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‘Renovated Russia’ in Bureaucrats’ Memoirs: New Publications 官僚回忆录中的“革新俄罗斯”:新出版物
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918869
Mikhail Loukianov
(2021). ‘Renovated Russia’ in Bureaucrats’ Memoirs: New Publications. Revolutionary Russia: Vol. 34, No. 1, pp. 138-144.
(2021)。官僚回忆录中的“革新俄罗斯”:新出版物《革命的俄国》,第34卷第1号,第138—144页。
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引用次数: 0
The Use of History in Putin’s Russia 历史在普京统治下的俄罗斯
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918873
Jade McGlynn
scene of the 1930s – Anna Akhmatova, Boris Pasternak, Vladimir Lugovsky, Nikolai Zelinsky among many more – who were experiencing tremendous hardship due to the early years of the war, evacuation, censorship, Stalin’s terror and family dramas (much of it intimately connected). As Gromova notes, gradually one gets to see the writers’ personal stories and the many faces they encountered, or an invisible map of these people and their lives. What emerges is an entwined and distinctive landscape resembling a book of anatomy and its blood vessels (p. 80). A number of important letters and locations in central Moscow are introduced to the reader, almost taking us on a virtual tour of Arbat’s backstreets and alleyways. Whilst this is a very well written and intriguing novel, it is rather easy to get lost. Gromova focuses her book on those in the background, who surrounded the great Russian writers, not only to piece together the period but to ‘open up the past in a fuller way’. The novel’s appeal is in its archival nature, and yet, this is precisely why the reader might stumble along the way. By design, the novel continuously moves between time periods, persons and subjects – much like one would in the archives. If one does not have a notepad beside them, losing track of the characters is all too easy. Sections within lengthy chapters that regularly chop and change make for a challenging read. One line I revisited several times offers an explanation as to why the reader loses their bearings and may struggle to keep up: ‘It’s impossible to immerse oneself in an era that one hadn’t lived’ (p. 78). And perhaps that is the point; the past is gone and may be beyond our ability to reconstruct. Olga Bessarabova’s and Maria Belkina’s notebooks bring this world back to life through Gromova’s account, but in a way difficult to piece together properly. Whilst Moscow in the 1930s is certainly a slow read, it is worthwhile for scholars and students. What doors are we trying to unlock, and what keys will fit? The prize behind the door may simply be a key to another door, which when opened, takes our path in a completely new direction. Much like a mosaic, the past looks messy up close. One must take a step back to both admire and conceptualize it properly. The small pieces around the primary picture are often those which bring the past to life.
20世纪30年代的场景——安娜·阿赫玛托娃(Anna Akhmatova)、鲍里斯·帕斯捷尔纳克(Boris Pasternak)、弗拉基米尔·卢戈夫斯基(Vladimir Lugovsky)、尼古拉·泽林斯基(Nikolai Zelinsky。正如格罗莫娃所指出的,人们逐渐看到了作家的个人故事和他们遇到的许多面孔,或者这些人和他们生活的无形地图。出现的是一幅交织在一起的独特景观,类似于一本解剖学及其血管的书(第80页)。向读者介绍了莫斯科市中心的一些重要信件和地点,几乎带我们虚拟游览了阿尔巴特的后街和小巷。虽然这是一部写得很好、很有趣的小说,但它很容易迷失方向。格罗莫娃的书将重点放在背景中那些围绕着伟大的俄罗斯作家的人身上,不仅是为了拼凑这一时期,而且是为了“以更全面的方式打开过去”。这部小说的吸引力在于它的档案性质,然而,这正是读者在这一过程中可能会绊倒的原因。通过设计,小说在时间段、人物和主题之间不断移动——就像档案中的一样。如果旁边没有记事本,就很容易忘记字符。长篇大论中的章节经常被删改,读起来很有挑战性。我多次重温的一句话解释了为什么读者会迷失方向,可能难以跟上:“不可能沉浸在一个没有生活过的时代”(第78页)。也许这就是重点;过去已经过去,我们可能无法重建。奥尔加·贝萨拉波娃和玛丽亚·贝尔金娜的笔记本通过格罗莫娃的叙述让这个世界复活了,但在某种程度上很难拼凑起来。虽然20世纪30年代的《莫斯科》无疑是一本慢书,但它对学者和学生来说是值得的。我们想打开什么门,什么钥匙合适?门后的奖品可能只是另一扇门的钥匙,当它打开时,会把我们的道路带向一个全新的方向。就像马赛克一样,过去近距离看起来很混乱。人们必须退一步,正确地欣赏和概念化它。主要画面周围的小片段往往是那些让过去鲜活起来的片段。
