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East Asian Policy最新文献

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Taiwan’s Party Politics 台湾政党政治
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000095
J. F. Copper
In this article, the author assesses the current status of Taiwan’s two main political parties focusing on the Democratic Progress Party’s (DPP) current popularity and its ruling party status and the Kuomintang’s (KMT) feelings of defeatism and malaise. Lack of party unity is a big factor. So are recent laws that handicap the KMT. Thus, it appears the KMT will do poorly in the upcoming election in late 2022. However, the situation may be different in 2024. The KMT has time to fix its problems while other factors suggest certain trends may operate to its advantage.
在这篇文章中,作者评估了台湾两个主要政党的现状,重点是民进党(DPP)目前的人气和执政地位,以及国民党(KMT)的失败主义和萎靡不振的感觉。党内缺乏团结是一个重要因素。最近出台的不利于国民党的法律也是如此。因此,在2022年底的选举中,国民党可能会表现不佳。然而,2024年的情况可能会有所不同。国民党有时间解决问题,而其他因素表明,某些趋势可能对国民党有利。
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引用次数: 0
Strategising Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy 台湾新南向政策的战略构想
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000137
A. Yang
The New Southbound Policy (NSP) is the signature foreign policy of Taiwan that enables collaborative partnerships to be built among public, private and the third sector in advancing its presence. This article unpacks the P-P-P-P practice of the NSP since 2016. It articulates that the cross-sectoral partnership and its synergy for delivering the NSP enables Taiwan to navigate in the changing dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region.
新南向政策(NSP)是台湾的标志性外交政策,它允许在公共、私营和第三部门之间建立合作伙伴关系,以促进台湾的存在。本文剖析了自2016年以来NSP的P-P-P-P实践。它阐明了跨部门伙伴关系及其在实施《新战略战略计划》方面的协同作用,使台湾能够在印度-太平洋地区不断变化的动态中导航。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Religious United Front and its Passive Resistance in Taiwan 中国宗教统一战线及其在台湾的被动抵抗
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000101
Feng-yi Chu
This article uses the 2017 Meizhou Mazu’s visit to Taiwan as a case study to demonstrate how Religious United Front operated in the civil religious exchange between Taiwan and China, and how various actors—including event organisers, local politicians, local temple managers and devotees—acted differently. Considering the disproportionality in the amount of resources that the Taiwanese and Chinese governments inject in the cultural battle, this article offers the Taiwanese government several tactics to overcome the challenge.
本文以2017年梅州妈祖访台湾为个案,展示宗教统一战线在台湾与中国民间宗教交流中的运作,以及活动组织者、当地政治人物、当地寺庙管理者和信徒等不同角色的不同反应。考虑到台湾和中国政府在文化战争中投入的资源数量不均衡,本文提出了台湾政府克服这一挑战的几种策略。
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引用次数: 0
Australia–China Relations at 50 澳中关系50周年
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000149
Jingdong Yuan
Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
建交50年后,澳中关系正处于转折点。过去50年,两国经济往来广泛发展,但近年来,两国关系严重恶化。澳大利亚与美国的联盟、国内政治——尤其是两大政党的外交政策——以及经济上的相互依赖是堪培拉对华政策的重要变量。即将上任的澳大利亚工党政府将不例外地处理这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan in APEC 台湾参加亚太经合组织
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000125
Yeh-chung Lu
Taiwan joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) as a member economy in 1991 and has since been actively engaged in this regional intergovernmental organisation. Trade facilitation and liberalisation are of importance to the export-driven island. In line with economic reasons, the accession to APEC also helps Taiwan advance its diplomatic goals, which do not aim to challenge China’s seat in the organisation, but rather they demonstrate how interdependent Taiwan and the APEC could be with each other.
