Résumé:Les Conversations Tocqueville se proposent de faire dialoguer ensemble des hommes politiques, des universitaires, des responsables de fondations, principalement européens et américains. Les Conversations 2022, fidèles au souci d'aborder les enjeux contemporains dans un esprit tocquevillien, ont porté sur la guerre en Ukraine que Moscou présente comme une guerre de civilisation contre les démocraties libérales de l'Occident. Les interventions suivirent la chronologie de la guerre : d'abord les causes de la catastrophe qui incluent à la fois la nature du régime soviétique et la responsabilité éventuelle de l'Occident par ses provocations, ses aveuglements ou ses renoncements, puis la réflexion sur l'état présent et enfin les perspectives d'avenir, diplomatiques et militaires.
{"title":"Les Conversations Tocqueville: 4e édition, 8-9 juillet 2022","authors":"F. Mélonio","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.247","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:Les Conversations Tocqueville se proposent de faire dialoguer ensemble des hommes politiques, des universitaires, des responsables de fondations, principalement européens et américains. Les Conversations 2022, fidèles au souci d'aborder les enjeux contemporains dans un esprit tocquevillien, ont porté sur la guerre en Ukraine que Moscou présente comme une guerre de civilisation contre les démocraties libérales de l'Occident. Les interventions suivirent la chronologie de la guerre : d'abord les causes de la catastrophe qui incluent à la fois la nature du régime soviétique et la responsabilité éventuelle de l'Occident par ses provocations, ses aveuglements ou ses renoncements, puis la réflexion sur l'état présent et enfin les perspectives d'avenir, diplomatiques et militaires.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"247 - 262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69415698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Hurricane Camille, a devastating Category Five hurricane which hit the Gulf Coast of the U.S. in August, 1969, prompted a reassessment of U.S. disaster relief policy. The American National Red Cross, which had played the dominant role in disaster relief for individuals in the U.S. since the turn of the century, saw its role in disaster relief challenged on a number of fronts. Facing failures in its response to Camille, financial challenges in meeting every-more-costly disasters in the post-World War Two era, and rising expectations of both adequacy and equity on the part of disaster victims, the non-governmental agency ultimately found its role diminished by both the expansion of federal disaster relief programs and by the increasing prominence of disaster programs performed by other voluntary agencies such as the Salvation Army and the Mennonite Disaster Service.
摘要:1969年8月袭击美国墨西哥湾沿岸的五级飓风“卡米尔”引发了美国对救灾政策的重新评估。美国国家红十字会(American National Red Cross)自世纪之交以来一直在美国个人救灾中发挥主导作用，但它在救灾中的作用在许多方面受到了挑战。面对卡米尔事件应对的失败，二战后应对每一场代价更高的灾难所面临的财政挑战，以及灾难受害者对充足和公平的期望不断提高，这个非政府机构最终发现，由于联邦救灾计划的扩大，以及其他志愿机构(如救世军和门诺派灾难服务组织)执行的灾难计划日益突出，它的作用被削弱了。
{"title":"The American Red Cross and Disaster Relief in the 1960s: Nonprofits and Mass Philanthropy in an Era of Rising Expectations","authors":"Andrew P. Morris","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.89","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Hurricane Camille, a devastating Category Five hurricane which hit the Gulf Coast of the U.S. in August, 1969, prompted a reassessment of U.S. disaster relief policy. The American National Red Cross, which had played the dominant role in disaster relief for individuals in the U.S. since the turn of the century, saw its role in disaster relief challenged on a number of fronts. Facing failures in its response to Camille, financial challenges in meeting every-more-costly disasters in the post-World War Two era, and rising expectations of both adequacy and equity on the part of disaster victims, the non-governmental agency ultimately found its role diminished by both the expansion of federal disaster relief programs and by the increasing prominence of disaster programs performed by other voluntary agencies such as the Salvation Army and the Mennonite Disaster Service.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"114 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41834752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Raymond Aron's exile in Great Britain during the Second World War was a less-known yet formative part of his career, during which he cofounded the journal La France libre. The articles he published between 1940 and 1944 in La France libre from London have previously been studied in a fragmented manner, but they have not yet been analyzed as a whole. This essay examines Aron's articles compiled in Volume I of the Chroniques de guerre ('From the Armistice to the National Insurrection'). Volumes II and III of Aron's wartime articles merit their own separate analyses.The first objective of this essay is to present the theoretical contributions made by Aron in Volume I of his La France libre articles, with regard to a 'history of the present.' It argues that Aron adopted an ingenious approach to analyzing the history of the war as it unfolded, building upon his own philosophy of history from the Interwar.The second objective of the essay is to show that Aron's wartime writings also marked his shift from being a scholar to entering "l'engagement": committing to political stances. In this regard, his anti-Gaullism in London has been generally overstated relative to his far more elaborate stances on contemporary French history. Revisited, Aron's wartime articles thus help complete the picture of his career.
