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Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company: A Key Chip in the Global Political Economy 台积电:全球政治经济的关键筹码
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s179393052300003x
Min-Hua Chiang
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) has become the world’s most important semiconductor chip manufacturer, thanks to greater trade and investment liberalisation, Taiwan’s pool of high-quality engineers and TSMC’s unique and dedicated model of chipmaking. As TSMC’s dominance is unlikely to be replaced anytime soon, the world’s heavy reliance on “Made in Taiwan” chips will continue to place the democratic island at the centre of the global political economy in the foreseeable future.
台湾半导体制造公司(TSMC)已成为世界上最重要的半导体芯片制造商,这要归功于更大的贸易和投资自由化、台湾高素质的工程师库以及TSMC独特而专注的芯片制造模式。由于台积电的主导地位不太可能很快被取代,在可预见的未来,世界对“台湾制造”芯片的严重依赖将继续使这个民主岛屿成为全球政治经济的中心。
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引用次数: 0
South Korea in 2022: Aspiring to Become a Global Pivotal State? 2022年的韩国:渴望成为全球枢纽国家?
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000016
Yongwook Ryu
South Korea aspires to become a global pivotal state and aims to play a greater role in the promotion of the existing liberal order. The central axis of this foreign policy is the ROK–US alliance, which will bring Seoul closer to Washington and Tokyo and will likely increase friction with Beijing and Pyongyang during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration.
韩国渴望成为一个全球枢纽国家,并致力于在促进现有自由秩序方面发挥更大作用。这一外交政策的中心轴是韩美联盟,这将使首尔与华盛顿和东京更接近,并可能在尹锡悦政府期间增加与北京和平壤的摩擦。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Space Policy: An Australian Perspective 中国的空间政策:一个澳大利亚的视角
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000065
Malcolm Davis
China’s rapid rise in strategic power extends into the domain of space. That space exploration is bound to continue, but for Beijing, space is ever more important for defence and for growing comprehensive national power to challenge US leadership. China aims to become the dominant space actor by 2049, a status which will encompass both military capability in space, as well as “presence” on key astrostrategic locations within the Earth-Moon system. For the United States, this challenge, although not—yet—a “space race” in the context of Apollo and the US–Soviet space race of the 1960s, looms large and may become significant as China builds astrostrategic power. For Australia, China’s growing capabilities in space, particularly its military space capabilities, are driving new policy development in relation to Australian space capability.
中国战略实力的迅速崛起延伸到了太空领域。太空探索必然会继续,但对北京来说,太空对国防和不断增长的综合国力挑战美国领导地位的重要性越来越大。中国的目标是到2049年成为占主导地位的太空参与者,这一地位将包括在太空中的军事能力,以及在地月系统内关键天体战略地点的“存在”。对美国来说,这一挑战虽然还不是阿波罗和1960年代美苏太空竞赛背景下的“太空竞赛”,但随着中国建立太空战略力量,这一挑战日益突出,并可能变得重要起来。对澳大利亚来说,中国日益增长的太空能力,特别是其军事太空能力,正在推动与澳大利亚太空能力相关的新政策发展。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine on East Asia 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰对东亚的影响
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000077
S. Puri
Although unfolding a continent away, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is detrimental to the strategic stability of East Asia, which is already riven by its own unresolved conflicts and territorial control disputes. The degradation of global security norms, the disruption to global energy supplies and the need to pick sides for or against Russia have each contributed to making East Asia’s security a more complex Rubik’s cube to manage. This article examines the implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Russia–China relations; Taiwan Strait’s stability; Japan’s defence policy; and the Korean peninsula. How and on what terms Russia’s invasion ends will carry another set of impacts and lessons for East Asia. In closing, the lessons of freezing conflicts in East Asia are applied to the emerging situation in Eastern Europe: of an unresolveable and unwinnable war that may become a lasting feature of European security, in the way that unresolved wars over Korea and Taiwan have become enduring realities in East Asia.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的举动,虽然是在一个大陆之外展开的,但对东亚的战略稳定是有害的,东亚本身已经被尚未解决的冲突和领土控制争端所撕裂。全球安全规范的退化、全球能源供应的中断,以及选择支持还是反对俄罗斯的需要,都使东亚的安全成为一个更复杂的魔方,难以管理。本文考察了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰对俄中关系的影响;台海稳定;日本的防卫政策;以及朝鲜半岛。俄罗斯的入侵如何以及以何种条件结束,将给东亚带来另一组影响和教训。最后,东亚冻结冲突的教训适用于东欧正在出现的局势:一场无法解决和无法取胜的战争可能成为欧洲安全的持久特征,就像围绕朝鲜和台湾的未解决战争已成为东亚持久的现实一样。
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引用次数: 0
The South Pacific: A New Arena for Strategic Competition among the Major Powers 南太平洋:大国战略竞争的新舞台
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000307
T. Wilkins
The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.
