Résumé:On assiste au retour des nations, communautés de destin dont la nécessité apparaît renforcée par la progression des inégalités sociales et territoriales et une mondialisation entraînant une concurrence parfois déloyale entre les États. Dans cet article Bernard Cazeneuve analyse l'évolution historique qui a conduit après la chute de l'Urss en 1991 à considérer la démocratie libérale comme la fin de l'histoire ou un horizon indépassable. Malgré les attentats de 2001, l'Europe s'est construite sur l'idée d'abolitions des nations et a privilégié l'extension vers l'Est, avant que ne soit remise en cause cette disqualification de la nation. Depuis une dizaine d'années on redécouvre la vertu protectrice pour les peuples des nations, qui sont le niveau le plus adéquat d'une délibération à distance des particularismes régionaux mais respectueuse des héritages historiques. Ce retour des nations doit beaucoup à la concurrence des instances internationales et des grandes entreprises qui semblent mettre en péril la capacité des hommes à choisir leur destin ; il doit aussi beaucoup en Europe de l'Est à une intégration peut être trop rapide des petites nations dont la nationalité écrasée par le communisme n'a pas eu le temps de se reconstruire. Face à ce sentiment du « à quoi bon », au désenchantement né de l'insuffisante attention portée par l'Europe aux réalités nationales, Bernard Cazeneuve rappelle le mot de Jaurès dans l'Armée nouvelle (1911) : « Un peu d'internationalisme éloigne de la patrie ; beaucoup d'internationalisme y ramène »6 pour en tirer un programme d'action pour l'Europe et pour la France.
{"title":"Le futur des nations","authors":"B. Cazeneuve","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.377","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.377","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:On assiste au retour des nations, communautés de destin dont la nécessité apparaît renforcée par la progression des inégalités sociales et territoriales et une mondialisation entraînant une concurrence parfois déloyale entre les États. Dans cet article Bernard Cazeneuve analyse l'évolution historique qui a conduit après la chute de l'Urss en 1991 à considérer la démocratie libérale comme la fin de l'histoire ou un horizon indépassable. Malgré les attentats de 2001, l'Europe s'est construite sur l'idée d'abolitions des nations et a privilégié l'extension vers l'Est, avant que ne soit remise en cause cette disqualification de la nation. Depuis une dizaine d'années on redécouvre la vertu protectrice pour les peuples des nations, qui sont le niveau le plus adéquat d'une délibération à distance des particularismes régionaux mais respectueuse des héritages historiques. Ce retour des nations doit beaucoup à la concurrence des instances internationales et des grandes entreprises qui semblent mettre en péril la capacité des hommes à choisir leur destin ; il doit aussi beaucoup en Europe de l'Est à une intégration peut être trop rapide des petites nations dont la nationalité écrasée par le communisme n'a pas eu le temps de se reconstruire. Face à ce sentiment du « à quoi bon », au désenchantement né de l'insuffisante attention portée par l'Europe aux réalités nationales, Bernard Cazeneuve rappelle le mot de Jaurès dans l'Armée nouvelle (1911) : « Un peu d'internationalisme éloigne de la patrie ; beaucoup d'internationalisme y ramène »6 pour en tirer un programme d'action pour l'Europe et pour la France.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"377 - 389"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47471531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The idea that the United States is—and should be—an "entrepreneurial society" is now a popular notion. Entrepreneurs have become celebrities and many celebrities become entrepreneurs. It is easy to connect the political, economic, and social disruptions to the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, but changes of this magnitude are the offspring of many parents. This paper highlights someone who has gone unnoticed: Tony Manero, the white-suited dancer brought to life by John Travolta in the film Saturday Night Fever (1977). SNF is famous for its white working-class decadence and disco dancing, but re-watching the film today, one is struck by Tony's entrepreneurial personality. A Schumpeterian analysis shows the protagonist as a proto-entrepreneur and the film as an early endorsement of the promise of entrepreneurship.
{"title":"Schumpeter Night Fever: Tony Manero and the Conception of the Entrepreneurial Society","authors":"Brian Schmitt","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.265","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The idea that the United States is—and should be—an \"entrepreneurial society\" is now a popular notion. Entrepreneurs have become celebrities and many celebrities become entrepreneurs. It is easy to connect the political, economic, and social disruptions to the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, but changes of this magnitude are the offspring of many parents. This paper highlights someone who has gone unnoticed: Tony Manero, the white-suited dancer brought to life by John Travolta in the film Saturday Night Fever (1977). SNF is famous for its white working-class decadence and disco dancing, but re-watching the film today, one is struck by Tony's entrepreneurial personality. A Schumpeterian analysis shows the protagonist as a proto-entrepreneur and the film as an early endorsement of the promise of entrepreneurship.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"265 - 280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46758799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article addresses the question of cultural preconditions for the second birth of capitalism in the post-communist context of Central and Eastern Europe with a special reference to Poland and Hungary. The theoretical background of the analysis presented is the so-called cultural paradigm and the concept of economic culture which can be used in order to elaborate on how post-communism affected the second birth of capitalism and how the awareness of the inevitability of changes was meant to reshape the mindsets of those people who had to face them. It is argued that different narratives of capitalism that emerged in the post-communist context present a mixed picture, which indicates that the ethos of the capitalist free market needs to be supported with a strong institutional setting as well as legal and political culture.