{"title":"Raymond Aron's War: A 'History of the Present' (1940-1944)","authors":"Elias P. Forneris","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.7","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Raymond Aron's exile in Great Britain during the Second World War was a less-known yet formative part of his career, during which he cofounded the journal La France libre. The articles he published between 1940 and 1944 in La France libre from London have previously been studied in a fragmented manner, but they have not yet been analyzed as a whole. This essay examines Aron's articles compiled in Volume I of the Chroniques de guerre ('From the Armistice to the National Insurrection'). Volumes II and III of Aron's wartime articles merit their own separate analyses.The first objective of this essay is to present the theoretical contributions made by Aron in Volume I of his La France libre articles, with regard to a 'history of the present.' It argues that Aron adopted an ingenious approach to analyzing the history of the war as it unfolded, building upon his own philosophy of history from the Interwar.The second objective of the essay is to show that Aron's wartime writings also marked his shift from being a scholar to entering \"l'engagement\": committing to political stances. In this regard, his anti-Gaullism in London has been generally overstated relative to his far more elaborate stances on contemporary French history. Revisited, Aron's wartime articles thus help complete the picture of his career.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"38 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47349335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This essay draws on Zunz's major works to show how the reformulation of the American Promise between, roughly, 1870 and 1960 established a new relationship between inequality and solidarity. I argue that Zunz's analysis demonstrates that the emerging white-collar middle class responded to the crises of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries with three cultural innovations—recodifying status, engineering social harmony, and formalizing voluntarism—intended to reconcile the country to the inequalities of urban-industrial life. Through the construction of corporate bureaucracies, the development of "human engineering," and the creation of the nonprofit sector, members of the new middle class attempted, with considerable success, to get inequality "right" by adapting their traditional expectations about inequality to new institutional circumstances. By linking large-scale changes to the agency of a specific social group, Zunz's contributions to historical research illuminate how the American Century emerged from historical circumstances and why it has fallen apart.
{"title":"Getting Inequality Right: A Zunzian Perspective on the Reformulation of the American Promise","authors":"Keith D. Revell","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.173","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay draws on Zunz's major works to show how the reformulation of the American Promise between, roughly, 1870 and 1960 established a new relationship between inequality and solidarity. I argue that Zunz's analysis demonstrates that the emerging white-collar middle class responded to the crises of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries with three cultural innovations—recodifying status, engineering social harmony, and formalizing voluntarism—intended to reconcile the country to the inequalities of urban-industrial life. Through the construction of corporate bureaucracies, the development of \"human engineering,\" and the creation of the nonprofit sector, members of the new middle class attempted, with considerable success, to get inequality \"right\" by adapting their traditional expectations about inequality to new institutional circumstances. By linking large-scale changes to the agency of a specific social group, Zunz's contributions to historical research illuminate how the American Century emerged from historical circumstances and why it has fallen apart.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"173 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42455443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article uncovers the story behind the first systematic study of the African-American consumer market, Paul K. Edwards's The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer (1932). Apparently the work of single researcher working at a small African-American college, Fisk University, The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer was in fact the product an unlikely intersection of larger developments in early twentieth century America: the growing industry producing market research and ambitious philanthropic foundations that aimed to reform the American South. The book's purpose was not merely to map an untapped market but to demonstrate that African-Americans were viable consumers, in order to win them a new and improved status in American society.