南太平洋地区再次成为国际关注的焦点,因为作为印度-太平洋地区更广泛战略竞争的一部分,当地和地区外大国竞相争夺影响力和忠诚。本文揭示了地缘战略、地缘政治和地缘经济问题,并对所有主要竞争对手采取的方法进行了简要分析。它还揭示了太平洋岛国本身对在其家门口展开的战略竞争的反应。
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引用次数: 0
A Comparative Analysis of the Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. the Trump Administration’s 拜登政府与特朗普政府印太战略的比较分析
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000289
Paul Haenle
In recent years the United States has placed the Indo-Pacific at the centre of its foreign policy and national security strategy. While the Trump administration introduced the United States’ first strategy for the Indo-Pacific, the administration fell short of implementing an effective policy that catered to the regional realities on the ground. The Biden administration has improved upon its predecessor’s shortcomings in the diplomatic domain but has yet to implement a comprehensive economic strategy for the region. This article compares the distinctive diplomatic, economic and security characteristics of the Trump and the Biden administrations’ Indo-Pacific strategies and argues that the latter administration crafted a more effective, albeit incomplete, strategy for advancing US interests.
近年来,美国将印太地区置于其外交政策和国家安全战略的中心位置。特朗普政府虽然提出了美国的第一个“印度太平洋战略”,但未能实施符合地区实际的有效政策。拜登政府虽然在外交上弥补了前任政府的不足,但还没有实施全面的地区经济战略。本文比较了特朗普政府和拜登政府印太战略的外交、经济和安全特点,并认为拜登政府为推进美国利益制定了一个更有效的战略,尽管不完整。
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引用次数: 0
How Can the Indo-Pacific Structure Keep the United States Engaged and China Compliant?: Japan’s Geoeconomic Challenges with the CPTPP and IPEF 印太结构如何让美国参与进来,让中国顺从?:CPTPP和IPEF对日本地缘经济的挑战
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000253
S. Katada
During the first few years of the 2020s, in the middle of COVID-induced supply chain disruptions, complex and overlapping economic arrangements have taken shape. The Japanese government has a vital role to play as a promoter of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific regional concept. This article examines Japan’s geoeconomic strategy in the overlapping initiatives to keep the United States engaged and make China compliant of the emerging regional economic order.
在本世纪20年代的头几年,在疫情导致的供应链中断期间,复杂和重叠的经济安排已经形成。作为自由开放的印太地区理念的推动者,日本政府可以发挥至关重要的作用。本文考察了日本在保持美国参与和使中国服从新兴区域经济秩序的重叠倡议中的地缘经济战略。
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引用次数: 0
How Great Power Rivalry Shapes ASEAN-centric Multilateralism: Evolution and Prospects 大国竞争如何塑造以东盟为中心的多边主义:演变与前景
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000265
Takeshi Yuzawa
While historically providing ASEAN with both normative and strategic justifications for initiating “inclusive” multilateralism in the wider Asian region, great power rivalry has also functioned as a major impediment to the progress of ASEAN-led institutions beyond “dialogue” forums. In the age of fierce great power rivalry, these institutional properties have inevitably made ASEAN-led institutions become major fora for the “soft balancing” games of the great powers.
尽管历史上为东盟在更广泛的亚洲地区发起“包容性”多边主义提供了规范和战略依据,但大国竞争也成为东盟领导的机构在“对话”论坛之外取得进展的主要障碍。在大国竞争激烈的时代,这些制度属性不可避免地使东盟领导的机构成为大国“软平衡”游戏的主要论坛。
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引用次数: 1
Changes and Continuities in South Korea’s Major Foreign and Security Policies under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration 尹锡烈政府主要外交安保政策的变化与延续
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000290
Hahnkyu Park
Strengthening the South Korea–US alliance is South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s top priority in foreign and security policies. However, such a pro-American inclination is highly likely to create many diplomatic challenges caused by heightened tensions on the Korean peninsula and in its relations with China in the years to come. South Korea, as a middle power, should play a more proactive role in world affairs commensurate with its economic and cultural prowess in cooperation with like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
加强韩美同盟是尹锡烈总统在外交安保政策上的首要课题。然而,这种亲美倾向很可能会在未来几年因朝鲜半岛的紧张局势和与中国的关系加剧而带来许多外交挑战。作为中等大国的韩国,应该与印度太平洋地区志同道合的国家合作,在国际事务中发挥与其经济、文化实力相称的更积极的作用。
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引用次数: 0
An Analysis of the Guidelines of China’s Unified Market 中国统一市场指导方针分析
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000320
L. Xu
The new plan of building a national unified market was released in early 2022, indicating the urgency of breaking down local protectionism and market segmentation at the current stage of economic development. This article examines the driving forces of the new plan and the plan’s relationship with the “dual circulation” strategy proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. It also analyses the major barriers to building a unified market and the impacts on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the short run and in the long run.
建设全国统一市场的新方案于2022年初发布,表明了在当前经济发展阶段打破地方保护主义和市场分割的紧迫性。本文还分析了建立统一市场的主要障碍以及短期和长期对东南亚国家联盟(东盟)的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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East Asian Policy
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