lie in the racial ideology of the state. African Reserves were basically created as reservoirs of cheap labour for white-owned mines and farms and emerging urban areas. They were also created to separate Africans from whites in terms of service provision at every level. However, the article further examines the role of the post-colonial government in addressing these colonial imbalances that left urban centres as islands of developments in a sea of rural underdevelopment. Using Musana District as a case study, it interrogates post-colonial state policy towards rural development and its impact in addressing the vestigial inequalities that existed between rural and urban areas. The study makes the point that despite the consistent political support it receives from rural dwellers rural development and the government's claims that have been the cornerstone of its policies since independence, the Zimbabwean government has done little to sustainably and effectively provide basic amenities to rural areas since independence. Moreover, the paper argues that the ruling party has not only failed to contribute towards rural development but has been a direct beneficiary of the status quo as it has enabled it to maintain political stranglehold in rural areas.
{"title":"Developmental inequality and living on the margins in post-colonial Zimbabwe: the case of Musana District","authors":"Peter Uledi, Godfrey Hove","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1815505","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the roots of rural poverty in Zimbabwe within the context of the role of the state and its economic and political interests over time and specific space. It traces the socio-economic and political factors that led to the impoverishment of rural areas in Zimbabwe, demonstrating that rural poverty is a colonial legacy whose roots lie in the racial ideology of the state. African Reserves were basically created as reservoirs of cheap labour for white-owned mines and farms and emerging urban areas. They were also created to separate Africans from whites in terms of service provision at every level. However, the article further examines the role of the post-colonial government in addressing these colonial imbalances that left urban centres as islands of developments in a sea of rural underdevelopment. Using Musana District as a case study, it interrogates post-colonial state policy towards rural development and its impact in addressing the vestigial inequalities that existed between rural and urban areas. The study makes the point that despite the consistent political support it receives from rural dwellers rural development and the government's claims that have been the cornerstone of its policies since independence, the Zimbabwean government has done little to sustainably and effectively provide basic amenities to rural areas since independence. Moreover, the paper argues that the ruling party has not only failed to contribute towards rural development but has been a direct beneficiary of the status quo as it has enabled it to maintain political stranglehold in rural areas.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"S56 - S70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79098467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506
Henry Chiwaura, S. Naidoo
ABSTRACT This article is an explanation of the use of heritage representations and narratives within the ever-changing political matrix in Zimbabwe. The analysis is done within the context of heritage being regarded as a cultural process rather than as a product. Focus is on how heritage has been appropriated by both the colonial and post-colonial state in building national identities. From 1890 the settlers appropriated some of the existing heritage that belonged to indigenous groups on the land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers. The article fully acknowledges that identity is a fluid and controversial concept that is influenced by cultural frameworks, historical period and those in power at any particular time. Therefore, heritage herein is viewed as an identity influencer and, in the case of emerging nations; heritage is responsible for the construction of national identity.
{"title":"Identity and heritage: changing politics and appropriation of heritage in Zimbabwe","authors":"Henry Chiwaura, S. Naidoo","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1815506","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is an explanation of the use of heritage representations and narratives within the ever-changing political matrix in Zimbabwe. The analysis is done within the context of heritage being regarded as a cultural process rather than as a product. Focus is on how heritage has been appropriated by both the colonial and post-colonial state in building national identities. From 1890 the settlers appropriated some of the existing heritage that belonged to indigenous groups on the land between Limpopo and Zambezi Rivers. The article fully acknowledges that identity is a fluid and controversial concept that is influenced by cultural frameworks, historical period and those in power at any particular time. Therefore, heritage herein is viewed as an identity influencer and, in the case of emerging nations; heritage is responsible for the construction of national identity.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"77 1","pages":"S31 - S38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84011146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040
Edwin Etieyibo, O. Omiegbe
ABSTRACT With the emergence of numerous human rights groups as well as legal instruments in the international arena, the rights and protection of people with disabilities are increasingly being guaranteed. However, in Nigeria, people with disabilities still live at the margins due to some cultural practices that continue to discriminate against them and undermine their rights and general wellbeing. The paper is an empirical study combined with some historical investigation of some of the extant literature to make a case that (a) there is connection between culture and the discrimination, neglect and abuse of person with disabilities; and, (b) that cultural practices undermine the rights and general wellbeing of persons living with disabilities in Nigeria.
