Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000065
Malcolm Davis
China’s rapid rise in strategic power extends into the domain of space. That space exploration is bound to continue, but for Beijing, space is ever more important for defence and for growing comprehensive national power to challenge US leadership. China aims to become the dominant space actor by 2049, a status which will encompass both military capability in space, as well as “presence” on key astrostrategic locations within the Earth-Moon system. For the United States, this challenge, although not—yet—a “space race” in the context of Apollo and the US–Soviet space race of the 1960s, looms large and may become significant as China builds astrostrategic power. For Australia, China’s growing capabilities in space, particularly its military space capabilities, are driving new policy development in relation to Australian space capability.
{"title":"China’s Space Policy: An Australian Perspective","authors":"Malcolm Davis","doi":"10.1142/s1793930523000065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000065","url":null,"abstract":"China’s rapid rise in strategic power extends into the domain of space. That space exploration is bound to continue, but for Beijing, space is ever more important for defence and for growing comprehensive national power to challenge US leadership. China aims to become the dominant space actor by 2049, a status which will encompass both military capability in space, as well as “presence” on key astrostrategic locations within the Earth-Moon system. For the United States, this challenge, although not—yet—a “space race” in the context of Apollo and the US–Soviet space race of the 1960s, looms large and may become significant as China builds astrostrategic power. For Australia, China’s growing capabilities in space, particularly its military space capabilities, are driving new policy development in relation to Australian space capability.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42500775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000016
Yongwook Ryu
South Korea aspires to become a global pivotal state and aims to play a greater role in the promotion of the existing liberal order. The central axis of this foreign policy is the ROK–US alliance, which will bring Seoul closer to Washington and Tokyo and will likely increase friction with Beijing and Pyongyang during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration.
{"title":"South Korea in 2022: Aspiring to Become a Global Pivotal State?","authors":"Yongwook Ryu","doi":"10.1142/s1793930523000016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000016","url":null,"abstract":"South Korea aspires to become a global pivotal state and aims to play a greater role in the promotion of the existing liberal order. The central axis of this foreign policy is the ROK–US alliance, which will bring Seoul closer to Washington and Tokyo and will likely increase friction with Beijing and Pyongyang during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41736052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930523000077
S. Puri
Although unfolding a continent away, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is detrimental to the strategic stability of East Asia, which is already riven by its own unresolved conflicts and territorial control disputes. The degradation of global security norms, the disruption to global energy supplies and the need to pick sides for or against Russia have each contributed to making East Asia’s security a more complex Rubik’s cube to manage. This article examines the implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Russia–China relations; Taiwan Strait’s stability; Japan’s defence policy; and the Korean peninsula. How and on what terms Russia’s invasion ends will carry another set of impacts and lessons for East Asia. In closing, the lessons of freezing conflicts in East Asia are applied to the emerging situation in Eastern Europe: of an unresolveable and unwinnable war that may become a lasting feature of European security, in the way that unresolved wars over Korea and Taiwan have become enduring realities in East Asia.
{"title":"The Impact of Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine on East Asia","authors":"S. Puri","doi":"10.1142/s1793930523000077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000077","url":null,"abstract":"Although unfolding a continent away, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is detrimental to the strategic stability of East Asia, which is already riven by its own unresolved conflicts and territorial control disputes. The degradation of global security norms, the disruption to global energy supplies and the need to pick sides for or against Russia have each contributed to making East Asia’s security a more complex Rubik’s cube to manage. This article examines the implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Russia–China relations; Taiwan Strait’s stability; Japan’s defence policy; and the Korean peninsula. How and on what terms Russia’s invasion ends will carry another set of impacts and lessons for East Asia. In closing, the lessons of freezing conflicts in East Asia are applied to the emerging situation in Eastern Europe: of an unresolveable and unwinnable war that may become a lasting feature of European security, in the way that unresolved wars over Korea and Taiwan have become enduring realities in East Asia.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48128358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000289
Paul Haenle
In recent years the United States has placed the Indo-Pacific at the centre of its foreign policy and national security strategy. While the Trump administration introduced the United States’ first strategy for the Indo-Pacific, the administration fell short of implementing an effective policy that catered to the regional realities on the ground. The Biden administration has improved upon its predecessor’s shortcomings in the diplomatic domain but has yet to implement a comprehensive economic strategy for the region. This article compares the distinctive diplomatic, economic and security characteristics of the Trump and the Biden administrations’ Indo-Pacific strategies and argues that the latter administration crafted a more effective, albeit incomplete, strategy for advancing US interests.
{"title":"A Comparative Analysis of the Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. the Trump Administration’s","authors":"Paul Haenle","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000289","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years the United States has placed the Indo-Pacific at the centre of its foreign policy and national security strategy. While the Trump administration introduced the United States’ first strategy for the Indo-Pacific, the administration fell short of implementing an effective policy that catered to the regional realities on the ground. The Biden administration has improved upon its predecessor’s shortcomings in the diplomatic domain but has yet to implement a comprehensive economic strategy for the region. This article compares the distinctive diplomatic, economic and security characteristics of the Trump and the Biden administrations’ Indo-Pacific strategies and argues that the latter administration crafted a more effective, albeit incomplete, strategy for advancing US interests.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48823633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000307
T. Wilkins
The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.
