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The Qibla—a never-ending story of migration, runaway, and pilgrimage qibla是一个关于移民,逃亡和朝圣的永无止境的故事
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1989226
Tsu-Chung Su
ABSTRACT The Qibla, written by the female playwright Wan-Ting Shen, is the title of the Best Play of the 2015 Taiwan Literature Award. This play, directed by Dong-Ning Hsieh, Artistic Director of Voleur du Feu Theatre, had its premiere in 2017. In her play, Shen portrays the interaction between a live-in foreign caregiver called Nadie and a Granny who suffers from Alzheimer and lives in the countryside. The purpose of this paper is to examine the three major motifs ─ migration, runaway, and pilgrimage ─ that are central to the play’s textuality and theatricality. The script and performance analysis of The Qibla are highlighted while a socio-economic and political background regarding the foreign migrant workers is provided so as to give the play a proper context. Since the three main characters, Nadie, Granny, and V-Rod, are all female subalterns who live on the margin of a society called the ‘Ocean State,’ this paper attempts to employ an anti-essentialist viewpoint derived from subaltern studies to investigate the social and biopolitical issues exposed in the play. In conjunction with this viewpoint, this paper intends to adopt the Brechtian reading to interrogate Hsieh’s directing approach and Shen’s dramaturgy.
女剧作家沈婉婷的《齐布拉》获得2015年台湾文学奖最佳剧本奖。此剧由自由剧场艺术总监谢东宁导演,于2017年首演。在她的剧本中,沈刻画了一位名叫Nadie的住家外籍护工和一位住在农村的老年痴呆症患者之间的互动。本文的目的是考察三个主要主题──迁移、逃跑和朝圣──这三个主题是该剧的文本性和戏剧性的核心。重点对《齐布拉》的剧本和表演进行分析,并提供有关外来务工人员的社会经济和政治背景,使该剧具有适当的语境。由于三个主要人物Nadie、Granny和V-Rod都是生活在一个被称为“海洋国家”的社会边缘的女性次等人,本文试图采用源自次等研究的反本质主义观点来调查剧中暴露的社会和生物政治问题。结合这一观点,本文拟采用布莱希特式的阅读方式,对谢家华的导演手法和沈从文的戏剧手法进行探讨。
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引用次数: 0
Post-anthropocentric Rehearsal Studies. A conceptual framework to account for the social and material mediations in performance-making 后人类中心排练研究。一个概念框架,以说明社会和物质调解在表演制作
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1979337
Carmen Pellegrinelli, L. Parolin
ABSTRACT This article uses the concept of ‘mediation’ to account for the sociomateriality involved in the rehearsal of a new play. Drawing on ideas from the ‘New Sociology of Art’ that has its origins in Science and Technology Studies, we show how the sociomateriality of the rehearsal is an essential part of the process of theatre-making. It means giving to materials, bodies and matters in the rehearsal room a crucial role in the process of developing and refining a scene. Using ethnographic research methods, with particular emphasis on excerpts from video recordings, we analyse specific activities that take place in the rehearsal room to give a less anthropocentric and a more nuanced reading of the processes that contribute to the creation of a scene. Analysing the dynamics of entanglements in work practices of performance-making, we reveal the material base of the easily overlooked professional processes that constitute the craft of theatre.