{"title":"People with disabilities in the margins in Nigeria","authors":"Edwin Etieyibo, O. Omiegbe","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With the emergence of numerous human rights groups as well as legal instruments in the international arena, the rights and protection of people with disabilities are increasingly being guaranteed. However, in Nigeria, people with disabilities still live at the margins due to some cultural practices that continue to discriminate against them and undermine their rights and general wellbeing. The paper is an empirical study combined with some historical investigation of some of the extant literature to make a case that (a) there is connection between culture and the discrimination, neglect and abuse of person with disabilities; and, (b) that cultural practices undermine the rights and general wellbeing of persons living with disabilities in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"61 1","pages":"S17 - S30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78399501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-31DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041
P. Sule
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the politics of socio-political exclusions, with particular reference to the recurrent surges of herdsmen/farmers’ skirmishes that are currently ravaging many states in Nigeria. Owing to their occupation and prejudiced history, the Fulani herdsmen have not enjoyed full assimilation into mainstream cohesion, and the enactment of laws proscribing ‘open grazing’ by some states, in a bid to protect farmers and farmlands, appears to have further entrenched this supposed exclusion. Consequently, the group, through its Miyetti Allah Cattle Associations, has urged state governments to refrain from enforcing these laws. The implementation of the laws by Benue and Taraba States has caused herdsmen to react angrily by killing hundreds of people in the states. To what extent are these states justified in prohibiting open grazing? Can a group justifiably warn a sovereign, federating, state against implementing a law duly passed by its State Assembly? Using critical analysis, the paper proffers answers to these questions by drawing insights from philosophical arguments of social justice, particularly Nozickian justice as entitlement. Given that what is at stake is the economic livelihoods of both farmers and cattle herders, the paper also provides an objective analysis of the conflict by pointing out the central claims of both parties in the dispute. It concludes that solution to these skirmishes inheres in an approach that emphasizes social justice and inclusion.
{"title":"Open grazing prohibitions and the politics of exclusivist identity in Nigeria","authors":"P. Sule","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812041","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article critically examines the politics of socio-political exclusions, with particular reference to the recurrent surges of herdsmen/farmers’ skirmishes that are currently ravaging many states in Nigeria. Owing to their occupation and prejudiced history, the Fulani herdsmen have not enjoyed full assimilation into mainstream cohesion, and the enactment of laws proscribing ‘open grazing’ by some states, in a bid to protect farmers and farmlands, appears to have further entrenched this supposed exclusion. Consequently, the group, through its Miyetti Allah Cattle Associations, has urged state governments to refrain from enforcing these laws. The implementation of the laws by Benue and Taraba States has caused herdsmen to react angrily by killing hundreds of people in the states. To what extent are these states justified in prohibiting open grazing? Can a group justifiably warn a sovereign, federating, state against implementing a law duly passed by its State Assembly? Using critical analysis, the paper proffers answers to these questions by drawing insights from philosophical arguments of social justice, particularly Nozickian justice as entitlement. Given that what is at stake is the economic livelihoods of both farmers and cattle herders, the paper also provides an objective analysis of the conflict by pointing out the central claims of both parties in the dispute. It concludes that solution to these skirmishes inheres in an approach that emphasizes social justice and inclusion.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"28 1","pages":"S39 - S55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84328793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-29DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042
Nelson Muparamoto
ABSTRACT Queer identities and non-heteronormative sexualities are increasingly becoming visible globally and Zimbabwe has witnessed an emergent queer mobilization and sexual identities politics. There have been significant attempts to expunge non-heterosexuals from Zimbabwean citizenry by drawing borders on the basis of sexual orientation. Over the years, western and local media have mediated a narrative of a thoroughly homophobic Zimbabwe, not the least emanating from the former president, Robert Mugabe's homophobic utterances which recurrently generated global news stories. A dominant discourse framed homosexual identities as on or beyond the border of what is socially acceptable, whilst the individuals with queer identities have been denied legal protection and status. Predominantly, homophobic sentiments are expressed, often reflecting the view that homosexual identities should not be given space in Zimbabwe, nor should anything associated with it be tolerated. The populist arguments are based on among other things, depicting heterosexuality as ‘natural’, homosexuality as ‘uncultural’ and ‘unChristian’, and stereotyping gay people as licentious. Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores how LGBT people in Harare perceive, make sense of and cope with the infamous hate speech, ‘worse than dogs and pigs’, by the former president and the implications of this on their self-perception as they defiantly express a narrative of self-affirmation challenging the marginal status in popularized discourse.