{"title":"Post-Communism and the Second Birth of Capitalism","authors":"D. Pietrzyk-Reeves","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.155","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article addresses the question of cultural preconditions for the second birth of capitalism in the post-communist context of Central and Eastern Europe with a special reference to Poland and Hungary. The theoretical background of the analysis presented is the so-called cultural paradigm and the concept of economic culture which can be used in order to elaborate on how post-communism affected the second birth of capitalism and how the awareness of the inevitability of changes was meant to reshape the mindsets of those people who had to face them. It is argued that different narratives of capitalism that emerged in the post-communist context present a mixed picture, which indicates that the ethos of the capitalist free market needs to be supported with a strong institutional setting as well as legal and political culture.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"155 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48177463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Résumé:L'objet de cet article est d'examiner les représentations du crédit, de la dette et de l'usurier dans la France du XIXe siècle. Alors que le crédit est essentiel au fonctionnement économique et social, et que la modernisation politique et économique entraîne un développement et une institutionnalisation des pratiques de crédit, l'imaginaire collectif apparaît tiraillé entre des représentations contradictoires. À partir de sources variées, nous montrons que derrière les images nouvelles associées au crédit dans la première moitié du siècle, fortement positives, les représentations d'un endettement mortifère et de la figure malfaisante de l'usurier persistent. L'essor du crédit populaire associé à une valorisation nouvelle du crédit à la fin du siècle n'estompe pas, au début du XXe siècle, ces images héritées.
{"title":"« Redempteur du peuple » ou « infernale exploitation »? le credit, la dette et l'usurier dans la France du XIXe siècle","authors":"Isabelle Rabault-Mazières","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.75","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:L'objet de cet article est d'examiner les représentations du crédit, de la dette et de l'usurier dans la France du XIXe siècle. Alors que le crédit est essentiel au fonctionnement économique et social, et que la modernisation politique et économique entraîne un développement et une institutionnalisation des pratiques de crédit, l'imaginaire collectif apparaît tiraillé entre des représentations contradictoires. À partir de sources variées, nous montrons que derrière les images nouvelles associées au crédit dans la première moitié du siècle, fortement positives, les représentations d'un endettement mortifère et de la figure malfaisante de l'usurier persistent. L'essor du crédit populaire associé à une valorisation nouvelle du crédit à la fin du siècle n'estompe pas, au début du XXe siècle, ces images héritées.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"75 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48505814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Today the term "capitalism" is largely used to frame the market economy as a system designed to advance the interests of only capitalists. Before this use of the term "capitalism" gained traction, the word "capitalist" was already in circulation, however. The word was not tainted; it did not refer to a system of exploitation. In this paper, I will document the use of the word "capitalist" in the Italian language, through a search of the archives of the newspaper La Stampa in the period before the word "capitalism" came into common use. The evidence suggests that the word was a term that owners of the means of production used to refer to themselves, unlike today. The word was used positively in a process of self-identification by the Italian bourgeoisie as Italy slowly began to embrace a modern economy.
{"title":"Was \"Capitalist\" Always a Tainted Word? The Case of Italy","authors":"A. Mingardi","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.205","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Today the term \"capitalism\" is largely used to frame the market economy as a system designed to advance the interests of only capitalists. Before this use of the term \"capitalism\" gained traction, the word \"capitalist\" was already in circulation, however. The word was not tainted; it did not refer to a system of exploitation. In this paper, I will document the use of the word \"capitalist\" in the Italian language, through a search of the archives of the newspaper La Stampa in the period before the word \"capitalism\" came into common use. The evidence suggests that the word was a term that owners of the means of production used to refer to themselves, unlike today. The word was used positively in a process of self-identification by the Italian bourgeoisie as Italy slowly began to embrace a modern economy.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"205 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69416130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In his mature systematic writings, Karl Marx pointedly restricted the discussion of individuals as such. Instead of discussing individual characters, motivations, or desires, Marx treats people as 'carriers' (Träger) of social relations. This essay contrasts this functional or structural approach to the Romantic socialism of Pierre Leroux, who conceptualized the individual in the symbolic terms defined by Romantic aesthetics. Though Marx's reduction of individuals to their social function played a valuable role in the development of his analysis of political economy, it has produced controversy across many decades and presented problems for the political project defined by Marxism. The Romantic conception of a symbolic intersection between the individual and society does not present a fully satisfying alternative to Marx, but this essay argues that it provides an important corrective to the conception of persons as carriers of social relations.