本文使用“调解”的概念来解释新剧排练中涉及的社会物质。借鉴源自科学技术研究的“新艺术社会学”的思想,我们展示了排练的社会物质性如何成为戏剧制作过程的重要组成部分。这意味着在发展和完善一个场景的过程中,排练室里的材料、身体和事物起着至关重要的作用。使用人种学研究方法,特别强调视频记录的摘录,我们分析了排练室中发生的特定活动,以减少人类中心主义和更细致的方式解读有助于创造场景的过程。通过分析表演制作工作实践中纠缠的动态,我们揭示了构成戏剧工艺的容易被忽视的专业过程的物质基础。
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引用次数: 0
Theatre practitioners as unionists: art workers in post-independence Zimbabwe’s theatre sector (1980 – 1999) 作为工会成员的戏剧从业者:独立后津巴布韦戏剧部门的艺术工作者(1980 - 1999)
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1979338
Nkululeko Sibanda
ABSTRACT This article attempts to frame and examine the structuring of labour struggles from the precarious subject position of theatre workers, without isolating these struggles into the occupational sector of the creative industries in the Zimbabwean context between 1980 and 1999. In this article, I frame theatre practitioners as ‘art – workers’ and collectives such as the NTO and ZACT as mobilising and organising agencies operating within the postcolonial Zimbabwean theatre industry. On the one hand, the NTO controlled and administered purpose-built theatres, provided funding as well as organised affiliates into a unity. On the other hand, ZACT organised multi-racial Zimbabwean theatre groups into a collective, providing and mobilising financial and organisational support towards the creation of a ‘national theatre’ narrative. Deploying resource mobilisation and rational choice theories, this paper submits that NTO and ZACT mobilized and coordinated their stakeholders towards addressing the precarious work conditions in the sector. This paper argues while attempts, through theatre associations, have been undertaken to organise the creative sector, this paper submits that the precarious nature of the work, employer-employee non-distinction, lack of legal rights knowledge and fierce inter-and intra-organisational competition complicates the process of re-mobilising and organising creatives in Zimbabwe
本文试图从戏剧工作者不稳定的主体地位来构建和研究劳动斗争的结构,而不是将这些斗争隔离到1980年至1999年津巴布韦背景下创意产业的职业部门。在这篇文章中,我将戏剧从业者定义为“艺术工作者”,而像NTO和ZACT这样的集体组织则是在后殖民时期津巴布韦戏剧行业内的动员和组织机构。一方面,NTO控制和管理专门建造的剧院,提供资金,并将附属机构组织成一个整体。另一方面,ZACT将多种族的津巴布韦戏剧团体组织成一个集体,为创建“国家戏剧”叙事提供和动员财政和组织支持。运用资源动员和理性选择理论,本文提出NTO和ZACT动员和协调其利益相关者来解决该部门不稳定的工作条件。本文认为,虽然尝试通过戏剧协会来组织创意部门,但本文认为,工作的不稳定性质、雇主与雇员之间的不区分、缺乏法律权利知识以及组织内部和组织内部激烈的竞争使津巴布韦重新动员和组织创意人员的过程复杂化
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引用次数: 0
‘Truth’, technology and transmedial theatre in Europe 欧洲的“真相”、技术和跨媒体戏剧
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1964850
A. Scheer, Siobhán O’Gorman
Recent scholarship has expanded upon the concept of populism as performance to include a focus on how it employs digital technologies (Baldwin-Philippi 2018). However, a relatively unexplored dimension of such discussion is the relationship between political and ‘artistic’ or theatrical performances of populism. If the latter appropriate right-wing populist discourse to potentially parody how it frames its nationalist rhetoric as an ‘appeal to “the people”’ (Canovan 1999, 3), then how do the relationships between performers and spectator-participants differ from those forged through public manifestations of populist politics? How have artists who engage with populism employed technology to increase the reach and interactivity of their performances, and how does this seek to undermine, and/or generate a troubling ‘belief’ in, the supposed ‘reality’ of such projects? This article examines two selected performances, from Austria and Estonia, that sought to engage subversively with the rise of far-right populism through arts practice developed across multiple media: Christoph Schlingensief’s Please Love Austria – first European coalition week! (2000) and Theatre NO99’s Unified Estonia (2010). These two events were exemplary in their respective engagements with increasingly technologized media to interrogate right-wing populisms in performances