{"title":"LGBT individuals and the struggle against Robert Mugabe's extirpation in Zimbabwe","authors":"Nelson Muparamoto","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1812042","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Queer identities and non-heteronormative sexualities are increasingly becoming visible globally and Zimbabwe has witnessed an emergent queer mobilization and sexual identities politics. There have been significant attempts to expunge non-heterosexuals from Zimbabwean citizenry by drawing borders on the basis of sexual orientation. Over the years, western and local media have mediated a narrative of a thoroughly homophobic Zimbabwe, not the least emanating from the former president, Robert Mugabe's homophobic utterances which recurrently generated global news stories. A dominant discourse framed homosexual identities as on or beyond the border of what is socially acceptable, whilst the individuals with queer identities have been denied legal protection and status. Predominantly, homophobic sentiments are expressed, often reflecting the view that homosexual identities should not be given space in Zimbabwe, nor should anything associated with it be tolerated. The populist arguments are based on among other things, depicting heterosexuality as ‘natural’, homosexuality as ‘uncultural’ and ‘unChristian’, and stereotyping gay people as licentious. Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores how LGBT people in Harare perceive, make sense of and cope with the infamous hate speech, ‘worse than dogs and pigs’, by the former president and the implications of this on their self-perception as they defiantly express a narrative of self-affirmation challenging the marginal status in popularized discourse.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"200 1","pages":"S1 - S16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80128973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076
Elvis Nshom, Elizaveta A. Arzamastseva
ABSTRACT Chinese immigration to Cameroon has significantly increased within the last two decades. Members of the Cameroonian society have received Chinese presence with mixed feelings. Recent reports indicate that negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants are on the rise. In a sample of 501 young people, ranging from 17 to 33 years old, this study specifically uses the integrated threat theory of prejudice to analyse the extent to which attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in Cameroon are predicted by the perception of threat. According to the most recent conceptualization of the integrated threat theory, there are two main types of threat that predict negative attitudes towards outgroups. These include realistic threat and symbolic threat. This study found that, a threat was a significant predictor of negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. However, individually, a realistic threat was the only threat that significantly predicted negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. Implications and future directions are discussed.
{"title":"Are Chinese immigrants in Cameroon perceived as a threat?","authors":"Elvis Nshom, Elizaveta A. Arzamastseva","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Chinese immigration to Cameroon has significantly increased within the last two decades. Members of the Cameroonian society have received Chinese presence with mixed feelings. Recent reports indicate that negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants are on the rise. In a sample of 501 young people, ranging from 17 to 33 years old, this study specifically uses the integrated threat theory of prejudice to analyse the extent to which attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in Cameroon are predicted by the perception of threat. According to the most recent conceptualization of the integrated threat theory, there are two main types of threat that predict negative attitudes towards outgroups. These include realistic threat and symbolic threat. This study found that, a threat was a significant predictor of negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. However, individually, a realistic threat was the only threat that significantly predicted negative attitudes towards Chinese immigrants. Implications and future directions are discussed.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"61 1","pages":"61 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90224475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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