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Lost Chances for Emotional Reconciliation between China and Japan 中日情感和解失去机会
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000209
Rumi Aoyama
China and Japan are haunted by the Second Sino-Japanese War that ended more than 70 years ago. The rise of nationalism in China fuelled by the massive patriotic education campaigns seems to suggest that the two sides hardly have any opportunity to reconcile. However, this article argues that there are two lost chances for emotional reconciliation in the past seven decades. The “we-ness” consciousness and representation of humanity can open the door to reconciliation.
70多年前结束的第二次中日战争一直困扰着中日两国。大规模的爱国主义教育运动推动了中国民族主义的兴起,这似乎表明双方几乎没有任何和解的机会。然而,这篇文章认为,在过去的70年里,有两次失去了情感和解的机会。人类的“我们”意识和表征可以打开和解之门。
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引用次数: 0
Malaysia’s Dilemmatic South China Sea Policy under Muhyiddin Yassin 穆希丁·亚辛领导下马来西亚陷入困境的南海政策
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000179
N. Jamil
Malaysia’s South China Sea policy under the current Perikatan Nasional government is largely consistent with its previous approach, except for some minor recalibrations. Although Malaysia continues to pursue a “low-profile” approach by de-emphasising the problem and suppressing nationalist sentiment over the issue, it does however, selectively display increased willingness in taking a harder stand when it comes to preserving sovereignty in the disputed waters, especially when there is a spike of nationalist sentiment among Malaysians.
马来西亚在现任Perikatan Nasional政府领导下的南海政策与之前的做法基本一致,只是进行了一些小的调整。尽管马来西亚继续采取“低调”的做法,淡化问题并压制民族主义情绪,但在维护争议海域主权方面,尤其是在马来西亚民族主义情绪高涨的情况下,马来西亚确实有选择地表现出更强硬的意愿。
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引用次数: 0
The Biden Administration’s China and Taiwan Policies: Connecting the Dots 拜登政府的中国和台湾政策:连接点
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000234
J. F. Copper
US China and US Taiwan policies in the first half-year plus of the Biden administration saw relations with China deteriorate and improve with Taiwan. This furthered trends of the Trump presidency and appeared to push the United States closer to a war with China. The author also looks at the power relationship between the two countries and President Biden’s desperate efforts to gather allies against China, making it a struggle between democracy and authoritarianism.
在拜登政府的上半年多时间里,美中和美国的台湾政策导致与中国的关系恶化,并改善了与台湾的关系。这进一步推动了特朗普总统任期内的趋势,似乎将美国推向了与中国开战的边缘。作者还探讨了两国之间的权力关系,以及拜登总统不顾一切地召集盟友反对中国,使其成为民主和威权主义之间的斗争。
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引用次数: 1
Balance of Risks: Vietnam’s South China Sea Strategy 风险平衡:越南的南海战略
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000192
T. Do
Vietnam has no threats but multiple stakes at risk in the South China Sea. It is interested in not only defending sovereignty and rights under UNCLOS 1982 but also preserving peace, stability and good relations with its neighbours. As a result, Hanoi has adopted a complex set of risk management measures to reduce the possibility of war and losses if a contingency occurs.
越南在南中国海没有威胁,但存在多重利害关系。中国不仅希望捍卫1982年《联合国海洋法公约》规定的主权和权利,也希望维护和平、稳定和与邻国的良好关系。因此,河内采取了一套复杂的风险管理措施,以减少发生意外事件时发生战争和损失的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
South Korea–Russia Rapprochement 韩国-俄罗斯和解
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000246
K. Wong, K. Law
The relations between South Korea and Russia have qualitatively improved with Moon Jae-In’s New Northern Policy. Although a Russia–South Korea– North Korea trilateral cooperation remains unclear, South Korea has institutionalised bilateral relationships with Russia. Both geopolitics and geo-economy play prominent roles in the ROK–Russia relations and increasing support for an economic agenda is a considerably achievable goal for both countries.
