Pub Date : 2020-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075
Norman Sempijja, Resego Reamogetse Letlhogile
ABSTRACT The rhetoric espoused by the opponents of the #FeesMustFall protests and universities’ management in South Africa framed the discourse around the need to securitize campuses against the protestors who were a danger to students and the wider university community. The protestors framed their arguments within the security-development context, arguing that without free education they were bound to be excluded from education and later from jobs and a good livelihood, hence endangering their security. The stalemate quickly resulted in the securitization of university spaces a development that was backed up with the brutal force of police and private security companies pushing the students to engage in extreme measures like burning buildings to be heard. Through the use of securitization theory, this paper explores the rationale for the securitization of university spaces. The Security-Development nexus perspective sheds more light on the motives behind the #Feesmustfall movement. The paper further explores whether the combination of the securitization of university spaces and the funding offered by President Zuma were enough to quell the protest. The paper further delves into the new reality of private security companies expanding their role in the securitization of South Africa and the waning role of the police in the protection of public spaces. Key findings of the study are that both the students and universities had different interests during the fees must fall and without a mediator, the use of force ensued. Although the South African government has invested more money into universities, the relationship between the university management and the students remains fractured. Plus the lack of trained police unit to deal with student protests leaves the police unable to maintain law and order without resorting to extreme violence.
{"title":"Security-development nexus and the securitization of university spaces in the #FeesMustFall protests in South Africa 2016–2018","authors":"Norman Sempijja, Resego Reamogetse Letlhogile","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The rhetoric espoused by the opponents of the #FeesMustFall protests and universities’ management in South Africa framed the discourse around the need to securitize campuses against the protestors who were a danger to students and the wider university community. The protestors framed their arguments within the security-development context, arguing that without free education they were bound to be excluded from education and later from jobs and a good livelihood, hence endangering their security. The stalemate quickly resulted in the securitization of university spaces a development that was backed up with the brutal force of police and private security companies pushing the students to engage in extreme measures like burning buildings to be heard. Through the use of securitization theory, this paper explores the rationale for the securitization of university spaces. The Security-Development nexus perspective sheds more light on the motives behind the #Feesmustfall movement. The paper further explores whether the combination of the securitization of university spaces and the funding offered by President Zuma were enough to quell the protest. The paper further delves into the new reality of private security companies expanding their role in the securitization of South Africa and the waning role of the police in the protection of public spaces. Key findings of the study are that both the students and universities had different interests during the fees must fall and without a mediator, the use of force ensued. Although the South African government has invested more money into universities, the relationship between the university management and the students remains fractured. Plus the lack of trained police unit to deal with student protests leaves the police unable to maintain law and order without resorting to extreme violence.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"119 1","pages":"40 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787075","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72501545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-04DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077
J. P. Bohoslavsky
ABSTRACT Based on a United Nations mission the author conducted to Tunisia in 2017, this article studies the links between economy and human – in particular economic and social- rights in this country. It addresses the following two questions: how do the economic and financial difficulties and related policies implemented affect human rights in Tunisia? To what extent are corruption, illicit financial flows and human rights interlinked in the country? The text presents the most relevant international human rights standards and commitments of Tunisia as well as its national human rights framework concerning human rights and economic policies. It also presents the financial, economic and political challenges that the country faces and the government responses through economic reform programme. It also discusses the efforts made to address corruption and illicit financial flows, including asset recovery at home and abroad, the institutional capacity to fight illicit financial flows and corruption, establishing accountability and curbing impunity, the Truth and Dignity Commission, the organic law on reconciliation in the administrative field and accountability in the banking sector. The article concludes that, while acknowledging that the democratic government is still making efforts to cope with the economic legacy left by the Ben Ali’s regime, the economic reforms (such as austerity and adjustment) being implemented need to adopt a holistic human rights approach in order to ensure those reforms promote these rights more effectively. It also concludes that corruption continues to be a destabilizing force in Tunisia, infecting its economy and undermining the enjoyment of human rights in the country. Towards the end policy recommendations for discussion are presented.