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引用次数: 0
Stalin. Passage to Revolution 斯大林。革命之路
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918875
D. Rayfield
exchange between high and popular cultures was multidirectional, even within Russia’s highly stratified society. Innovations by artistic elites coloured the work of the newly literate, but folk and oral cultures were hugely influential on those revered for their contributions to high culture. Not only were high, middle and popular cultures in constant interaction with one another, but the interplay between them was central to the creative process. This examination of the ecosystem is particularly fruitful in chapter 3 on post-Emancipation visual culture, in which Brooks masterfully explores the contributions of the Wanderers and illustrators of cheap masscirculation (‘thin’) magazines to cultural conversations side by side. Brooks’s sensitivity to the interactions between the social, the cultural and the political makes him attuned to the anxieties related to gender that were in broad circulation amid industrialisation, urbanisation and modernisation. Brooks explores the tensions surrounding the disruption of the traditional gender order in the late nineteenth century through depictions of the vixen in popular culture, the female protagonists in the novels of Lev Tolstoy, and fantasies of male domination in The Rite of Spring. Therefore, it is disappointing that Brooks’s astuteness in analysing gendered representations does not extend across the revolutionary divide, as the New Soviet Woman and her emergence as both a protagonist (and antagonist) in the early 1920s is absent from discussions of the Soviet era. Relatedly, an analysis of sexuality does not feature in Brooks’s study. As Laura Engelstein, Dan Healey, Alison Rowley and others have shown, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, discussions and visions of sexuality reverberated across Russia’s increasingly noisy public sphere. New technologies like photography and the falling printing costs coincided with the commodification of bodies and proliferation of sexualized images in high and popular visual culture. Acknowledging these trends would have added further nuance to Brooks’s discussions of gender and power in fin-de-siècle Russia. These issues aside, The Firebird and the Fox is a rigorous and highly engaging study that brings Russian culture to life. This book was a pleasure to read and will be of interest to scholars and students of modern Russian history.
高雅文化和通俗文化之间的交流是多向的,即使在俄罗斯高度分层的社会中也是如此。艺术精英的创新为新文学的作品增添了色彩,但民间和口头文化对那些因其对高雅文化的贡献而受到尊敬的人有着巨大的影响。不仅高级文化、中等文化和流行文化彼此之间不断互动,而且它们之间的相互作用是创作过程的核心。对生态系统的考察在第三章关于解放后的视觉文化中尤其富有成果,其中布鲁克斯巧妙地探讨了漫游者和廉价大众发行(“薄”)杂志的插图画家对文化对话的贡献。布鲁克斯对社会、文化和政治之间相互作用的敏感,使他适应了在工业化、城市化和现代化中广泛流传的与性别有关的焦虑。布鲁克斯通过对流行文化中的雌狐、列夫·托尔斯泰小说中的女性主人公以及《春之祭》中男性统治的幻想,探索了19世纪晚期传统性别秩序被破坏所带来的紧张局势。因此,令人失望的是,布鲁克斯在分析性别表征方面的敏锐并没有跨越革命的鸿沟,因为《新苏联妇女》和她在20世纪20年代初作为主角(和对手)的出现,在对苏联时代的讨论中是缺席的。与此相关的是,对性的分析并没有出现在布鲁克斯的研究中。正如劳拉·恩格尔斯坦(Laura Engelstein)、丹·希利(Dan Healey)、艾莉森·罗利(Alison Rowley)等人所表明的,在19世纪末和20世纪初,关于性的讨论和看法在俄罗斯日益嘈杂的公共领域引起了反响。摄影等新技术和印刷成本的下降与身体的商品化和高级流行视觉文化中性别化图像的扩散相吻合。认识到这些趋势,布鲁克斯对俄罗斯社会性别和权力的讨论就会更加细致入微。撇开这些问题不谈,《火鸟与狐狸》是一部严谨而引人入胜的著作,它将俄罗斯文化带入了生活。这本书读起来很有趣,对研究俄罗斯现代史的学者和学生也会有兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Pale Horse. A Novel of Revolutionary Russia 苍白的马。革命俄国小说
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918871
George H. Gilbert
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引用次数: 1