that drew widespread public attention, nationally and internationally. Schlingensief created an international controversy with his performance event Please Love Austria! in which a group of asylum-seekers were transported to a temporary site consisting of shipping containers located in the centre of Vienna where they would reside for 7 days. Via a dedicated website, Austrians were invited to vote out the foreigner they wished to see ‘deported’ the most. This public action, which sought to mirror the anti-immigration policies of Jörg Haider’s populist, far-right Freedom Party Austria (FPÖ), was reported worldwide to the detriment of Austria’s preferred centre-right, bourgeois national image. Ten years later, in Estonia (known for its technological advancement), Tallinn-based theatre company NO99 held a press conference announcing their largest show to date which would culminate in a public convention for an audience of 7200. This 44-day-long project involved NO99
最近的学术研究扩大了民粹主义作为表演的概念,包括关注民粹主义如何使用数字技术(Baldwin-Philippi 2018)。然而,这种讨论的一个相对未被探索的维度是民粹主义的政治与“艺术”或戏剧表演之间的关系。如果后者适合右翼民粹主义话语,以潜在地模仿它如何将其民族主义修辞框架为“对“人民”的呼吁”(Canovan 1993,3),那么表演者和观众-参与者之间的关系与通过民粹主义政治的公开表现形成的关系有何不同?参与民粹主义的艺术家如何利用技术来增加他们表演的影响力和互动性,这是如何试图破坏和/或产生一种令人不安的“信仰”,即这些项目的所谓“现实”?本文考察了奥地利和爱沙尼亚的两场精选表演,它们试图通过跨多种媒体发展的艺术实践颠覆性地参与极右翼民粹主义的崛起:克里斯托弗·施林根西夫的《请爱奥地利——第一个欧洲联盟周》!(2000)和NO99剧院的《统一的爱沙尼亚》(2010)。这两个事件在各自与日益技术化的媒体的接触中成为典范,在表演中质疑右翼民粹主义,引起了国内外公众的广泛关注。施林根西夫的演出“请爱奥地利!”在国际上引起了争议。其中一群寻求庇护者被运送到位于维也纳市中心的一个由集装箱组成的临时地点,他们将在那里居住7天。通过一个专门的网站,奥地利人被邀请投票选出他们最希望看到“驱逐出境”的外国人。这一公开行动旨在反映Jörg海德尔的民粹主义极右翼奥地利自由党(FPÖ)的反移民政策,全世界都报道了这一行动,损害了奥地利首选的中右翼资产阶级国家形象。十年后,在爱沙尼亚(以其技术进步而闻名),总部位于塔林的NO99剧院公司举行了一场新闻发布会,宣布他们迄今为止规模最大的演出,并在7200名观众的公共大会上达到高潮。这个长达44天的项目涉及NO99
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引用次数: 0
Performance and the Right 绩效与权利
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1974674
P. de Senna, James Hudson
Theatre and performance scholarship has exhaustively theorised the political dimensions of drama: its strategies, capacities, and materiality, with its inherent potential as a site of collision with existing assumptions and values being repeatedly emphasised. Yet, while the recent rise in right-wing nationalisms across the globe has been analysed from a variety of perspectives, and by a number of disciplines – sociology, media studies, international relations, economics, and cultural studies – little substantive attention has heretofore been given to the relationships between theatre and performance and these reactionary forces, which are often themselves presented and packaged as colliding with a liberal, mainstream consensus. And while scholarship on political theatre acknowledges that there are plays and performances that may be reactionary through a combination of form and content, comparatively little recent work has treated this notion to sustained interrogation, examined specific work in the light of it, or analysed the mechanics of its functioning in detail. This special issue stakes a claim for a scholarly appreciation of the operation of right-wing and reactionary ideological forces in relation to theatre and performance, as well as their imbrication with the very notions of ‘mainstream’ and ‘liberal’, articulating a critical appraisal of the performative appeal of the right, its strategies and subterfuges. We had set out, in the remote past that was late 2018, to situate an appreciation of the balance of political forces within an analytical framework broaching new understandings of the modes of expression, performative dimensions and affective capacities of rightwing politics as it is manifested in global theatrical, performance and performative cultures, often subsumed within capitalist value-systems. We sought to reflect on where the left had failed: how socially liberal artists and theatre makers have been incorporated into right-wing, capitalist modes of production, exhibition