摘要:本文揭示了保罗·k·爱德华兹(Paul K. Edwards) 1932年出版的《南方城市黑人作为消费者》(the Southern Urban Negro as a consumer)这一对非裔美国人消费市场的首次系统研究背后的故事。《作为消费者的南方城市黑人》一书显然是菲斯克大学(Fisk University)一所小型非裔美国大学的单个研究人员的工作成果，实际上是20世纪初美国一些更大发展的不太可能的交集的产物:不断发展的市场研究行业和旨在改革美国南方的雄心勃勃的慈善基金会。这本书的目的不仅仅是为了描绘一个尚未开发的市场，而是为了证明非裔美国人是可行的消费者，以便为他们在美国社会赢得一个新的和改善的地位。
{"title":"\"People Are People in a New Sense\": Race, Markets, Foundations, and Paul K. Edwards's The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer","authors":"H. Wells","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.69","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article uncovers the story behind the first systematic study of the African-American consumer market, Paul K. Edwards's The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer (1932). Apparently the work of single researcher working at a small African-American college, Fisk University, The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer was in fact the product an unlikely intersection of larger developments in early twentieth century America: the growing industry producing market research and ambitious philanthropic foundations that aimed to reform the American South. The book's purpose was not merely to map an untapped market but to demonstrate that African-Americans were viable consumers, in order to win them a new and improved status in American society.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"69 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48579080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Résumé:Compte rendu du livre d'Édouard de Tocqueville, Voyage en Angleterre, en Écosse et en Irlande, édition établie, présentée et annotée par Barbara Wright : Edouard de Tocqueville, frère aîné d'Alexis a accompli en 1824 un voyage en Angleterre, en Ecosse et en Irlande. Son journal de voyage, sensible et riche d'illustrations pittoresques, permet de mieux saisir la distance prise très tôt par Alexis à l'égard de la culture de sa famille et des jeunes légitimistes.
摘要：爱德华·德·托克维尔（Edouard de Tocqueville）的书《英格兰、苏格兰和爱尔兰之旅》（Travel in England，Scotland and Ireland）的记述，由芭芭拉·赖特（Barbara Wright）编辑、呈现和注释：亚历克西斯的哥哥爱德华·德·托克维尔于1824年前往英格兰、苏格兰及爱尔兰。他的旅行日记敏感，插图丰富，让我们更好地了解亚历克西斯早期与家庭文化和年轻的合法主义者之间的距离。
{"title":"Les récits de voyages selon Édouard et Alexis de Tocqueville","authors":"F. Mélonio","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.263","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:Compte rendu du livre d'Édouard de Tocqueville, Voyage en Angleterre, en Écosse et en Irlande, édition établie, présentée et annotée par Barbara Wright : Edouard de Tocqueville, frère aîné d'Alexis a accompli en 1824 un voyage en Angleterre, en Ecosse et en Irlande. Son journal de voyage, sensible et riche d'illustrations pittoresques, permet de mieux saisir la distance prise très tôt par Alexis à l'égard de la culture de sa famille et des jeunes légitimistes.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"263 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49440913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The question of what role civil institutions play in democratic life in the United States weaves through the entire work of historian Olivier Zunz. In honor of his long career, this special issue engages with Zunz's contributions to our understanding of this crucial feature of American social and political history, its five essays tackling his insights in original ways and opening new directions for research. To open this issue, the introduction links Zunz's scholarship to Alexis de Tocqueville's thoughts on democracy and the role of voluntary associations, retraces Zunz's engagement with Tocqueville's work, and ponders the relevance and limits of this theme when analyzing the United States today.
{"title":"Civil Institutions and Democratic Life in the United States. In Honor of Olivier Zunz: Introduction","authors":"Nicolas Barreyre, Alexia Blin, D. Hoff","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.61","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The question of what role civil institutions play in democratic life in the United States weaves through the entire work of historian Olivier Zunz. In honor of his long career, this special issue engages with Zunz's contributions to our understanding of this crucial feature of American social and political history, its five essays tackling his insights in original ways and opening new directions for research. To open this issue, the introduction links Zunz's scholarship to Alexis de Tocqueville's thoughts on democracy and the role of voluntary associations, retraces Zunz's engagement with Tocqueville's work, and ponders the relevance and limits of this theme when analyzing the United States today.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"61 - 67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45479330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The Sherman Act (1890) inaugurated the commitment of the American federal government to block the horizontal combinations or "trusts" then beginning to dominate many industries. But the statute's sweeping language nearly demanded interpretation by the executive branch and the judiciary. Two decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1911, Standard Oil and American Tobacco, promulgated a "rule of reason" that sent American antitrust law in a new direction, grounded in economic analysis. In its next antitrust case, the court used the rule to uphold a monopoly for the first time. To date, historians have overlooked that case, United States v. Terminal Railroad Association of St. Louis (1912). This article reviews the events that led to this prosecution under the Sherman At, and it explores a fallacy at the heart of the justices' unanimous opinion. Contrary to their analysis, the Terminal Railroad of St. Louis lacked any legitimate claim to being a natural monopoly. In turn, their egregious misreading of fact and theory suggests that the justices were ill-equipped to wield economic analysis in shaping antitrust law.