Kerensky as ‘Traitor’: Symbolic Politics, Rumour and the Political Deployment of Rumours in the Revolutionary Period 克伦斯基作为“叛徒”:革命时期的象征政治、谣言及其政治部署
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1915594
B. Kolonitskii
This article is concerned with the de-legitimating tactics used against Aleksandr Fedorovich Kerensky. It draws on both expert political assessments and a considerable quantity of rumours. Journalism, political resolutions, and letters and diaries written by people of different views are examined for negative representations of Kerensky that are associated with allegations of ‘betrayal’, ‘treachery’ or ‘moral degeneracy’ during his time in the Winter Palace. Such negative representations were informed by both the European republican tradition and the patriotic mobilization, which portrayed the residences of enemy heads of state during the First World War as hotbeds of corruption, treason and depravity. For example, in 1917 rumours about Nicholas II, the empress Aleksandra Fedorovna and Rasputin became a conspicuous element of mass culture. In Kerensky’s case, negative representations had begun to spread in connection with the preparations for the June Offensive, but they proliferated in July when he became head of the Provisional Government and especially when the seat of the government was moved to the Winter Palace. Kerensky was compared to the former emperor and rumoured to be enjoying the trappings of imperial power, engaging in amoral behaviour and using narcotic substances. There were also implausible rumours that the head of the government was a traitor. Such rumours were spread publicly by Kerensky’s opponents on right and left alike in a sign of the Provisional Government’s growing political isolation. This period (Kerenshchina) repelled parties that both were opposed to one another and favoured resolving the crisis by violent means, social compromise became harder to achieve and the slide to civil war gained momentum.
本文关注的是针对亚历山大·费多罗维奇·克伦斯基的去合法化策略。它利用了专家的政治评估和大量的谣言。新闻报道、政治决议、不同观点的人写的信件和日记都会被检查,以寻找与克伦斯基在冬宫期间的“背叛”、“背信弃义”或“道德败坏”指控有关的对克伦斯基的负面描述。欧洲共和传统和爱国主义动员都为这种负面表述提供了依据,他们将第一次世界大战期间敌方国家元首的住所描绘成腐败、叛国和堕落的温床。例如,1917年,关于尼古拉二世、皇后亚历山大·费多罗夫娜和拉斯普京的谣言成为大众文化的一个引人注目的元素。在克伦斯基的案件中,与6月攻势的准备工作有关的负面言论已经开始蔓延,但在7月他成为临时政府首脑时,尤其是当政府所在地迁至冬宫时,负面言论激增。克伦斯基被比作前皇帝,据传他享受着帝国权力的外衣,从事不道德的行为并使用麻醉药物。还有令人难以置信的谣言说政府首脑是叛徒。克伦斯基的左右反对者都公开散布了这样的谣言,这表明临时政府在政治上越来越孤立。这一时期(克伦希纳)击退了双方都反对并支持通过暴力手段解决危机的政党,社会妥协变得更难实现,滑向内战的势头越来越大。
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引用次数: 0
Ten Months that No Longer Shake the World? The Centenary of the Russian Revolution and Beyond 不再震撼世界的十个月?俄罗斯革命一百周年及其后
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1921919
C. Read
Centenaries are times to reflect and assess status. This essay discusses accounts of how the centenary of the Russian Revolution was marked around the globe by governments, national media and civil society in general before going on to examine some of the large number of academic contributions to the debate in the form of books, special editions of journals and so on. As well as reflecting on what was said the article also discusses what the centennial output told us about the standing of the revolution around the world, about its meaning in different contexts and about whether we learned anything new. Among its conclusions are that, with the formidable exception of China, very few claims were made for ownership of and support for the revolution, that western academic contributions tended to repeat rather than expand existing interpretations and that Russian interpretations tended to ignore aspects of the revolution associated with the once dominant official Soviet era discourse.