{"title":"Assessing economic policies impact on human rights in Tunisia – lessons from a United Nations mission","authors":"J. P. Bohoslavsky","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1787077","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on a United Nations mission the author conducted to Tunisia in 2017, this article studies the links between economy and human – in particular economic and social- rights in this country. It addresses the following two questions: how do the economic and financial difficulties and related policies implemented affect human rights in Tunisia? To what extent are corruption, illicit financial flows and human rights interlinked in the country? The text presents the most relevant international human rights standards and commitments of Tunisia as well as its national human rights framework concerning human rights and economic policies. It also presents the financial, economic and political challenges that the country faces and the government responses through economic reform programme. It also discusses the efforts made to address corruption and illicit financial flows, including asset recovery at home and abroad, the institutional capacity to fight illicit financial flows and corruption, establishing accountability and curbing impunity, the Truth and Dignity Commission, the organic law on reconciliation in the administrative field and accountability in the banking sector. The article concludes that, while acknowledging that the democratic government is still making efforts to cope with the economic legacy left by the Ben Ali’s regime, the economic reforms (such as austerity and adjustment) being implemented need to adopt a holistic human rights approach in order to ensure those reforms promote these rights more effectively. It also concludes that corruption continues to be a destabilizing force in Tunisia, infecting its economy and undermining the enjoyment of human rights in the country. Towards the end policy recommendations for discussion are presented.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"38 1","pages":"94 - 117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85361773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-13DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677
Siphamandla Zondi
ABSTRACT The status of the Chagos Island remains a subject of struggle in international relations pitting the United Kingdom and, by extension, the U.S. against the indigenous people of the Chagos who were forcibly displaced and exiled in order to accommodate a U.S. military base involved in evil conflicts in the lands of the Orient. Mauritius joined this struggle on the basis that the islands were separated from Mauritius by the British on the eve of independence in 1968. The Chagosians have for decades insisted on their right to self-determination and their right to return to the land of their ancestors, taking their battles to the streets of London and international courts. In spite of the growing support for their cause around the world and although they have scored some victories in courts and at the United Nations, their dreams remain deferred as the U.K. and the U.S. refuse to act justly and fairly. This is a classic case of neocolonial continuities that haunt post-colonial Africa, rendering independence meaningless for injustice anywhere in Africa is injustice against the whole of Africa. This paper suggests that the use of a decolonial lens of analysis infused with African anti-colonial perspectives enables us to understand the fundamental problems facing the Chagosians and to think of more permanent solutions to this quagmire.
{"title":"The post-colonial is neocolonial in the Indian Ocean region: the case of Chagos seen through the African-centred decolonial theoretical lens","authors":"Siphamandla Zondi","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1754677","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The status of the Chagos Island remains a subject of struggle in international relations pitting the United Kingdom and, by extension, the U.S. against the indigenous people of the Chagos who were forcibly displaced and exiled in order to accommodate a U.S. military base involved in evil conflicts in the lands of the Orient. Mauritius joined this struggle on the basis that the islands were separated from Mauritius by the British on the eve of independence in 1968. The Chagosians have for decades insisted on their right to self-determination and their right to return to the land of their ancestors, taking their battles to the streets of London and international courts. In spite of the growing support for their cause around the world and although they have scored some victories in courts and at the United Nations, their dreams remain deferred as the U.K. and the U.S. refuse to act justly and fairly. This is a classic case of neocolonial continuities that haunt post-colonial Africa, rendering independence meaningless for injustice anywhere in Africa is injustice against the whole of Africa. This paper suggests that the use of a decolonial lens of analysis infused with African anti-colonial perspectives enables us to understand the fundamental problems facing the Chagosians and to think of more permanent solutions to this quagmire.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"353 1","pages":"119 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80072664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-05DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939
P. Haokip
{"title":"Africa and the Indian Ocean Region","authors":"P. Haokip","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1757939","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"213 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84475803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-27DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755943
Abhiruchi Ojha
Peacebuilding has been a critical issue in Africa. Discourses on peacebuilding are generally rooted in a liberal framework and there have been repeated attempts to develop African solutions for Afr...
{"title":"Peacebuilding in contemporary Africa: in search of alternative strategies","authors":"Abhiruchi Ojha","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1755943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1755943","url":null,"abstract":"Peacebuilding has been a critical issue in Africa. Discourses on peacebuilding are generally rooted in a liberal framework and there have been repeated attempts to develop African solutions for Afr...","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"122 1","pages":"215 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89400529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-27DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755094
Z. Elum, V. Mjimba
ABSTRACT There is an established link between the availability of reliable and adequate energy supplies and economic growth and development. Based on this link, this study assesses the potential and challenges of the renewable energy sub-sector in addressing an energy deficit that has been identified as one of the obstacles hindering economic development in Nigeria. Through an analysis of various documents, the research made two important findings: First, Nigeria recognizes and has analysed its potential in a variety of renewable energy sources for possible exploitation to diversify its energy mix. Second, although there are policies to drive the renewable energy development projects, the lack of legislative backing and various systemic challenges are hindering the deep entrenchment of this thrust. The research concludes that public and private policy coherence is critical for Nigeria to develop an economically and technically viable renewable energy sub-sector to supplement its current energy supply.
