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Hong Kong Special Administrative Region after the National Security Legislation: Prospects and Challenges 国家安全立法后的香港特别行政区:前景与挑战
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000325
V. Teo
The National Security Law has unequivocally clarified that Hong Kong’s “autonomy” is a bestowed privilege rather than an absolute political right. While effective in stabilising Hong Kong politics, the Law has also effectively rolled back democratisation and raised a number of serious questions about Hong Kong’s future. Going forward, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region faces a difficult task of maintaining its unique identity, lifestyle and exceptionalism as a truly global city while attempting to align with China’s plans and interests.
《国家安全法》明确指出,香港的“自治”是一项被赋予的特权,而不是绝对的政治权利。在稳定香港政治的同时,该法律也有效地阻碍了民主化,并对香港的未来提出了一些严重的问题。展望未来,香港特别行政区面临着一项艰巨的任务,既要保持其作为一个真正的全球城市的独特身份、生活方式和例外主义,又要努力与中国的规划和利益保持一致。
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引用次数: 1
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership in the Asia-Pacific Cooperation Process 亚太合作进程中的区域全面经济伙伴关系
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000271
Yanjun Guo
As the first large-scale free trade arrangement in the Asia-Pacific region, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) will play an important role in economic and trade cooperation, and regional governance in the region. Since the signing on 15 November 2020, RCEP has encountered internal and external risks and challenges. Effectively avoiding risks and coping with challenges are important for RCEP to play its due role. To China, RCEP presents a new opportunity and platform to expand its opening up.
“区域全面经济伙伴关系协定”(RCEP)是亚太地区首个大规模自由贸易安排,将在本地区经贸合作、区域治理等方面发挥重要作用。自2020年11月15日签署以来,RCEP面临内外风险和挑战。有效规避风险、应对挑战,是RCEP发挥应有作用的重要条件。RCEP为中国扩大对外开放提供了新的机遇和平台。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Energy Financing in Southeast Asia: Examining Its Public Goods Approach 中国在东南亚的能源融资:考察其公共产品方法
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1142/s179393052100026x
Xue Gong
This article aims to assess the motivations, modifications and impacts of China’s public goods approach by studying its energy financing in Southeast Asia. It argues that China’s public goods approach of energy financing will help improve financing performance through sustainable development and multilateral cooperation. However, the approach is constrained by the lack of trust from the region, incompatible standards between China and other Western practices, and growing securitisation by the United States on Chinese economic activities.
本文旨在通过研究中国在东南亚的能源融资,评估中国公共产品方法的动机、修改和影响。它认为,中国的公共产品能源融资方式将有助于通过可持续发展和多边合作提高融资绩效。然而,这种做法受到了该地区缺乏信任、中国与其他西方做法之间不兼容的标准以及美国对中国经济活动日益证券化的限制。
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引用次数: 0
Battling over Social Media: Public Protest and State Responses to Dr Li Wenliang’s Death in China 社交媒体之争:中国公众对李文亮医生死亡的抗议和政府回应
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000118
Hongyi Lai
This article discusses the state and public reactions on the internet to the death of Dr Li Wenliang, the whistle-blower who warned of the COVID-19 outbreak in China. Contrary to findings in existing literature, this study argues that the society–state interaction over the internet is far more dynamic and complex, and that autocratic states have the capability and resilience to manage and even control the internet. While the internet could help rally waves of public outpourings and protests, the state, in response, broadcast its tactical concessions to ease widespread public anger. However, the state has been able to portray its overall highly effective control of the epidemic, thereby claiming political credits and legitimacy for governance.
本文讨论了国家和公众在互联网上对李文亮医生去世的反应,李文亮医生是中国COVID-19疫情的举报人。与现有文献的发现相反,本研究认为互联网上的社会-国家互动更加动态和复杂,专制国家有能力和弹性来管理甚至控制互联网。虽然互联网可以帮助凝聚起一波又一波的公众宣泄和抗议,但作为回应,中国政府公布了其战术让步,以缓解公众的普遍愤怒。然而,国家已经能够描述其对该流行病的总体高度有效控制,从而声称其治理的政治信誉和合法性。
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引用次数: 0
South Korea’s Strategic Options amid the US–China Strategic Competition Under the Biden Administration 拜登政府领导下的美中战略竞争中的韩国战略选择
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s179393052100012x
Hahnkyu Park, C. Yang
South Korea has so far maintained a “double hedging” strategy—that is, the United States for security, China for economy—in managing its relations with the United States and China. Both Washington and Beijing are recently increasing their pressures on Seoul to join their side, respectively. South Korea needs to re-evaluate its current strategy and adopt a more practical strategy based upon rational calculation of national interests rather than upon political leaders’ ideological beliefs or domestic political considerations.
到目前为止,韩国在管理与美国和中国的关系时一直保持着“双重对冲”战略,即美国为安全,中国为经济。华盛顿和北京最近都在加大对首尔的压力,要求他们分别加入自己的阵营。韩国需要重新评估其目前的战略,并在合理计算国家利益的基础上,而不是基于政治领导人的意识形态信仰或国内政治考虑,采取更实际的战略。
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引用次数: 1
China–India Rivalry: The Saga of Game Changers 中印竞争:改变游戏规则的传奇
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s179393052100009x
P. Suryanarayana
China and India have surprised the world by their military brinkmanship since mid-2020 amid the global coronavirus pandemic. Also surprising was their sudden disengagement at a key site, Pangong Tso Lake area in the western sector of their disputed boundary, in February 2021. But the continuing crisis has eroded their summit-level consensus reached in 2018 and 2019 that they were neighbourly partners, not rivals. The genesis of this crisis is the clash of their new perspectives on the Kashmir issue which, originally an India–Pakistan affair, has now become a major Chinese concern as well. Two new game changers in the troubled Sino–Indian engagement have caused this crisis. The author suggests a nuanced agreement on mutual military accommodation. Such an accord could create the ambience for serious negotiations to settle the intractable Sino–Indian boundary disputes.
