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Penser l'identité italienne. Ernesto Galli della Loggia et la révision de l'histoire 想想意大利人的身份。埃内斯托·加利·德拉·洛吉亚和历史修正
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3138/TTR.42.1.133
Mario Tesini
Résumé:Dans le débat sur l'histoire de l'Italie au cours du dernier siècle (et plus largement depuis le Risorgimento et l'unité italienne), Ernesto Galli della Loggia, en sa double qualité d'historien et d'intellectuel public, est un protagoniste important. L'article, en suivant la réflexion de cet écrivain qui entremêle les éléments de son autobiographie intellectuelle avec l'histoire de sa génération et plus largement l'histoire nationale, retrace quelques-uns des traits majeurs de la culture politique italienne : faiblesse de l'État et hyperpuissance des partis ; héritage du fascisme et spécificité communiste (avec en toile de fond l'absence d'un vrai débat sur l'expérience totalitaire au XXe siècle) ; et enfin la crise institutionnelle liée à la transition entre une « Première » République caractérisée par la prédominance des partis politiques et une « Seconde » aux contours encore flous.
在关于上个世纪意大利历史的辩论中(更广泛地说,自复兴和意大利统一以来),埃内斯托·加利·德拉·洛贾作为历史学家和公共知识分子的双重身份是一个重要的主角。这篇文章遵循了作者的反思,将他的知识自传的元素与他那一代人的历史以及更广泛的国家历史交织在一起,追溯了意大利政治文化的一些主要特征:国家软弱和政党超级大国;法西斯主义的遗产和共产主义的特殊性(在20世纪缺乏关于极权主义经验的真正辩论的背景下);最后,与以政党主导为特征的“第一”共和国和轮廓模糊的“第二”共和国之间的过渡有关的体制危机。
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引用次数: 0
Le revenu de base ne fait pas le bonheur – Mais peu importe ! 基本收入并不能带来幸福——但没关系!
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3138/TTR.42.1.107
P. V. Parijs
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引用次数: 1
Economic Growth and Material Well-being: An Attempt at Reconciliation 经济增长与物质幸福:和解的尝试
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3138/TTR.42.1.33
Gérard Cornilleau, Pierre Madec
Abstract:The measurement of well-being and its evolution is an open question. A suggested indicator, which is limited to the measure of material well-being, is based on taking into account the "relative" nature of a generation's level of well-being and the "absolute" impact of lifetime income growth. The assumption is that each individual has a level of well-being at birth that is proportional to the relative income available to his or her family. Subsequently, the well-being of each individual evolves as the real income available to him. In the long term, this indicator depends on the distribution of income (a reduction in inequality increases social welfare) and the growth rate of the economy, with rising per capita income leading to a sustainable increase in well-being, since lifelong generations enjoy higher well-being. It also evolves positively with lifespan and aging, as the share of generations that have benefited from increased well-being over life is increasing. The calculation of this indicator for France and the United States from 1950 to 2019 shows that well-being in France increased very sharply from the 1950s to the 1970s before stagnating since the 1980s. In the United States, the evolution of well-being has been much more consistent. Since the 2008 crisis, aggregate well-being has tended to decline in both countries as growth decline and inequality increase. Generations born after 1970 are much less favourable than previous generations, with the difference in well-being at the same age being particularly marked for those born since 1980.
摘要:幸福感的测量及其演变是一个悬而未决的问题。一个建议的指标仅限于衡量物质福利,其基础是考虑到一代人福利水平的“相对”性质和一生收入增长的“绝对”影响。假设每个人出生时的幸福水平与他或她家庭的相对收入成正比。随后,每个人的福祉演变为他可以获得的实际收入。从长期来看,这一指标取决于收入分配(减少不平等会增加社会福利)和经济增长率,人均收入的增加会导致福祉的持续增长,因为终身代人享有更高的福祉。它还随着寿命和老龄化而积极发展,因为受益于生活中幸福程度提高的几代人的比例正在增加。对1950年至2019年法国和美国的这一指标的计算表明,法国的幸福感在20世纪50年代至70年代期间急剧上升,但自20世纪80年代以来停滞不前。在美国,幸福感的演变更加一致。自2008年危机以来,随着经济增长放缓和不平等加剧,两国的总体幸福感都趋于下降。1970年以后出生的人比前几代人的幸福感差得多,1980年以后出生的人在同一年龄段的幸福感差异尤其明显。
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引用次数: 1
Epilogue: The Need for a New and Critical Democracy 结语:需要一个新的和批判的民主
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.109
W. Novak, S. Sawyer
Abstract:Democratic critiques of neoliberalism have been comparatively rare, and positive democratic rejoinders to the social and political ruins of neoliberalism have been rarer. The question thus presents itself – what would an overtly democratic critique of neoliberalism look like and, beyond critique, what would a constructive democratic response to neoliberalism entail?