{"title":"Potential and challenges of renewable energy development in promoting a green economy in Nigeria","authors":"Z. Elum, V. Mjimba","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1755094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1755094","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is an established link between the availability of reliable and adequate energy supplies and economic growth and development. Based on this link, this study assesses the potential and challenges of the renewable energy sub-sector in addressing an energy deficit that has been identified as one of the obstacles hindering economic development in Nigeria. Through an analysis of various documents, the research made two important findings: First, Nigeria recognizes and has analysed its potential in a variety of renewable energy sources for possible exploitation to diversify its energy mix. Second, although there are policies to drive the renewable energy development projects, the lack of legislative backing and various systemic challenges are hindering the deep entrenchment of this thrust. The research concludes that public and private policy coherence is critical for Nigeria to develop an economically and technically viable renewable energy sub-sector to supplement its current energy supply.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"172 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87337718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-27DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755093
Itai Kabonga
ABSTRACT In this paper, the author applies the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) to unravel the complexities inherent in the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis’. When unravelled from the SLF, the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis 2000-2008’ portrays a decimation of various forms of capital–financial, social, human, physical and natural–and forced Zimbabweans to innovate, show resourcefulness and ingenuity in generating various forms of capital to survive the scathing crisis. Broadly, the kukiya kiya strategy has received little scholarly study and despite various survival strategies inherent in the kukiya kiya strategy. The kukiya kiya livelihood strategy prominence is seen in its adoption across the broad spectrum of society–educated, uneducated, employed, and unemployed, women, and men, young and old. The study of kukiya kiya livelihood strategy is important because it sustained thousands of households as the Zimbabwean formal sector collapsed. This reality is largely unappreciated in literature.
{"title":"Reflections on the ‘Zimbabwean crisis 2000–2008’ and the survival strategies: the sustainable livelihoods framework (SLF) analysis","authors":"Itai Kabonga","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1755093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1755093","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, the author applies the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) to unravel the complexities inherent in the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis’. When unravelled from the SLF, the ‘Zimbabwean Crisis 2000-2008’ portrays a decimation of various forms of capital–financial, social, human, physical and natural–and forced Zimbabweans to innovate, show resourcefulness and ingenuity in generating various forms of capital to survive the scathing crisis. Broadly, the kukiya kiya strategy has received little scholarly study and despite various survival strategies inherent in the kukiya kiya strategy. The kukiya kiya livelihood strategy prominence is seen in its adoption across the broad spectrum of society–educated, uneducated, employed, and unemployed, women, and men, young and old. The study of kukiya kiya livelihood strategy is important because it sustained thousands of households as the Zimbabwean formal sector collapsed. This reality is largely unappreciated in literature.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"16 1","pages":"192 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89898082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-22DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1755095
Aleksi Ylönen
ABSTRACT This article discusses a selection of state emblems, national symbols and national identity in Southern Sudan. The emblems and symbols are used to provide meaning to a nation in the making and serve as pillars for common national identification to guide the formation of national identity. In essence, they represent the top-down process of politically dominant societal actors’ attempt to effect nation building by seeking to promote their desired type of national identity. Drawing on field observations and analysis aimed at examining aspects of state symbols and national identity, the article shows that the meanings attached to the adopted state emblems and national symbols can be inclusionary or exclusionary and may encourage unity or division. It argues that any attempt to promote unifying and cohesive national identity following a long and divisive armed conflict, as in the case of Southern Sudan, requires the adoption of inclusive and positively meaningful state emblems and national symbols.
{"title":"Building the nation in Southern Sudan: state emblems, symbols and national identity","authors":"Aleksi Ylönen","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1755095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1755095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses a selection of state emblems, national symbols and national identity in Southern Sudan. The emblems and symbols are used to provide meaning to a nation in the making and serve as pillars for common national identification to guide the formation of national identity. In essence, they represent the top-down process of politically dominant societal actors’ attempt to effect nation building by seeking to promote their desired type of national identity. Drawing on field observations and analysis aimed at examining aspects of state symbols and national identity, the article shows that the meanings attached to the adopted state emblems and national symbols can be inclusionary or exclusionary and may encourage unity or division. It argues that any attempt to promote unifying and cohesive national identity following a long and divisive armed conflict, as in the case of Southern Sudan, requires the adoption of inclusive and positively meaningful state emblems and national symbols.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"18 1","pages":"151 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86834485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-17DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1736764
Venkataraman Manickam
ABSTRACT Ethiopia is witnessing new twists and turns both in its domestic and foreign policy domain of late with the incumbent government in power adopting political and economic reforms aimed at fostering changes to bring about development. This has invariably provided an opportunity for India to consolidate its relationship with Ethiopia further. The new domestic political and economic reforms and the friendly gestures that the present government under Abiy Ahmed has made with its neighbors has drawn the attention of the international community to the extent of awarding him with Nobel Peace Prize. Such reform measures of Ethiopia have given India with wide scope to engage itself constructively and extend political and economic support in areas where both countries stand to gain. India's active engagement with Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular is all the more important given the China factor that has been competing with other countries of the region. This paper describes the domestic political developments in Ethiopia during the post Cold War era and its struggle to maintain the intricate ethnic balance that has characterized its nation-building process by tracing it from the days of King Haile Selassie I. It further analyzes the steps taken by the government to remove obstacles to peace and development through adopting economic liberalization measures and foreign policy changes. These are discussed in a chronological manner starting with a conceptual framework and using predominantly secondary sources and relying on personal observations.