and consumption, presenting supposedly ‘radical’ work in venues and environments, and making use of forms that are fundamentally exclusionary, therefore mapping a terrain in which the reactionary may be perceived not only in terms of form and content, but also context. And we asked in which ways have theatre and performance ostensibly appropriated right-wing discourse in order to critique it, while at the same time offering a platform for reactionary views, through forms like parody, pastiche and overidentification. Inevitably, the period of time that elapses between proposing a special issue on a particular topic and its final publication results in something of a disparity between the world that the articles discuss and the world in which they appear. In this instance,
戏剧和表演学术已经将戏剧的政治维度详尽地理论化:它的策略、能力和物质性,以及它作为一个与现有假设和价值观发生冲突的场所的内在潜力,被反复强调。然而,尽管最近右翼民族主义在全球范围内的兴起已经从不同的角度和许多学科(社会学、媒体研究、国际关系、经济学和文化研究)进行了分析,但迄今为止,很少有人对戏剧和表演与这些反动力量之间的关系给予实质性的关注,这些反动力量往往被自己呈现和包装为与自由主义主流共识相冲突。虽然政治戏剧的学术研究承认,通过形式和内容的结合,有些戏剧和表演可能是反动的,但相对而言,最近的研究很少对这一概念进行持续的质疑,从它的角度审视具体的作品,或详细分析其运作机制。这期特刊主张对右翼和反动意识形态力量在戏剧和表演方面的运作进行学术评价,以及它们与“主流”和“自由”概念的融合,对右翼的表演吸引力、其策略和诡计进行批判性评价。在遥远的过去,即2018年底,我们开始将对政治力量平衡的欣赏置于一个分析框架中,该框架涉及对右翼政治的表达方式、表演维度和情感能力的新理解,因为右翼政治表现在全球戏剧、表演和表演文化中,通常被纳入资本主义价值体系。我们试图反思左翼失败的地方:社会自由主义艺术家和戏剧制作人如何被纳入右翼,资本主义的生产,展览和消费模式,在场地和环境中呈现所谓的“激进”作品,并利用从根本上排他性的形式,因此绘制了一个不仅在形式和内容方面,而且在背景方面可能被视为反动的领域。我们问戏剧和表演在哪些方面表面上挪用了右翼话语来批评它,同时通过模仿、模仿和过度认同等形式为反动观点提供了一个平台。不可避免地,从提出一个特定主题的特刊到最终出版之间的一段时间导致文章讨论的世界和它们出现的世界之间存在某种差异。在这种情况下,
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引用次数: 0
Right wing and Street-theatre: from censure to co-option 右翼和街头戏剧:从谴责到合作
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1964851
A. Mahiyaria
ABSTRACT This paper examines the modes of cultural organisation that facilitate the Right-wing’s appropriation of historically Left-wing theatre practices such as the Street-theatre in New Delhi in the service of percolating Hindu-nationalism. The paper suggests that a thorough understanding of the organisation behind the creative methods for mobilisation employed by the Right-wing is indispensable if strategies of resisting co-option and building an effective opposition have to be conceived.
本文考察了文化组织的模式,这些模式促进了右翼对历史上左翼戏剧实践的挪用,例如为渗透印度教民族主义服务的新德里街头剧院。这篇论文建议,如果必须构思抵制增选和建立有效反对派的策略,那么彻底了解右翼所采用的创造性动员方法背后的组织是必不可少的。
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引用次数: 0
Right from the centre: The dramaturgy of right-wing politics in Chris Hannan’s What Shadows, Chris Bush’s The Assassination of Katie Hopkins, and Rob Drummond’s The Majority 中间偏右:克里斯·汉南的《什么阴影》、克里斯·布什的《凯蒂·霍普金斯遇刺案》和罗布·德拉蒙德的《多数派》中的右翼政治戏剧
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1964848
James Hudson
ABSTRACT Reactionary retrenchment in UK society, including the resurgence of national chauvinism and anti-immigration sentiment, has recently stimulated explorations of right-wing politics in theatre. This article offers a reading of three recent productions that illuminate the way that reactionary politics is currently framed, explored and interrogated in UK theatre: What Shadows (2016) by Chris Hannan, Chris Bush’s The Assassination of Katie Hopkins (2018), and Rob Drummond’s The Majority (2017). The article argues that these pieces’ approach towards right-wing politics emerges from anxiety over ideological polarisation and a perceived breakdown in communication in political discourse. It suggests that this attempt to generate nuance, neutrality and complexity while dispensing criticism equally across both poles of left and right on the political spectrum implicitly works to authorise a ‘moderate’ centrist position. While the thesis of each play functions to validate a centrist position that is presumed to be automatically reasonable, the article considers the potential liabilities inherent in such dramaturgical framing in broaching topics relating to the far right and reactionary right.