{"title":"The \"Rule of Reason\" and an Unnatural Monopoly: United States v. Terminal Railroad","authors":"John K. Brown","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.145","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The Sherman Act (1890) inaugurated the commitment of the American federal government to block the horizontal combinations or \"trusts\" then beginning to dominate many industries. But the statute's sweeping language nearly demanded interpretation by the executive branch and the judiciary. Two decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1911, Standard Oil and American Tobacco, promulgated a \"rule of reason\" that sent American antitrust law in a new direction, grounded in economic analysis. In its next antitrust case, the court used the rule to uphold a monopoly for the first time. To date, historians have overlooked that case, United States v. Terminal Railroad Association of St. Louis (1912). This article reviews the events that led to this prosecution under the Sherman At, and it explores a fallacy at the heart of the justices' unanimous opinion. Contrary to their analysis, the Terminal Railroad of St. Louis lacked any legitimate claim to being a natural monopoly. In turn, their egregious misreading of fact and theory suggests that the justices were ill-equipped to wield economic analysis in shaping antitrust law.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"145 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45036070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The institutional history of the United States Congress has lagged in recent decades as historians of American political development have focused on the history of administration and defined the state in terms of the autonomy of bureaucratic government institutions. In this article, I argue that the history of both Congress and the American state would benefit from analyzing Congress as an institution of the democratic state—an ongoing historical project in which the American people and their representatives in Congress have shaped American democracy and the creation, evolution, and administration of the American state.
{"title":"The People's Branch: The U.S. Congress and the Democratic State","authors":"Daniel S. Holt","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.115","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The institutional history of the United States Congress has lagged in recent decades as historians of American political development have focused on the history of administration and defined the state in terms of the autonomy of bureaucratic government institutions. In this article, I argue that the history of both Congress and the American state would benefit from analyzing Congress as an institution of the democratic state—an ongoing historical project in which the American people and their representatives in Congress have shaped American democracy and the creation, evolution, and administration of the American state.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"115 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44885868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Raymond Aron oppose systématiquement la politique internationale à la politique intérieure. Selon lui, ce n'est que dans l'arène de la politique internationale qu'on peut constater la polarité ami-ennemi, considérée par Carl Schmitt comme fondamentale pour la vie politique en général, c'est-àdire non seulement entre les États mais également au sein de l'État particulier. À la lumière de cette différence entre les deux auteurs, on analyse dans quelle mesure Aron, qui insiste presqu'autant que Schmitt sur la souveraineté de l'État, accepte ou rejette les thèses de ce dernier, notamment sur l'impossibilité de l'État universel et sur « l'hostilité absolue ».
{"title":"La conversion de l'histoire est-elle possible ? Les limites de l'influence de Carl Schmitt sur Raymond Aron : le concept de souveraineté de l'État et celui de l'hostilité absolue","authors":"M. Novák","doi":"10.3138/ttr.43.2.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.39","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Raymond Aron oppose systématiquement la politique internationale à la politique intérieure. Selon lui, ce n'est que dans l'arène de la politique internationale qu'on peut constater la polarité ami-ennemi, considérée par Carl Schmitt comme fondamentale pour la vie politique en général, c'est-àdire non seulement entre les États mais également au sein de l'État particulier. À la lumière de cette différence entre les deux auteurs, on analyse dans quelle mesure Aron, qui insiste presqu'autant que Schmitt sur la souveraineté de l'État, accepte ou rejette les thèses de ce dernier, notamment sur l'impossibilité de l'État universel et sur « l'hostilité absolue ».","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"39 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41467942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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