摘要:民主党对新自由主义的批评相对较少,而积极的民主党人对新自由论的社会和政治废墟的反驳也较少。因此,问题就出现了——对新自由主义的公开民主批判会是什么样子?除了批判之外,对新自由论的建设性民主回应会带来什么?
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引用次数: 0
Public Goods and the Origins of Equilibrium Democracy 公共产品与均衡民主的起源
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.65
Jacob Jensen
Abstract:Research on the relationship between neoliberalism and democracy has mostly overlooked the important theoretical contributions of public goods theorists in extending market mechanisms beyond the economy. Yet, many aspects associated with the rise of neoliberalism would have been unimaginable without these economists’ contributions to the development of a new variety of liberal democracy, based on the model of the market. The separation of provision and production, the introduction of market-like competition in public services, and the use of performance incentives are inexplicable without reference to public goods theorists’ reinvention of politics as the demand for and supply of publicly provided goods and services. Focusing on the contributions of Paul Samuelson, Charles Tiebout, and Vincent Ostrom rather than the usual suspects associated with the Mont Pèlerin Society, the article argues that public goods theory represents a positive vision of the market-oriented democratic state that most scholars of neoliberalism have overlooked. This positive vision of marketized provision of public goods and services represents a new model of liberal democracy rather than the end of it.
摘要:关于新自由主义与民主关系的研究大多忽视了公共物品理论家将市场机制扩展到经济之外的重要理论贡献。然而,如果没有这些经济学家对基于市场模式的新型自由民主的发展所作的贡献,与新自由主义兴起相关的许多方面是无法想象的。供给和生产的分离,在公共服务中引入市场竞争,以及绩效激励的使用,如果不参考公共物品理论家将政治重新定义为公共提供的物品和服务的需求和供给,这些都是无法解释的。这篇文章关注的是保罗·萨缪尔森、查尔斯·蒂布特和文森特·奥斯特罗姆的贡献,而不是与蒙特·普勒林社会有关的通常的怀疑。文章认为,公共物品理论代表了大多数新自由主义学者所忽视的以市场为导向的民主国家的积极愿景。这种将公共产品和服务市场化提供的积极愿景代表了自由民主的一种新模式,而不是它的终结。
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引用次数: 1
Democratic Statecraft: Perspectives from an “Unsettled” Global South 民主治国方略:来自“未解决”的全球南方的视角
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.159
Lourdes Sola, L. Whitehead
Abstract:This paper focuses on major Emerging Market Democracies (EMDs), and their “statecrafting” options under the pressures of globalization, including the recent build-up of counter-currents culminating in the massive “sudden stop” of 2020. Even under the most adverse circumstances, these countries have never just been “rule-takers,” and their political economy trajectories always involve coalition-building and politically negotiated adaptation and reform.
摘要:本文关注的是主要的新兴市场民主国家,以及它们在全球化压力下的“建国”选择,包括最近逆流的形成,最终导致2020年的大规模“突然停止”。即使在最不利的情况下,这些国家也从来不是“规则制定者”,它们的政治经济轨迹总是涉及建立联盟以及通过政治谈判进行的适应和改革。
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引用次数: 2
Raymond Boudon et la sociologie americaine 雷蒙德·布登与美国社会学
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.137
R. Leroux
Resume:Dès le début de sa carrière, Raymond Boudon s’intéresse à la sociologie américaine. Il admire notamment les travaux de Paul Lazarsfeld et Robert Merton, qui vont exercer sur lui une influence considérable. Ils ont le mérite à ses yeux de donner à la sociologie une forme scientifique rigoureuse. À l’Université Columbia, vers le milieu des années 1960, il se lie d’amitié avec des sociologues de sa génération comme James Coleman, Anthony Oberschall et d’autres. Après s’être consacré à l’étude de questions méthodologiques, il commence à s’intéresser à la théorie du choix rationnel, dont il explique les points forts et les points faibles. Sur cette base, il analyse en détail le travail de Mancur Olson. Cet article montre donc que la sociologie américaine amène Boudon à prendre ses distances vis-à-vis de la sociologie française qu’il jugeait trop verbeuse et insuffisamment scientifique.