英国社会的反动紧缩,包括民族沙文主义和反移民情绪的复苏,最近刺激了右翼政治在戏剧中的探索。本文提供了最近三部作品的阅读,这些作品阐明了英国剧院目前对反动政治的框架、探索和审问方式:克里斯·汉南的《什么阴影》(2016)、克里斯·布什的《凯蒂·霍普金斯遇刺》(2018)和罗布·德拉蒙德的《多数派》(2017)。本文认为,这些作品对右翼政治的态度源于对意识形态两极分化的焦虑,以及对政治话语中沟通中断的感知。它表明,这种产生细微差别、中立性和复杂性的尝试,同时在政治光谱的左右两极平等地分配批评,暗中授权了一个“温和”的中间派立场。虽然每部戏剧的主题都是为了验证被认为是自动合理的中间派立场,但文章认为,在讨论与极右翼和反动右翼有关的话题时,这种戏剧框架所固有的潜在责任。
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引用次数: 0
White supremacist performance and its refusal: a reflection on the mosque shootings in Christchurch, Aotearoa New Zealand 白人至上主义的表现及其拒绝:对新西兰基督城清真寺枪击事件的反思
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1971885
Emma Willis
ABSTRACT The terror attack carried out at two mosques in Aotearoa New Zealand by a white supremacist in 2019 was intended as a spectacle for mass public consumption. Its live-stream on Facebook invited hyper-identification (akin to a first-person shooter game), exploiting the disembodied nature of digital connection. In this essay, I draw from Judith Butler’s concept of ‘hallucinatory merging’ to characterize this performativity and to suggest that both the killings and their filming were an attack on the ‘generativity’ of the assembly of bodies-in-prayer. The public response led by New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern avowedly rejected the ideology of white supremacy that motivated the attack. Her remark that ‘this is not us’ galvanized public sentiment, generating waves of public solidarity and a variety of public counter-performances. At the same time, this was a white supremacist act carried out in a settler (post-colonial) society, throwing into sharp relief the everyday performances of racial intolerance that trouble the notion that this is ‘not us,’ a point made by various communities including Indigenous Māori. In tracing the two opposed modes of performance – that of white supremacist exclusivity and a national narrative of inclusion – I reflect on their entanglement as well as their distinction.
2019年,一名白人至上主义者在新西兰奥特罗阿的两座清真寺发动了恐怖袭击,目的是为了让公众消费。它在Facebook上的直播吸引了高度认同(类似于第一人称射击游戏),利用了数字连接的非实体本质。在这篇文章中,我借鉴了朱迪思·巴特勒的“幻觉融合”概念来描述这种表演,并提出杀戮和拍摄都是对祈祷中的身体集会的“生成”的攻击。新西兰总理杰辛达·阿德恩(Jacinda Ardern)领导的公众反应公开拒绝了引发袭击的白人至上主义意识形态。她的“这不是我们”的言论激起了公众的情绪,引发了一波又一波的公众团结和各种公众对抗表演。与此同时,这是在移民(后殖民)社会中实施的白人至上主义行为,使种族不容忍的日常表现突显出来,这种不容忍困扰着“不是我们”的概念,包括土著Māori在内的各个社区都提出了这一点。在追踪两种对立的表现模式——白人至上主义者的排他性和国家包容叙事——的过程中,我反思了它们的纠缠和区别。
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引用次数: 1
Networked audience participation: the futurity of post-Brexit democracy in One Day, Maybe and Operation Black Antler 网络化的观众参与:《一天,也许》和《黑鹿角行动》中英国脱欧后民主的未来
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1964849
Joseph Dunne-Howrie
ABSTRACT Where are we in the story of British democracy? Was the 2016 EU Referendum a rehearsal for a new political system of direct democracy that ultimately benefits the far right? Or will the Internet replace the conventional machinery of government with a radical new form of network power where people discursively experiment with new political realities through aesthetic modes of social relations? This article proffers the term ‘networked participation’ to describe a conceptual model of citizenry centred on structuring meaning through the dialogic exchange of information in aesthetic environments. The political ideals of network politics inform my analysis of the complex web of connections that participants scaffold in the performances Operation Black Antler(Blast Theory and Hydrocracker 2017) and One Day, Maybe (dreamthinkspeak 2017) between identitarian ideology in Britain and competing narratives of democracy’s meaning in South Korea, respectively. This model of audience participation is proffered to develop a theory of social relations produced through a theatrical experience of digital interconnectivity.
