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Comparative Study of Various Techniques of Mastoid Obliteration following Canal Wall Down Mastoidectomy. 乳突切除术后乳突封堵技术的比较研究。
IF 0.5 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-01 Epub Date: 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1007/s12070-023-04018-3
Surabhi Nikam, Jeevan Vedi, Vaibhav Chandankhede, Vipin Ekhar, Ritesh Shelkar

The primary objective of mastoid obliteration is the eradication of the disease and prevention of its recurrence. We intend to evaluate the impact of mastoid obliteration using autologous materials on the achievement of a dry mastoid bowl and frequency of maintenance care and hearing outcome of the operated ear. This was a hospital-based, non - randomized, prospective study. The study was performed over a period of 2 years. The study was performed in the Department of ENT of a tertiary care teaching hospital. Patients of chronic otitis media - squamosal type underwent canal wall down mastoidectomy and patients were divided into 2 groups of obliterated and non-obliterated. The canal wall obliterated patients were further compared in 3 groups based on the technique of mastoid obliteration used - bone dust, musculo-periosteal flap and cartilage graft. 6 months post-operative mastoid cavity epithelisation based on oto-microscopy and hearing outcome based on pure tone audiometry findings were compared. Majority of patients at 6-months follow-up found that epithelization was most common status of mastoid cavity with musculoperiosteal flap and discharge was commonest with cartilage graft. Mastoid obliteration with autologous materials is a safe and effective method to achieve a dry, safe and useful ear. In this study, musculo-periosteal flap being significantly better in terms of a well epithelized cavity and hearing outcome.

乳突封堵术的主要目的是根除疾病并预防其复发。我们打算评估使用自体材料进行乳突封堵对获得干燥乳突碗、维持护理频率和手术耳听力结果的影响。这是一项以医院为基础的、非随机的前瞻性研究。这项研究进行了2年。本研究在某三级护理教学医院耳鼻喉科进行。慢性中耳炎-鳞屑型患者行乳突管壁下切除术,分为闭塞组和非闭塞组。在乳突封堵技术——骨粉、骨膜肌瓣和软骨移植的基础上,对3组管壁闭塞患者进行比较。比较术后6个月基于耳镜的乳突腔上皮和基于纯音听力学结果的听力结果。大多数患者在6个月的随访中发现,肌骨膜瓣乳突腔最常见的状态是上皮化,软骨移植最常见的状态是排出。自体材料乳突封堵术是一种安全有效的方法,可以达到干燥、安全、有用的耳朵。在这项研究中,肌肉骨膜瓣在上皮腔和听力结果方面明显更好。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial 社论
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905564
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Women's Cinema: Feminism, Socialism, and Mainstream Culture in Modern China by Lingzhen Wang (review) 《女性电影再探:中国现代的女权主义、社会主义与主流文化》王玲珍(综述)
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905563
Lin Li
Despite the rich scholarship on socialist Chinese cinema, few scholars have examined it through a feminist lens. Through an in-depth study of four female directors and their films, Revisiting Women’s Cinema critically fills this lacuna by examining the shifting Chinese feminist and mainstream cultural practices during two periods: the Mao era (1949–1976) and the post-Mao era. The broader political and intellectual contexts that Revisiting Women’s Cinema engages with are China’s rapid integration into the world economy since the late 1970s, the dismissal of socialist feminism, and the global ascendence of Western liberal feminism. Influenced by liberal feminism’s emphasis on individualism and essential sexual difference, post-Mao Chinese feminism has long dismissed socialist women’s liberation as “imposed or bestowed from above by the party-state and men” (126) and works by female directors in Maoist China as mere propaganda. Arguing against the “global repudiation of socialist practice” (3), Revisiting Women’s Cinema reveals “the critical relevance of socialist institutionalized feminism and mainstream women’s cinema to contemporary feminist media practice” (4). Two concepts central to Lingzhen Wang’s analysis are “socialist feminism” (社会主义女性主义 shehuizhuyi nüxingzhuyi) and “mainstream culture” (主流文化 zhuliu wenhua). According to Wang, women’s liberation can only be achieved when other political-economic and sociocultural issues are taken seriously—an argument at the core of socialist feminism. Moreover, refuting post-Mao feminists’ dismissal of mainstream culture as “intrinsically conservative and patriarchal” (10), Wang holds that mainstream culture in Maoist China “played the most critical role in combatting traditional conservative ideas and bourgeois ideology and promoting socialist visions and ethics” (14). Together, these two terms constitute the main theoretical framework through which Wang examines Chinese women’s cinema. Organized chronologically, Revisiting Women’s Cinema consists of seven chapters. The first three chapters focus on the period of the 1950s and the 1960s, while the last four chapters examine the period from 1978 through the 1980s. Beyond its chronological ordering, Revisiting Women’s Cinema can be divided into two thematic sections: whereas chapters 1, 4, and 5 explain the changes in Chinese socialist mainstream culture in response to China’s political and economic transformations, chapters 2, 3, 6, and 7 each provide a detailed analysis of one Chinese female director and her films, revealing Chinese women’s crucial role in producing and diversifying mainstream culture. Chapter 1 provides a “revisionist history of Chinese socialist feminism” (17). Wang traces the widespread negative attitude toward Chinese socialist feminism to scholarship published in the United States in the 1980s. Using Judith Stacey’s Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution in China1 as an example, Wang offers a thorough critique of Stacey’s interpretatio
尽管对中国社会主义电影有着丰富的学术研究,但很少有学者从女权主义的角度来研究它。通过对四位女性导演及其电影的深入研究,《重访女性电影》通过考察毛时代(1949–1976)和后毛时代两个时期中国女权主义和主流文化实践的转变,批判性地填补了这一空白。《重访女性电影》所涉及的更广泛的政治和知识背景是,自20世纪70年代末以来,中国迅速融入世界经济,社会主义女权主义被摒弃,西方自由主义女权主义在全球的崛起。受自由主义女权主义强调个人主义和本质性别差异的影响,后毛时代的中国女权主义长期以来一直将社会主义妇女解放视为“党、国家和男人从上面强加或给予的”(126),并将毛时代中国女导演的作品视为纯粹的宣传。《重温女性电影》反对“对社会主义实践的全球否定”(3),揭示了“社会主义制度化女权主义和主流女性电影与当代女权主义媒体实践的批判性关联”(4)。王分析的两个核心概念是“社会主义女权主义”(社会主义女性主义 谢惠珠与主流文化(主流文化 朱刘文华)。王认为,只有当其他政治、经济和社会文化问题得到认真对待时,妇女的解放才能实现——这是社会主义女权主义的核心论点。此外,王驳斥了后毛时代女权主义者对主流文化“本质上保守和父权”的否定(10),认为毛主义中国的主流文化“在对抗传统保守思想和资产阶级意识形态、促进社会主义愿景和伦理方面发挥了最关键的作用”(14)。这两个术语共同构成了王审视中国女性电影的主要理论框架。《重访女性电影》按时间顺序编排,共分七章。前三章侧重于20世纪50年代和60年代,而后四章则考察了1978年至80年代。除了时间顺序之外,《重访女性电影》可以分为两个主题部分:第一章、第四章和第五章解释了中国社会主义主流文化在中国政治和经济转型中的变化,第二章、第三章、第六章和第七章分别对一位中国女导演及其电影进行了详细分析,揭示了中国女性在主流文化产生和多样化中的重要作用。第一章为“中国社会主义女权主义修正主义史”(17)。王将对中国社会主义女权主义的普遍否定态度追溯到20世纪80年代在美国发表的学术论文。王以朱迪斯·斯泰西的《父权制与中国的社会主义革命》为例,对斯泰西对女权主义主要是个人主义和中国社会主义革命的解释进行了彻底的批判
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引用次数: 0
The Ping-Liu-Li Uprising of 1906 Up Close: Its Local Context and Its National Significance 1906年平刘里起义:地方背景与国家意义
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905567
Xi He
Abstract:The Ping-Liu-Li (Pingxiang, Liuyang, and Liling) uprising of 1906 is often said to have been led by revolutionaries, to have been supported by secret societies, and to have drawn support from two provinces (Hunan and Jiangxi) and three counties. This article argues that the events of the uprising have to be read in the light of disunified local gangs who had turf to protect, their interest in obtaining arms from the revolutionaries, and a very tense political situation that might indeed have evolved out of contact between revolutionaries and the gangs. However, the significance of the incident was magnified because of the proximity of the location to the high-profile Pingxiang Coal Mine in Jiangxi. The importance of the mine drew strong reactions from the court and the most senior provincial officials. In the process, guns, the telegraph, the railroad, and the newspapers all came into play in pushing the event to national prominence.