{"title":"Persons as 'Symbols' and 'Carriers': Two Modes of Imagining the Individual and Society in the Nineteenth Century","authors":"Warren Breckman","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.65","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In his mature systematic writings, Karl Marx pointedly restricted the discussion of individuals as such. Instead of discussing individual characters, motivations, or desires, Marx treats people as 'carriers' (Träger) of social relations. This essay contrasts this functional or structural approach to the Romantic socialism of Pierre Leroux, who conceptualized the individual in the symbolic terms defined by Romantic aesthetics. Though Marx's reduction of individuals to their social function played a valuable role in the development of his analysis of political economy, it has produced controversy across many decades and presented problems for the political project defined by Marxism. The Romantic conception of a symbolic intersection between the individual and society does not present a fully satisfying alternative to Marx, but this essay argues that it provides an important corrective to the conception of persons as carriers of social relations.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"65 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69416140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Résumé:L'hypothèse formulée ici est que le capitalisme contemporain mutile la culture de l'individualisme en l'amputant de l'une de ses deux composantes alors qu'elle doit reposer sur l'équilibre entre deux séries de normes distinctes : des normes multilatérales de justice distributive et des normes bilatérales de justice commutative. Or le néolibéralisme contemporain prétend reléguer les normes de la justice distributive dans le domaine de la moralité privée au nom de l'arbitraire auquel leur mise en œuvre par la puissance publique exposerait les individus. C'est une mutilation, car les transactions bilatérales de la justice commutative ne sont porteuses de valeurs individualistes normativement importantes que si elles prennent place dans un contexte d'arrière-plan distributivement équitable. La seconde hypothèse formulée ici est que, contrairement à l'affirmation selon laquelle le néo libéralisme serait un retour au libéralisme des origines, les fondateurs de ce dernier étaient parfaitement avertis de la nécessité, pour une société de liberté, de réaliser un équilibre entre les deux exigences et que leurs œuvres en portent témoignage.Abstract:The hypothesis put forth in this paper is that contemporary capitalism mutilates the political culture of liberal individualism by cutting it from one of its two components, whereas liberalim should remain grounded on the balance between two distinct sets of norms : the multipolar norms of distributive justice and the bipolar norms of commutative justice. But contemporary neoliberalism wants to confine the norms of distributive justice in the realm of private morality by claiming that their public enforcement would expose individuals to arbitrary power. This is a mutilation, since the bipolar transactions of commutative justice can be normatively significant and valid only it they take place in a distributively just background social context. The second hypothesis put forth in this paper is that, contrary to the claim that neoliberalism is a move back to original liberalism, the thinkers who founded liberal political thought were perfectly aware of the necessity, for a free society, to strike a balance between distributive and commutative values and that their work bear witness to this necessity.
{"title":"La mutilation de l'individualisme libéral dans le capitalisme contemporain","authors":"Jean-Fabien Spitz","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.125","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:L'hypothèse formulée ici est que le capitalisme contemporain mutile la culture de l'individualisme en l'amputant de l'une de ses deux composantes alors qu'elle doit reposer sur l'équilibre entre deux séries de normes distinctes : des normes multilatérales de justice distributive et des normes bilatérales de justice commutative. Or le néolibéralisme contemporain prétend reléguer les normes de la justice distributive dans le domaine de la moralité privée au nom de l'arbitraire auquel leur mise en œuvre par la puissance publique exposerait les individus. C'est une mutilation, car les transactions bilatérales de la justice commutative ne sont porteuses de valeurs individualistes normativement importantes que si elles prennent place dans un contexte d'arrière-plan distributivement équitable. La seconde hypothèse formulée ici est que, contrairement à l'affirmation selon laquelle le néo libéralisme serait un retour au libéralisme des origines, les fondateurs de ce dernier étaient parfaitement avertis de la nécessité, pour une société de liberté, de réaliser un équilibre entre les deux exigences et que leurs œuvres en portent témoignage.Abstract:The hypothesis put forth in this paper is that contemporary capitalism mutilates the political culture of liberal individualism by cutting it from one of its two components, whereas liberalim should remain grounded on the balance between two distinct sets of norms : the multipolar norms of distributive justice and the bipolar norms of commutative justice. But contemporary neoliberalism wants to confine the norms of distributive justice in the realm of private morality by claiming that their public enforcement would expose individuals to arbitrary power. This is a mutilation, since the bipolar transactions of commutative justice can be normatively significant and valid only it they take place in a distributively just background social context. The second hypothesis put forth in this paper is that, contrary to the claim that neoliberalism is a move back to original liberalism, the thinkers who founded liberal political thought were perfectly aware of the necessity, for a free society, to strike a balance between distributive and commutative values and that their work bear witness to this necessity.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"125 - 142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43960178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Résumé:Au moment de la chute du communisme, l'Europe centrale a une relation enchantée à l'Occident, et par là, au capitalisme et à l'économie de marché. Cette relation évolue depuis trente ans suivant trois types de dynamiques, 1. celle du choc des transformations brutales et injustes, 2. celle de la socialisation politique à la construction d'un point de vue national, en particulier dans les négociations visant à entrer dans le Marché unique, et enfin, 3. celle du rejet des dérives liées à la corruption et à la capture du pouvoir. Malgré des hauts et des bas, l'instauration du capitalisme et de l'économie de marché est très positive pour la région. Mais les populations protestent et étonnent dans leurs choix. Elles sont de fait mû par un désir d'amélioration du système, un rejet des dérives. Il en résulte d'un amour raisonné, désenchanté mais réel pour ce système.