自2020年年中以来,在全球冠状病毒大流行期间,中国和印度的军事边缘政策令世界感到惊讶。同样令人惊讶的是,他们于2021年2月在一个关键地点突然脱离接触,该地点位于他们有争议的边界西部的班公措湖地区。但持续的危机侵蚀了他们在2018年和2019年达成的峰会共识,即他们是睦邻伙伴,而不是对手。这场危机的起因是他们对克什米尔问题的新观点的冲突。克什米尔问题原本是印巴事务,现在也成为中国的主要关切。在陷入困境的中印交往中,两个新的游戏规则改变者导致了这场危机。作者建议就双方军事通融达成一项细致入微的协议。这样的协议可能会为解决棘手的中印边界争端创造严肃谈判的氛围。
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引用次数: 0
Back to Strategic Competition? Assessing Japan’s Emerging China Policy under the Suga Administration 回到战略竞争?评估菅义伟政府时期日本的新兴对华政策
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000155
J. Miao
While Japanese Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide pledged to loyally inherit Abe Shinzo’s foreign policy, his administration’s emerging policy has undergone a major shift in recent months. The new foreign policy has swayed from one that is relatively more independent and balanced to one that is more responsive to America’s competitive China policy, an intensive security agenda, tightened scrutiny of economic and technological cooperation with China, and open intervention in issues that China deems as domestic affairs. This article seeks to make an initial assessment of the nature, scope and prospects of the Suga administration’s China policy.
虽然日本首相菅义伟(Suga Yoshihide)承诺将忠实地继承安倍晋三的外交政策,但近几个月来,日本的新兴政策发生了重大转变。新的外交政策已经从相对独立和平衡的政策转变为对美国竞争性的中国政策、密集的安全议程、加强对与中国的经济和技术合作的审查、以及对中国视为内政的问题的公开干预做出更积极的反应。本文旨在初步评估菅义伟政府对华政策的性质、范围和前景。
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引用次数: 0
Overcoming the “Trump Trap”: How Thucydides Can Be Better Applied to US Policy on China 克服“特朗普陷阱”:修昔底德学说如何更好地应用于美国对华政策
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000143
Leif-Eric Easley
Analogies to the Peloponnesian War have been misapplied in studies of US–China relations, especially regarding the so-called “Thucydides trap” of inevitable conflict between an established power and a rising power. This article addresses methodological problems with deriving policy lessons from political theory and ancient history. It then argues that Thucydides is more applicable to overcoming a pattern of leadership mistakes reminiscent of Athens’ populist politics, erosion of international agreements and mismanagement of alliances. To meet the China challenge, the United States must renew its national strength with good governance, productive interdependence, and sustained investment in human capital.
在美中关系研究中,类似伯罗奔尼撒战争的说法被误用了,尤其是在所谓的“修昔底德陷阱”中,即一个老牌大国和一个崛起大国之间不可避免的冲突。本文论述了从政治理论和古代历史中汲取政策教训的方法论问题。然后,它认为修昔底德更适用于克服一种领导失误模式,这种模式让人想起雅典的民粹主义政治、国际协议的侵蚀和联盟的管理不善。为了应对中国的挑战,美国必须通过良好的治理、生产性的相互依存和对人力资本的持续投资来恢复其国力。
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引用次数: 0
Australia and China: Souring Relations with Little Chance of a Reset on the Horizon 澳大利亚和中国:关系恶化,重启的可能性很小
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000167
D. Walton
This article examines the bilateral relationship between Australia and China, which has become problematic since 2015. The causes for the downturn in relations are examined and two key reasons are offered: Australia is caught in the middle of power contestation between the United States and China; and Australia’s fear of its economic overdependence on China. This article deduces what a reset would look like and how this may eventuate.
本文考察了自2015年以来一直存在问题的澳大利亚和中国之间的双边关系。分析了两国关系低迷的原因,并提出了两个关键原因:澳大利亚正处于美中权力争夺的中间;以及澳大利亚对其经济过度依赖中国的担忧。这篇文章推断了重置会是什么样子,以及这可能会如何发生。
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引用次数: 0
Sino–Indian Conflict: Foreign Policy Options for the Smaller South Asian States 中印冲突:南亚小国的外交政策选择
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-19 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000106
C. Attanayake
The relationship between China and India is characterised by competition intertwined with issues over sovereignty, territorial integrity and prestige. Since the war in 1962, they have engaged in several small skirmishes. The increasing tension and frequency of clashes have led the smaller South Asian countries being caught in the middle. What impacts do the changing dynamics have on smaller South Asian countries? What options do these smaller countries have in navigating the relationship amid increasing border tensions? This article attempts to examine the aforementioned research questions.
中印关系的特点是竞争与主权、领土完整和威望问题交织在一起。自1962年战争以来,他们已经进行了几次小规模的冲突。日益紧张的局势和频繁的冲突导致南亚小国被夹在中间。这种变化对南亚小国有什么影响?在边界紧张局势日益加剧的情况下,这些小国在处理两国关系方面有哪些选择?本文试图检验上述研究问题。
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引用次数: 1
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East Asian Policy
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