随着文在寅的新北方政策,韩国和俄罗斯的关系有了质的改善。尽管俄罗斯-韩国-朝鲜三方合作尚不明确,但韩国已将与俄罗斯的双边关系制度化。地缘政治和地缘经济在韩俄关系中都发挥着重要作用,增加对经济议程的支持是两国都可以实现的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia 中美东亚竞争中的日本-东南亚关系
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000210
Bhubhinda Singh
Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
自2010年以来,在美中结构性竞争加剧的情况下,日本成为东亚地区重要的战略参与者。东南亚/东盟是日本对外政策扩张的一个重要维度。本文认为,日本的外交政策是由成为东南亚/东盟战略稳定的替代来源的目标驱动的,而不是美国和中国。这可以通过分析日本在地区力量平衡和东盟主导的多边主义中的外交政策来解释。
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引用次数: 0
Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision under Suga: Transition and Future Challenges in Southeast Asia 菅义伟领导下的日本自由开放的印太愿景:东南亚的转型与未来挑战
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000222
K. Koga
While the Suga administration has managed Japan’s foreign policy towards ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) relatively well on the basis of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” that former Prime Minister Abe had envisioned, the administration left a task for the next prime minister to creatively devise a foreign policy strategy to manage the three main challenges in the Indo-Pacific region concerning ASEAN Centrality, Indo-Pacific institutional arrangement and value-based diplomacy.
尽管菅义伟政府在前首相安倍设想的“自由开放的印太”基础上,相对较好地管理了日本对东盟(东南亚国家联盟)的外交政策,政府留给下一任总理的任务是创造性地制定外交政策战略,以应对印太地区的三大挑战,即东盟中心地位、印太制度安排和基于价值的外交。
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引用次数: 2
Challenging China’s Maritime Expansion in the South China Sea from the Aquino to the Duterte Administrations 从阿基诺到杜特尔特政府挑战中国在南海的海上扩张
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1142/s1793930521000180
R. D. de Castro
Why do small and middle powers balance an emergent power despite the latter’s preponderant military capabilities? How do weaker powers sustain this balancing policy? This article examines the Philippine case beginning with President Aquino’s policy of challenging China’s expansive maritime claim in the South China Sea (SCS), which was unravelled by President Rodrigo Duterte who initially adopted a policy of appeasement. However, with time, President Duterte also found it necessary to re-adopt his predecessor’s SCS approach.
为什么中小大国要制衡一个新兴大国,尽管后者拥有优势的军事能力?较弱的国家如何维持这种平衡政策?本文考察了菲律宾的案例,从阿基诺总统挑战中国在南中国海(SCS)的广泛海洋主张的政策开始,这一政策被罗德里戈·杜特尔特总统最初采取的绥靖政策所瓦解。然而,随着时间的推移,杜特尔特总统也发现有必要重新采用其前任的南海策略。
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引用次数: 0
China–Japan Economic Cooperation with ASEAN: Keohane’s International Regime Theory 中日与东盟经济合作:基欧元和的国际制度理论
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-23 DOI: 10.1142/S1793930521000064
A. Ramezani, Yahya Kamali
Research findings show that China and Japan realise the utility of regime-building with ASEAN, so both have started to build trust with ASEAN since 1997. ASEAN established the ASEAN–China Free Trad...
研究结果表明,中国和日本意识到与东盟建立政权的效用,因此自1997年以来,两国都开始与东盟建立信任。东盟建立了中国-东盟自由贸易协定。
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引用次数: 0
South Korea: Emerging Stronger from COVID-19 韩国:从COVID-19中变得更加强大
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-23 DOI: 10.1142/S1793930521000088
Yongwook Ryu
South Korea's management of the COVID-19 outbreak and its economic fallout has been largely effective The challenges are procurement of vaccinations and addressing rising socio-economic inequalities In addition, the Moon Jae-in administration has to stabilise domestic politics to achieve greater harmony in a highly polarised society and improve Korea's relationships with the United States, China, Japan and North Korea, which have been stalled in one way or another If managed well, Korea will emerge stronger from COVID-19 and consolidate its international status as a high-tech, advanced economy
韩国对新冠肺炎疫情及其经济后果的管理在很大程度上是有效的。挑战是采购疫苗和解决日益严重的社会经济不平等问题。此外,文在寅政府必须稳定国内政治,以在高度两极分化的社会中实现更大的和谐,改善韩国与美国、中国、,日本和朝鲜以这样或那样的方式陷入停滞如果管理得当,韩国将从新冠肺炎中变得更强大,并巩固其作为高科技发达经济体的国际地位
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引用次数: 0
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East Asian Policy
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