{"title":"L'Europe centrale et le capitalisme: Les crises d'un amour qui dure","authors":"Nicolas Maslowski","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.143","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:Au moment de la chute du communisme, l'Europe centrale a une relation enchantée à l'Occident, et par là, au capitalisme et à l'économie de marché. Cette relation évolue depuis trente ans suivant trois types de dynamiques, 1. celle du choc des transformations brutales et injustes, 2. celle de la socialisation politique à la construction d'un point de vue national, en particulier dans les négociations visant à entrer dans le Marché unique, et enfin, 3. celle du rejet des dérives liées à la corruption et à la capture du pouvoir. Malgré des hauts et des bas, l'instauration du capitalisme et de l'économie de marché est très positive pour la région. Mais les populations protestent et étonnent dans leurs choix. Elles sont de fait mû par un désir d'amélioration du système, un rejet des dérives. Il en résulte d'un amour raisonné, désenchanté mais réel pour ce système.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"143 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41702163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The prospect of environmental catastrophe dictates planning for a world-wide reduction in the consumption of commodities in the coming decades, as well as a stabilisation of population. Reducing desires for goods, however, entails rejecting the mentality of consumer society, which has dominated first the west, then much of the rest of the world, for more than a century. This talk examines a number of historical and literary utopian proposals for exiting a luxury-centred commercial model, including Lycurgus, Fénelon, and various socialists; and for modifying its assumptions and operations, notably in the USSR. It suggests that updating such proposals, while difficult, is not impossible, and is indeed unavoidable.
{"title":"How Can We Imagine a Post-Consumerist Character?","authors":"G. Claeys","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.313","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The prospect of environmental catastrophe dictates planning for a world-wide reduction in the consumption of commodities in the coming decades, as well as a stabilisation of population. Reducing desires for goods, however, entails rejecting the mentality of consumer society, which has dominated first the west, then much of the rest of the world, for more than a century. This talk examines a number of historical and literary utopian proposals for exiting a luxury-centred commercial model, including Lycurgus, Fénelon, and various socialists; and for modifying its assumptions and operations, notably in the USSR. It suggests that updating such proposals, while difficult, is not impossible, and is indeed unavoidable.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"313 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49058894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The 19 essays in this collection present an international and pluridisciplinary approach to the relation between capitalism, personality and culture, from the eighteenth century to the present. In Part I: Capitalism and Social Thought, they look primarily at social and economic thought, and in Part II: Representations of Commerce and Capitalism, they examine film, theatre, music, television, and journalism. By treating perspectives as widely separated as those of Montesqueiu, Marx, Rand, and Wajda, and examining representations from a number of countries and languages, including France, the United States, Poland, Hungary, Italy and the UK, the essays present a contrasting and rapidly shifting portrait of the meaning of some of the most contested terms in our present-day politics and society.
{"title":"The Effects Of Capitalism On People, Personality And Culture: Introduction","authors":"A. Kahan, Catherine Marshall, J. Nowicki","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.7","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The 19 essays in this collection present an international and pluridisciplinary approach to the relation between capitalism, personality and culture, from the eighteenth century to the present. In Part I: Capitalism and Social Thought, they look primarily at social and economic thought, and in Part II: Representations of Commerce and Capitalism, they examine film, theatre, music, television, and journalism. By treating perspectives as widely separated as those of Montesqueiu, Marx, Rand, and Wajda, and examining representations from a number of countries and languages, including France, the United States, Poland, Hungary, Italy and the UK, the essays present a contrasting and rapidly shifting portrait of the meaning of some of the most contested terms in our present-day politics and society.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"16 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42619414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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