台湾于1991年作为成员经济体加入亚太经济合作组织(亚太经合组织),此后一直积极参与这一区域政府间组织。贸易便利化和自由化对这个以出口为导向的岛国至关重要。出于经济原因,加入亚太经合组织也有助于台湾推进其外交目标,这些目标并非旨在挑战中国在该组织中的地位,而是表明台湾与亚太经合组织可以相互依存。
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引用次数: 0
China’s New Digital Infrastructure 中国新的数字基础设施
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000162
E. Baark
A key component of China’s endeavour to develop new advanced infrastructure is the expansion of the fifth-generation (5G) mobile communications networks. China has thus taken up a leading position in 5G innovation, led by Huawei with a declared share of 13.53% of global 5G patent families. The challenges are how to leverage the benefits from the new capabilities of 5G networks and implementing the new 5G systems to enhance productivity and economic growth.
中国努力发展新型先进基础设施的一个关键组成部分是扩大第五代(5G)移动通信网络。因此,中国在5G创新方面占据了领先地位,以华为为首,在全球5G专利家族中占有13.53%的份额。挑战在于如何利用5G网络的新功能带来的好处,并实施新的5G系统来提高生产力和经济增长。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan Addresses Climate Change 台湾应对气候变化
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000113
Fangting Cheng
This article assesses climate change policies in Taiwan in the past decade and the findings indicate that the influence of international norms, especially those of the United Nations, has been significant to the decision-making process. To elucidate the importance of international norms, this article examines the policies and legislations for addressing climate change through the lens of policy learning, which is a relatively overlooked aspect in past and extant research.
本文对台湾过去十年的气候变迁政策进行评估,结果显示国际规范,尤其是联合国的规范,对决策过程的影响是显著的。为了阐明国际规范的重要性,本文从政策学习的角度考察了应对气候变化的政策和立法,这是过去和现有研究中相对被忽视的一个方面。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Afghanistan Policy in a Post-US Era 后美国时代的中国阿富汗政策
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s179393052200006x
Li Li
With Taliban’s takeover of Kabul and the United States’ complete withdrawal of forces in August 2021, dramatic changes have happened in Afghanistan. China, as the largest neighbour of Afghanistan, is expected to play a bigger role. This article examines China’s intensified bilateral and multilateral diplomacy towards Afghanistan in a post-US retreat era. It attempts to interpret the objectives of China’s engagement with the Taliban regime and identify the limits of China’s policy.
随着塔利班占领喀布尔和美国于2021年8月全面撤军,阿富汗发生了巨大变化。中国作为阿富汗最大的邻国,有望发挥更大的作用。本文考察了中国在后美国撤退时代对阿富汗加强的双边和多边外交。它试图解释中国与塔利班政权接触的目标,并确定中国政策的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Middle or Muddle: Whither Post-Abe Japan? 中间还是混乱:后安倍时代的日本何去何从?
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000058
H. Satoh
The brief political disruption in October 2021 that put Kishida Fumio as Japan’s prime minister may restore an ideological balance within the Liberal Democratic Party, a conservative party whose strength lies in its ability to be a broad church of views on issues related to foreign and security policies. This would be important to the Indo-Pacific region where events will be shaped largely by the contests between China and the United States.
2021年10月短暂的政治混乱让岸田文雄成为日本首相,这可能会恢复自民党内部的意识形态平衡。自民党是一个保守派政党,其优势在于能够在与外交和安全政策有关的问题上形成广泛的观点。这对印太地区非常重要,因为该地区的事态将在很大程度上由中美之间的竞争决定。
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引用次数: 0
Australia and the Quad 澳大利亚和四方广场
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930522000034
D. Walton
From an Australian viewpoint, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) between Australia, the United States, Japan and India is an important development. The Quad secures a US long-term presence in the region to balance China’s influence, strengthens close security ties with Japan and enhances Australia’s strategic engagement with India. Notably, the non-traditional security emphasis in Quad 2.0 has the potential to generate support among Southeast Asian countries which are cautious about upsetting China.
从澳大利亚的角度来看,澳大利亚、美国、日本和印度之间的四方安全对话(Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, Quad)是一个重要的发展。四方司令部确保美国在该地区的长期存在,以平衡中国的影响力,加强与日本的密切安全关系,并加强澳大利亚与印度的战略接触。值得注意的是,“四方对话2.0”对非传统安全的强调有可能获得对惹恼中国持谨慎态度的东南亚国家的支持。
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引用次数: 2
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East Asian Policy
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