摘要:雷蒙德·布登从职业生涯一开始就对美国社会学感兴趣。他特别欣赏保罗·拉扎斯菲尔德和罗伯特·默顿的作品,他们对他产生了巨大影响。在他看来,他们具有赋予社会学严格科学形式的优点。20世纪60年代中期,在哥伦比亚大学,他与詹姆斯·科尔曼、安东尼·奥伯沙尔等同时代的社会学家成为朋友。在致力于研究方法论问题之后,他开始对理性选择理论感兴趣,并解释了其优点和缺点。在此基础上,他详细分析了曼库尔·奥尔森的工作。因此,这篇文章表明,美国社会学导致布登与法国社会学保持距离,他认为法国社会学过于冗长,不够科学。
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberalism Against Social Democracy 新自由主义与社会民主
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.87
Jenny Andersson
Abstract:This paper takes its point of departure in recent literature around the Mont Pèlerin Society and the construction of the new Nobel Prize in economics, which was awarded to Milton Friedman in 1976. By following the reception of Friedman’s Prize in the Swedish debate, I argue that neoliberalism in Sweden was not a product of transnational circulation, but of endogenous debate and dissident economists in the mature social democrat welfare state. In the final section, I discuss the difference between social democracy and neoliberalism as ideal type construction and as empirical phenomenon, and I suggest that once the central idea of a social form of democracy was lost, social democracy could become neoliberal.
摘要:本文从近年来有关蒙特佩勒林学会和1976年授予米尔顿·弗里德曼的新一届诺贝尔经济学奖的建设的文献出发。在瑞典辩论中获得弗里德曼奖之后,我认为瑞典的新自由主义不是跨国流通的产物,而是成熟的社会民主主义福利国家中的内生辩论和持不同政见的经济学家的产物。在最后一节中,我将社会民主和新自由主义之间的区别作为理想型建构和经验现象进行了讨论,并提出一旦失去了民主的社会形式的中心思想,社会民主就可能成为新自由主义。
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引用次数: 3
Coercion in a Subjective World 主观世界中的强制
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.19
Daniel Luban
Abstract:The development of modern economic thought has involved an increased emphasis on the subjective nature of all values, and a repudiation of the notion that the economy is or should be constrained by any sort of objective non-economic order. On this view, it is impossible to judge any outcome of uncoerced market interactions by an external standard of justice. But what is the content of the term “uncoerced”? The same thinkers who have embraced the general subjectification of social and economic theory have tended to resist applying it to the concept of coercion itself, fearing that doing so might imply that market processes can themselves be coercive in wide-ranging ways. Among subjectivists, Friedrich Hayek and Robert Nozick are particularly notable for their willingness to tackle this tension head-on. Yet an examination of their respective theories suggests that neither is ultimately successful in doing so. This implies that any consistent subjectivist theory of economic life would have to extend to the concept of coercion itself, with potentially far-reaching political implications.
摘要:现代经济思想的发展包括对所有价值观的主观性质的日益重视,以及对经济受到或应该受到任何客观非经济秩序约束的观念的否定。在这种观点下,不可能用外部的公正标准来判断未被感知的市场互动的任何结果。但“非商业化”一词的内容是什么?那些接受社会和经济理论普遍主体化的思想家往往拒绝将其应用于胁迫本身的概念,担心这样做可能意味着市场过程本身可以在广泛的方面具有胁迫性。在主观主义者中,弗里德里希·哈耶克和罗伯特·诺齐克尤其以他们愿意正面应对这种紧张局势而闻名。然而,对他们各自理论的研究表明,两者最终都没有成功。这意味着,任何一致的主观主义经济生活理论都必须延伸到胁迫本身的概念,这可能会产生深远的政治影响。
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引用次数: 1
Simmelian Elements in Raymond Boudon’s General Theory of Rationality 雷蒙德·布登《理性通论》中的西米利亚元素
IF 0.2 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3138/ttr.41.2.121
Christian Robitaille
Abstract:Raymond Boudon (1934–2013) developed his own general theory of rationality as an extension and original synthesis of the work already provided by classical sociology and rational choice theory. To achieve this, he had to interpret and reinterpret many classical authors and schools of thought. One classical author that inspired Boudon’s theory was German sociologist Georg Simmel (1858–1918). The following article seeks to delineate the particular Simmelian influences that can be found in Raymond Boudon’s theoretical work.
摘要:Raymond Boudon(1934–2013)发展了自己的一般理性理论,作为对古典社会学和理性选择理论已经提供的工作的延伸和原始综合。为了实现这一点,他不得不对许多古典作家和学派进行解读和重新解释。启发布登理论的一位古典作家是德国社会学家格奥尔格·西梅尔(1858-1918)。下面的文章试图描述在Raymond Boudon的理论著作中可以发现的特殊的西美尔影响。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Tocqueville Review
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