我们在英国民主的故事中处于什么位置?2016年的欧盟公投是否预示着一种最终有利于极右翼的直接民主新政治体制的出现?或者,互联网是否会以一种全新的网络权力形式取代传统的政府机构,在这种形式下,人们会通过社会关系的审美模式,对新的政治现实进行话语实验?本文提出了“网络参与”一词来描述公民的概念模型,该模型以通过在审美环境中对话交换信息来构建意义为中心。网络政治的政治理想为我分析参与者在表演《黑鹿角行动》(《爆炸理论与氢裂锅》,2017)和《也许有一天》(《dreamthinkspeak》,2017)中搭建的复杂联系网络提供了依据,这两个表演分别是英国的身份主义意识形态和韩国民主意义的竞争叙事。这种观众参与的模式是为了发展一种通过数字互联的戏剧体验产生的社会关系理论。
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引用次数: 0
The counter-theatricality of right-wing populist performance 右翼民粹主义的反戏剧性表现
IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/14682761.2021.1964818
Julia Peetz
ABSTRACT This article investigates Donald Trump’s performances of right-wing populism, contrasting these with the professional theatrical practice of US political speechwriting. The public performances of US presidents are theatrical constructions in a broad conceptual interpretation of the term: as speechwriters work to construct the presidential persona and the national audience, they abstract and fictionalize both the presidential self and the national public. The resulting presidential persona is a theatrical construction designed to appeal to an idealized national community. Much of the appeal of Trump’s populism, this article posits, lies in his efforts to eschew the professionalized theatricality of US presidential performance. Drawing on in-depth interviews the author conducted with US political speechwriters – primarily presidential speechwriters spanning administrations and campaigns from Reagan to Obama – the article seeks to account for the counter-theatrical appeal of the Trump presidency and of performances of right-wing populism more broadly. Building on the speechwriters’ specialist knowledge, the historical conditions that have allowed performances of right-wing populism to flourish are explored. The article interrogates right-wing populism’s exploitation of institutional distrust as a dominant political affect and its undermining of integrative concepts of the nation in favour of a definition of ‘the people’ in terms of white, patriarchal nativism.
本文研究了唐纳德·特朗普的右翼民粹主义表演,并将其与美国政治演讲写作的专业戏剧实践进行了对比。美国总统的公开表演是对这一术语进行广泛概念解释的戏剧结构:当演讲撰稿人努力构建总统和全国观众时,他们抽象和虚构了总统本人和全国公众。由此产生的总统形象是一种戏剧性的建构,旨在吸引理想化的国家群体。本文认为,特朗普民粹主义的吸引力很大程度上在于他努力避免美国总统表演的专业化戏剧性。作者对美国政治演讲撰稿人进行了深入的采访,主要是总统演讲撰稿人,从里根到奥巴马的政府和竞选活动中,文章试图解释特朗普总统任期和更广泛的右翼民粹主义表演的反戏剧吸引力。本文以演讲撰稿人的专业知识为基础,探讨了右翼民粹主义表现得以蓬勃发展的历史条件。这篇文章质疑右翼民粹主义利用制度上的不信任作为一种主要的政治影响,以及它对国家综合概念的破坏,以支持白人父权制本土主义对“人民”的定义。
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Studies in Theatre and Performance
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