{"title":"Ethiopia’s new foreign policy challenges: scope for India’s engagement","authors":"Venkataraman Manickam","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1736764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1736764","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ethiopia is witnessing new twists and turns both in its domestic and foreign policy domain of late with the incumbent government in power adopting political and economic reforms aimed at fostering changes to bring about development. This has invariably provided an opportunity for India to consolidate its relationship with Ethiopia further. The new domestic political and economic reforms and the friendly gestures that the present government under Abiy Ahmed has made with its neighbors has drawn the attention of the international community to the extent of awarding him with Nobel Peace Prize. Such reform measures of Ethiopia have given India with wide scope to engage itself constructively and extend political and economic support in areas where both countries stand to gain. India's active engagement with Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular is all the more important given the China factor that has been competing with other countries of the region. This paper describes the domestic political developments in Ethiopia during the post Cold War era and its struggle to maintain the intricate ethnic balance that has characterized its nation-building process by tracing it from the days of King Haile Selassie I. It further analyzes the steps taken by the government to remove obstacles to peace and development through adopting economic liberalization measures and foreign policy changes. These are discussed in a chronological manner starting with a conceptual framework and using predominantly secondary sources and relying on personal observations.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"36 1","pages":"133 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80837931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-28DOI: 10.1080/09744053.2020.1731670
Clement Chipenda
ABSTRACT This article examines the implications of the land and agrarian reforms on ‘aliens’ and its multiplying effects on citizenship and their rights in Zimbabwe. It also interrogates the contested nature of citizenship in relation to land, agriculture and the rights of aliens. This is premised on a background where a frosty relationship has existed between aliens and the government, making them victims of the country’s land reform programme. Settler colonialism is shown as having partly contributed to contemporary challenges and despite its demise, it continues to influence land and agrarian disputes between the government, indigenous Zimbabweans and aliens. It is against this background that this article interrogates and tells a unique story of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe. The country’s land reform programme is shown as having had deep seated socio-cultural, political and economic implications some which are now only becoming evident now. The paper uses strong field based empirical evidence, adopts an interpretive life history research approach and uses the conceptual lenses of T.H. Marshall’s distinction of social citizenship (civil political and economic) to show how land reform has reconfigured rural social and economic relations. The article shows that in post land reform Zimbabwe, citizenship remains a contested issue and socially, economically and politically aliens are at a disadvantage and are failing to enjoy the rights and privileges which are due to them as enshrined in the country’s laws. The article concludes that despite the politics of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe, aliens continue to positively contribute to socio-economic and political processes in the resettlement areas.
{"title":"Land reform, citizenship and aliens in Zimbabwe","authors":"Clement Chipenda","doi":"10.1080/09744053.2020.1731670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1731670","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the implications of the land and agrarian reforms on ‘aliens’ and its multiplying effects on citizenship and their rights in Zimbabwe. It also interrogates the contested nature of citizenship in relation to land, agriculture and the rights of aliens. This is premised on a background where a frosty relationship has existed between aliens and the government, making them victims of the country’s land reform programme. Settler colonialism is shown as having partly contributed to contemporary challenges and despite its demise, it continues to influence land and agrarian disputes between the government, indigenous Zimbabweans and aliens. It is against this background that this article interrogates and tells a unique story of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe. The country’s land reform programme is shown as having had deep seated socio-cultural, political and economic implications some which are now only becoming evident now. The paper uses strong field based empirical evidence, adopts an interpretive life history research approach and uses the conceptual lenses of T.H. Marshall’s distinction of social citizenship (civil political and economic) to show how land reform has reconfigured rural social and economic relations. The article shows that in post land reform Zimbabwe, citizenship remains a contested issue and socially, economically and politically aliens are at a disadvantage and are failing to enjoy the rights and privileges which are due to them as enshrined in the country’s laws. The article concludes that despite the politics of inclusion and exclusion in rural Zimbabwe, aliens continue to positively contribute to socio-economic and political processes in the resettlement areas.","PeriodicalId":41966,"journal":{"name":"Africa Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"12 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73906904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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