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Unravelling the Knot: The Chinese Engagement in Afghanistan 解开这个结:中国在阿富汗的参与
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000071
Haiqi Zheng
After the United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation’s (NATO) decision in May 2021 to withdraw their troops from Afghanistan, the Chinese government began to examine policy measures to secure its economic and security-related interests. Today, as the Taliban has captured political power in Afghanistan, the world has little clue about dealing with the Islamist group. This article attempts to provide an understanding of the Chinese engagement in Afghanistan since 2001. It analyses some of the policy measures that China undertakes to remain an important player in Afghanistan post-US and NATO forces exit.
2021年5月,美国和北大西洋公约组织(NATO)决定从阿富汗撤军后,中国政府开始审查确保其经济和安全相关利益的政策措施。如今,随着塔利班夺取了阿富汗的政治权力,世界对与这个伊斯兰组织打交道几乎一无所知。本文试图对2001年以来中国参与阿富汗事务的情况有所了解。它分析了中国为在美国和北约部队撤离后继续在阿富汗发挥重要作用而采取的一些政策措施。
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引用次数: 0
The Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: Continuities, Adjustments and Domestic Dimensions 拜登政府的印太战略:连续性、调整和国内层面
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000010
Satu P. Limaye
The Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy was issued in the midst of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the most significant conflict in Europe since at least the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995, and perhaps, since 1945. The promulgation of the first-ever White House Indo-Pacific Strategy, even before the release of an overall national security strategy, is viewed as a message of US priorities extending beyond events elsewhere. And yet domestic US preoccupations as well as an incomplete economic strategy for the Indo-Pacific hover over the new Biden Indo-Pacific strategy.
拜登政府的印太战略是在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰期间发布的,这是至少自1992年至1995年波斯尼亚战争以来,或许自1945年以来,欧洲最重大的冲突。甚至在发布总体国家安全战略之前,白宫就颁布了第一项印太战略,这被视为美国优先事项延伸到其他地方之外的信息。然而,美国国内的关注点以及不完整的印太经济战略都笼罩在拜登的新印太战略之上。
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引用次数: 1
India’s Changing Approach to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue 印度改变对四方安全对话的态度
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000046
P. Jain
India was initially a reluctant Quadrilateral (Quad) Security Dialogue partner. Today New Delhi is a willing partner and a strong supporter of the Quad. With continuing border tensions across the Himalayas and Beijing’s growing assertiveness in India’s neighbourhood, India has tied itself tightly to the United States and the Quad partner nations’ strategies. While still pursuing strategic autonomy and engagement with Russia and dialogue with China, both of which oppose the Quad, India has embraced the Quad unhesitatingly and has now accepted Quad partners as like-minded nations.
印度最初是一个不情愿的四方安全对话伙伴。今天,新德里是四方会谈的一个愿意合作的伙伴和坚定的支持者。随着喜马拉雅山脉边境紧张局势的持续,以及北京在印度邻国日益自信,印度已将自己与美国和四方伙伴国的战略紧密联系在一起。尽管印度仍在追求战略自主、与俄罗斯的接触以及与中国的对话,这两个国家都反对四方会谈,但印度毫不犹豫地接受了四方会谈,现在已经接受四方会谈伙伴为志同道合的国家。
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引用次数: 0
Quad 3.0: Japan, Indo-Pacific and Minilateralism 四方对话3.0:日本、印太和多边主义
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000022
K. Koga
Japan under the first and second Abe administration in 2006–07 and 2012–20, respectively, played a pivotal leading role in creating and institutionalising the Quad. While Japan has taken on a more supportive role in the post-Abe administrations, there are unique roles that Japan could still play in coordinating and shaping the strategic role of the Quad, such as configuring its institutional relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
日本分别在2006-2007年和2012-2010年的第一届和第二届安倍政府领导下,在四方会谈的创建和制度化方面发挥了关键的领导作用。尽管日本在后安倍政府中发挥了更大的支持作用,但在协调和塑造四方会谈的战略作用方面,日本仍然可以发挥独特的作用,例如配置其与东南亚国家联盟(东盟)的机构关系。
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引用次数: 6
Streamlining Non-tariff Measures for Agri-food Trade in ASEAN 简化东盟农产品贸易的非关税措施
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000295
Sithanonxay Suvannaphakdy
Streamlining non-tariff measures (NTMs) plays an important role in improving market access for trade in goods among ASEAN-10 countries. An assessment of the impact of NTMs in ASEAN reveals that the agri-food trade has been constrained by contingent trade protective measures, quantity-control measures, technical barriers to trade (TBT), and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures. The proliferation of SPS and TBT measures, coupled with their severe effects, suggests the need to accelerate NTM reforms in ASEAN.