{"title":"The South Pacific: A New Arena for Strategic Competition among the Major Powers","authors":"T. Wilkins","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000307","url":null,"abstract":"The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48436306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000253
S. Katada
During the first few years of the 2020s, in the middle of COVID-induced supply chain disruptions, complex and overlapping economic arrangements have taken shape. The Japanese government has a vital role to play as a promoter of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific regional concept. This article examines Japan’s geoeconomic strategy in the overlapping initiatives to keep the United States engaged and make China compliant of the emerging regional economic order.
{"title":"How Can the Indo-Pacific Structure Keep the United States Engaged and China Compliant?: Japan’s Geoeconomic Challenges with the CPTPP and IPEF","authors":"S. Katada","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000253","url":null,"abstract":"During the first few years of the 2020s, in the middle of COVID-induced supply chain disruptions, complex and overlapping economic arrangements have taken shape. The Japanese government has a vital role to play as a promoter of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific regional concept. This article examines Japan’s geoeconomic strategy in the overlapping initiatives to keep the United States engaged and make China compliant of the emerging regional economic order.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43653543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000265
Takeshi Yuzawa
While historically providing ASEAN with both normative and strategic justifications for initiating “inclusive” multilateralism in the wider Asian region, great power rivalry has also functioned as a major impediment to the progress of ASEAN-led institutions beyond “dialogue” forums. In the age of fierce great power rivalry, these institutional properties have inevitably made ASEAN-led institutions become major fora for the “soft balancing” games of the great powers.
{"title":"How Great Power Rivalry Shapes ASEAN-centric Multilateralism: Evolution and Prospects","authors":"Takeshi Yuzawa","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000265","url":null,"abstract":"While historically providing ASEAN with both normative and strategic justifications for initiating “inclusive” multilateralism in the wider Asian region, great power rivalry has also functioned as a major impediment to the progress of ASEAN-led institutions beyond “dialogue” forums. In the age of fierce great power rivalry, these institutional properties have inevitably made ASEAN-led institutions become major fora for the “soft balancing” games of the great powers.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49271970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000290
Hahnkyu Park
Strengthening the South Korea–US alliance is South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s top priority in foreign and security policies. However, such a pro-American inclination is highly likely to create many diplomatic challenges caused by heightened tensions on the Korean peninsula and in its relations with China in the years to come. South Korea, as a middle power, should play a more proactive role in world affairs commensurate with its economic and cultural prowess in cooperation with like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific region.
{"title":"Changes and Continuities in South Korea’s Major Foreign and Security Policies under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration","authors":"Hahnkyu Park","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000290","url":null,"abstract":"Strengthening the South Korea–US alliance is South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s top priority in foreign and security policies. However, such a pro-American inclination is highly likely to create many diplomatic challenges caused by heightened tensions on the Korean peninsula and in its relations with China in the years to come. South Korea, as a middle power, should play a more proactive role in world affairs commensurate with its economic and cultural prowess in cooperation with like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific region.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42506936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000320
L. Xu
The new plan of building a national unified market was released in early 2022, indicating the urgency of breaking down local protectionism and market segmentation at the current stage of economic development. This article examines the driving forces of the new plan and the plan’s relationship with the “dual circulation” strategy proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. It also analyses the major barriers to building a unified market and the impacts on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the short run and in the long run.
{"title":"An Analysis of the Guidelines of China’s Unified Market","authors":"L. Xu","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000320","url":null,"abstract":"The new plan of building a national unified market was released in early 2022, indicating the urgency of breaking down local protectionism and market segmentation at the current stage of economic development. This article examines the driving forces of the new plan and the plan’s relationship with the “dual circulation” strategy proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. It also analyses the major barriers to building a unified market and the impacts on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the short run and in the long run.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46460693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000277
D. Moon
A successful launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) negotiations has posed new opportunities as well as challenges to all the actors in the East Asian region. The United States—the designer and initiator of the ambitious scheme—has displayed its intention to counter China’s expanding influence using this institutional initiative. This article examines the distinctive features of the IPEF and discusses its strategic implications as the economic instrument of the United States’ Indo-Pacific Strategy. It also explores the impact of the IPEF on the institutional reconfiguration in the region, which is swiftly underway amid the intensifying US–China confrontation.
{"title":"IPEF and the Reconfiguration of the East Asian Economic Order","authors":"D. Moon","doi":"10.1142/s1793930522000277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000277","url":null,"abstract":"A successful launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) negotiations has posed new opportunities as well as challenges to all the actors in the East Asian region. The United States—the designer and initiator of the ambitious scheme—has displayed its intention to counter China’s expanding influence using this institutional initiative. This article examines the distinctive features of the IPEF and discusses its strategic implications as the economic instrument of the United States’ Indo-Pacific Strategy. It also explores the impact of the IPEF on the institutional reconfiguration in the region, which is swiftly underway amid the intensifying US–China confrontation.","PeriodicalId":41995,"journal":{"name":"East Asian Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43118084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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