摘要:1906年平流里(萍乡、浏阳、醴陵)起义通常被认为是由革命者领导的,得到了秘密社团的支持,得到了两省(湖南、江西)和三县的支持。这篇文章认为,起义事件必须从以下几个方面来解读:四分五裂的地方帮派需要保护自己的地盘,他们想从革命者那里获得武器,而非常紧张的政治局势可能确实是革命者和帮派之间接触的结果。然而,由于事发地点靠近备受瞩目的江西萍乡煤矿,这起事件的重要性被放大了。该矿的重要性引起了法院和省级最高官员的强烈反应。在这个过程中,枪支、电报、铁路和报纸都发挥了作用,使这一事件成为全国瞩目的焦点。
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引用次数: 0
The Making of "Evil Tyrant Landlords": A Microhistory of Moralized Class Division during Land Reform in Beijing's Suburbs, 1949 “恶暴君地主”的形成:1949年北京郊区土地改革时期道德阶级划分的微观历史
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905565
Shaofan An
Abstract:Class division represented arguably the most crucial stage of the land reform campaigns mounted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), as it not only divided the land but also the political power of rural Chinese society. Based on newly available local archives, this case study of class division during land reform in the suburbs of Beijing argues that the making of "evil tyrant landlords"—and the struggle against them—played a decisive role in conceptualizing the "landlord" as both a figure of Marxist economic exploitation and the morally stigmatized rural elite during land reform and the building of the party-state. After the collapse of the existing rural ruling class, the "struggle against tyrants" movement immediately turned toward enacting formal class division. As a consequence, the discourse of class struggle based on a clear-cut landlord-peasantry dichotomy was, unsurprisingly, allowed by the CCP to infiltrate rural China's post-1949 political culture.
摘要:阶级划分可以说是中国共产党发起的土地改革运动中最关键的阶段,因为它不仅划分了土地,而且划分了中国农村社会的政治权力。基于新获得的当地档案,这个关于北京郊区土地改革期间阶级划分的案例研究认为,“邪恶的暴君地主”的形成——以及与他们的斗争——在将“地主”概念化的过程中发挥了决定性的作用,在土地改革和党国建设期间,“地主”既是马克思主义经济剥削的形象,也是道德上被污名化的农村精英。在现存的农村统治阶级崩溃后,“反暴君”运动立即转向制定正式的阶级划分。因此,毫不奇怪,基于明确的地主-农民二分法的阶级斗争话语被中共允许渗透到1949年后中国农村的政治文化中。
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引用次数: 0
"This Absolutely Is Not a Hui Rebellion!": The Ethnopolitics of Great Nationality Chauvinism in Early Maoist China “这绝对不是回乱!”:毛主义早期伟大民族主义的民族政治
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905566
Benno Weiner
Abstract:Through the 1950s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) considered nationality disunity to be a product of "great Han chauvinism." But what happens when history's bad guys are not Han? In parts of China's Northwest, the party identified Hui Muslim elites as the main agents of nationality exploitation and Tibetans as their principal targets. It therefore declared Tibetans of all classes to be victims of nationality exploitation and ordered that "good" Muslims be distinguished from "bad," a task made more urgent by a string of uprisings that engulfed several Muslim-majority areas of the Qinghai-Gansu Highlands from 1949 to 1953. While echoes can be found in the late Qing state's response to Muslim rebellion, this article argues that the CCP's approach to the "Hui question" must be viewed as part of a particular practice of minoritization and a framework for conceptualizing the new socialist nation-state that would leave Muslims and other non-Han communities susceptible to majoritarian-state violence.
摘要:20世纪50年代,中国共产党认为民族不统一是“大汉族主义”的产物。但当历史上的坏人不是汉族时,会发生什么?在中国西北部的部分地区,该党将回族穆斯林精英视为民族剥削的主要推动者,将藏族视为主要目标。因此,它宣布所有阶层的藏人都是民族剥削的受害者,并下令区分“好的”穆斯林和“坏的”穆斯林,1949年至1953年席卷青藏高原几个穆斯林占多数地区的一系列起义使这项任务变得更加紧迫。虽然在晚清政府对穆斯林叛乱的回应中可以找到回声,但本文认为,中共处理“回族问题”的方法必须被视为少数民族化的特殊实践的一部分,以及概念化新社会主义民族国家的框架,这将使穆斯林和其他非汉族社区容易受到多数国家暴力的影响。
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引用次数: 0
"How I Am Brought into the Light": Representations of Childhood by Missionary Schoolgirls in East China, 1917–1930 “我是如何被带到光明中的”:1917-1930年华东传教士女学生的童年再现
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905568
Jennifer Bond
Abstract:This article explores how missionary-educated Chinese schoolgirls applied childhood pedagogy that they learned at school to what they perceived to be the pressing demands of Chinese nationalism in the early twentieth century. Although there have been many studies of Christian schools in China from the missionary perspective, we know much less about how Chinese women themselves made sense of the education they received at missionary schools. Based on a study of two elite mission schools for girls in Republican-era East China, this article explores how girls applied child-rearing practices, hygiene, and domestic education to the children whom they taught in the vicinities of their schools. Like their missionary educators before them, they carved out new roles for themselves by claiming authority to speak for a downtrodden "other": Chinese children. In doing so, missionary schoolgirls created new knowledge about Chinese childhood in the early twentieth century.