精简非关税措施在改善东盟十国之间货物贸易的市场准入方面发挥着重要作用。对东盟非关税措施影响的评估表明,农业食品贸易受到应急贸易保护措施、数量控制措施、技术贸易壁垒(TBT)以及卫生和植物检疫(SPS)措施的制约。SPS和TBT措施的扩散,加上它们的严重影响,表明有必要加快东盟的NTM改革。
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引用次数: 0
Japan–Indonesia Economic Cooperation: An Overview 日本-印度尼西亚经济合作:综述
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000301
Seniwati, Munif Arif Ranti, Oktaviano Nandito Guntur, Ibnu Aly Badiu
This article aims to deepen our knowledge of Japan’s foreign policy in the Southeast Asian region and its role in Indonesia’s economic development, focusing on their economic cooperation via the Indonesia–Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJEPA) and Manufacturing Industry Development Centre (MIDEC) programme. The former has promoted cooperation via a tariff reduction scheme, while the latter facilitates the Indonesian government’s aid to micro, small and medium enterprises in the entrepreneurial sector.
本文旨在加深我们对日本在东南亚地区的外交政策及其在印尼经济发展中的作用的了解,重点关注他们通过《印尼-日本经济伙伴关系协定》(IJEPA)和制造业发展中心(MIDEC)计划进行的经济合作。前者通过关税减免计划促进了合作,而后者促进了印度尼西亚政府对创业部门的微型、小型和中型企业的援助。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Approach to South Asia 中国对南亚的态度
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000283
Antara Ghosal Singh
South Asia has emerged as a “priority zone” for Chinese foreign policy with the highest density of early harvest projects under the Belt and Road Initiative and deepening Chinese engagements in realms beyond economics. Despite China’s growing presence in the region, there are few studies that track China’s internal discourse on the region, going beyond its targeted propaganda. Based on study of Chinese-language literature, this article aims to fill the knowledge gap in this domain and develop a basic framework depicting how China operates in South Asia as well as its mission and vision for the region.
南亚已成为中国外交政策的“优先地区”,在“一带一路”倡议倡议下,早期收获项目密度最高,并加深了中国在经济以外领域的参与。尽管中国在该地区的影响力越来越大,但除了有针对性的宣传之外,很少有研究追踪中国对该地区的内部言论。本文以汉语文学研究为基础,旨在填补这一领域的知识空白,并建立一个基本框架,描述中国在南亚的运作方式及其对该地区的使命和愿景。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Soft Power in Pakistan: The Representation of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor in Local Newspapers 中国在巴基斯坦的软实力:中巴经济走廊在当地报纸上的代表性
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000258
Z. Ahmed, Ahsan Hanif, Baogang He
This article conducts a case study of China’s influence on Pakistan by collecting and analysing news coverage from two prominent English and Urdu newspapers in Pakistan for a five-year period between 2013 and 2018. It compares the changes in newspaper reporting before and after the launch of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015. Analysis has shown a significant increase in positive reporting on the CPEC and China. The case of Pakistan is representative of its recognition of China’s soft power in a developing country, thus offering a new perspective on China’s goodwill vis-à-vis the Belt and Road Initiative.
本文通过收集和分析巴基斯坦两家著名英语和乌尔都语报纸2013年至2018年五年间的新闻报道,对中国对巴基斯坦的影响进行了案例研究。它比较了2015年中巴经济走廊(CPEC)启动前后报纸报道的变化。分析显示,对中巴经济走廊和中国的正面报道显著增加。巴基斯坦的案例代表了它对中国在发展中国家软实力的认可,从而为中国对-à-vis“一带一路”倡议的善意提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
Hong Kong Special Administrative Region after the National Security Legislation: Prospects and Challenges 国家安全立法后的香港特别行政区:前景与挑战
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000325
V. Teo
The National Security Law has unequivocally clarified that Hong Kong’s “autonomy” is a bestowed privilege rather than an absolute political right. While effective in stabilising Hong Kong politics, the Law has also effectively rolled back democratisation and raised a number of serious questions about Hong Kong’s future. Going forward, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region faces a difficult task of maintaining its unique identity, lifestyle and exceptionalism as a truly global city while attempting to align with China’s plans and interests.
《国家安全法》明确指出,香港的“自治”是一项被赋予的特权,而不是绝对的政治权利。在稳定香港政治的同时,该法律也有效地阻碍了民主化,并对香港的未来提出了一些严重的问题。展望未来,香港特别行政区面临着一项艰巨的任务,既要保持其作为一个真正的全球城市的独特身份、生活方式和例外主义,又要努力与中国的规划和利益保持一致。
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引用次数: 1
The World of Uncertainty: Is America Losing Its Leverage Towards a Looming New China–Russia Alliance? 不确定的世界:美国是否正在失去对即将到来的中俄新联盟的影响力?
IF 0.9 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000313
V. Kozyrev
The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.
最近美中和美俄关系的恶化阻碍了21世纪更美好世界秩序的形成。华盛顿对“大国重组”的担忧,以及与中国和俄罗斯“非自由政权”的摩尼教之战,导致北京和莫斯科之间的联盟建设努力活跃起来,促使拜登政府考虑一些结盟战略。尽管中俄领导人为威慑美国力量进行了协调准备,但他们仍试图通过外交手段避免与华盛顿的冲突,而他们伙伴关系的特点仍然为美国留下了一个“机会之窗”,以阻止建立正式的中俄联盟。
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引用次数: 0
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