摘要:本文探讨了在传教士教育下的中国女学生如何将他们在学校学到的童年教育法应用于他们认为是20世纪初中国民族主义的迫切要求。尽管从传教士的角度对中国的基督教学校进行了许多研究,但我们对中国女性自己如何理解她们在教会学校接受的教育知之甚少。本文通过对民国时期华东地区两所精英女子教会学校的研究,探讨了女孩如何将育儿实践、卫生和家庭教育应用于她们在学校附近所教的孩子。就像他们之前的传教士教育者一样,他们为自己开辟了新的角色,声称有权为受压迫的“他者”说话:中国儿童。通过这样做,传教士女学生创造了关于20世纪初中国童年的新知识。
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引用次数: 0
Carbon Technocracy: Energy Regimes in Modern East Asia by Victor Seow (review) 《碳技术统治:现代东亚的能源体制》,作者:肖维德
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.a905562
Judd C. Kinzley
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引用次数: 0
Post-1980 Remembrances of Female Wartime Experiences as Communist Underground Operatives During the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949) 1980年后中国内战时期(1945-1949)女性共产主义地下作战经历的回忆
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.0011
Abstract:This article investigates a selection of post-1980 life writings—autobiographies, memoirs and remembrances—by and about Chinese women and their experiences as underground operatives for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) between 1945 and 1949. It aims to uncover what women’s wartime stories were, as well as why and how they were constructed, considering the broader context in which these narratives were made. A premise of this article is that these published life writings were used as an ideological tool for the men and women who narrated them and for their acquaintances who were fellow underground operatives. It argues that the success of female underground operatives in both the pre-1949 and post-Mao periods depended to a considerable extent on how effective they were in mobilizing dominant, normative female roles, attributes, and norms. This article adds to our understanding regarding pre-1949 CCP clandestine activities and the nuanced relationship between the CCP and Chinese women.
摘要:本文调查了1980年后中国女性的自传、回忆录和回忆,以及她们在1945年至1949年间作为中国共产党地下特工的经历。它的目的是揭示妇女的战时故事是什么,以及它们为什么和如何被构建,考虑到这些叙事的更广泛的背景。这篇文章的一个前提是,这些出版的生活著作被用来作为一种意识形态工具,用于讲述它们的男人和女人,以及他们的熟人,他们是地下特工。文章认为,在1949年前和后毛时期,女性地下特工的成功在很大程度上取决于她们在动员主导的、规范的女性角色、属性和规范方面的有效性。这篇文章增加了我们对1949年前中共秘密活动的理解,以及中共与中国妇女之间微妙的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Revolutionary Bedsheets: Industrial Design and the Material Properties of Maoist China 革命床单:毛时代中国的工业设计和材料特性
IF 0.6 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1353/tcc.2023.0013
Zixian Liu
Abstract:The growing scholarship on consumption has offered provocative new ways of using consumer goods as a lens to understand social relations, political subjectivity, and economic institutions in Mao’s China. However, the prevailing social-centered paradigm often views consumer goods as an abstract category rather than as materials with differing qualities. The literature has rarely considered the properties of materials, such as weight and durability, in connection with the nature of the Maoist system. By looking at materials in their own right, this article focuses on the material properties of a consumer product prominent in the Mao era and afterward: the Minguang brand of floral-patterned bedsheets, affectionately known as China’s “national bedsheet.” My research reveals that as a material embodiment of key differences between the Maoist system and other political-economic systems, the Minguang bedsheet’s material form was the result of understudied yet defining characteristics of the Maoist system, such as economic autarky, socialist realist industrial design, opposition to planned obsolescence, and an obsession with cotton fibers.
摘要:关于消费的学术研究不断增长,提供了一种具有挑衅性的新方法,以消费品为视角来理解毛时代中国的社会关系、政治主体性和经济制度。然而,主流的以社会为中心的范式往往将消费品视为一个抽象的类别,而不是具有不同品质的材料。文献很少考虑材料的特性,如重量和耐用性,与毛主义制度的性质有关。通过对材料本身的研究,本文将重点放在毛时代及其后一种重要消费品的材料特性上:被亲切地称为中国“国民床单”的民光牌花卉床单。我的研究表明,作为毛主义制度与其他政治经济制度之间关键差异的物质体现,民光床单的物质形式是毛主义制度尚未充分研究但明确的特征的结果,例如经济上的自给自足,社会主义现实主义工业设计,反对计划报废,以及对棉纤维的痴迷。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Twentieth-Century China
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