百年庆典是反思和评估地位的时刻。本文讨论了全球各国政府、国家媒体和民间社会是如何纪念俄国革命一百周年的,然后以书籍、期刊特别版等形式考察了对这场辩论的大量学术贡献。这篇文章除了反思所说的话,也讨论了百年纪念的成果告诉我们革命在世界各地的地位,它在不同背景下的意义,以及我们是否学到了什么新东西。报告的结论包括,除了中国之外,很少有人声称自己是革命的所有权和支持者;西方的学术贡献倾向于重复而不是扩展现有的解释;俄罗斯的解释倾向于忽略与曾经占主导地位的苏联时代官方话语相关的革命方面。
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引用次数: 0
Profit under the Soviets: Timber Concessions, Western interests and the Monetary Reforms under NEP 苏联时期的利润:木材特许权、西方利益与新经济政策下的货币改革
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1864918
J. Lundesgaard, V. Tevlina
In 1921, at the beginning of the New Economic Policy (NEP), V.I. Lenin pointed to the timber industry of the North as a promising opportunity for cooperation with Western interests and the Soviet state soon introduced timber concessions. However, these concessions were not particularly profitable and ended up as a short-lived experiment. This article analyses why timber concessions failed to make a profit, a critical question for the NEP’s semi-capitalist economy. It finds that monetary reforms that began with the re-establishment of central banking in October 1921 and ended in May 1924 with the new ruble clearly contributed to the failures of the timber concessions. The relative stability of the new currency was seen as an important achievement, but with the exchange rate initially fixed, the new ruble became overvalued. Thus, the export of goods purchased in new rubles became less profitable, or simply unprofitable. This led to severe difficulties for timber concessions such as Russangloles, Russhollandoles and Russnorvegoles. We focus on the important Russnorvegoles concession. We also find that there were two occasions when this concession succeeded in circumventing the problem of the overvalued ruble for short periods, yet acting contrary to Soviet interests in this way contributed to the end of Western interests in the company.
1921年,在新经济政策(NEP)开始时,V.I.列宁指出北方的木材工业是与西方利益合作的一个有希望的机会,苏联国家很快就推出了木材特许经营权。然而,这些让步并不是特别有利可图,最终只是一次短暂的实验。本文分析了木材特许经营权未能盈利的原因,这是新经济政策半资本主义经济的一个关键问题。它发现,从1921年10月中央银行的重建开始,到1924年5月以新卢布结束的货币改革,显然是木材特许经营权失败的原因之一。新货币的相对稳定被视为一项重要成就,但随着汇率最初固定,新卢布被高估了。因此,以新卢布购买的商品出口变得不那么有利可图,或者根本无利可图。这导致了Russangles、Russhollandoles和Russnorvegoles等木材特许经营权面临严重困难。我们专注于重要的俄罗斯租界。我们还发现,有两次,这一让步成功地在短期内规避了卢布估值过高的问题,但以这种方式违背了苏联的利益,导致了西方在该公司的利益终结。
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引用次数: 0
Moscow in the 1930s: A Tale from the Archives 20世纪30年代的莫斯科:一个来自档案的故事
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918874
James C. Pearce
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引用次数: 0
The Firebird and the Fox: Russian Culture under the Tsars and Bolsheviks 火鸟与狐狸:沙皇和布尔什维克统治下的俄罗斯文化
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1918872
Siobhán Hearne
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引用次数: 0
A Revolutionary Locality in a Revolutionary State: The Changing Geography of Power in Central Siberia, March-October 1917 革命国家的革命地域:西伯利亚中部不断变化的权力地理,1917年3月至10月
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1909850
A. Dickins
This article examines the attempts of revolutionaries in the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk to transform the ‘geography of power’ by extending local autonomy within the context of the wider revolutionary state. It examines their efforts to do so through local challenges to the central appointment of a regional commissar (gubernskii komissar), the re-election of the municipal Duma, and the establishment of unions of local soviets across Eniseisk province and Siberia more generally. Considering these three cases, it challenges the idea that demands for local autonomy in Siberia were primarily pressed during this time by self-professed regionalists (oblastniki) whilst being shunned by socialists. Instead, it demonstrates that groups from across the political spectrum – foremost amongst them local socialists – adopted and developed their own agendas for local autonomy. It further contends that the idea of local autonomy did not express local actors’ desire to break away from the wider all-Russian state, but rather to reposition themselves within it, in the process refashioning the ‘geography of power’ on a more egalitarian basis. The article provides a contribution to understandings of Siberia in revolution, and to the role and self-conceptualisation of local actors in reconstructing state power.
本文考察了西伯利亚中部城市克拉斯诺亚尔斯克(Krasnoiarsk)的革命者在更广泛的革命国家背景下通过扩大地方自治来改变“权力地理”的尝试。它考察了他们通过地方挑战中央任命的地区政委(gubernskii komissar),重新选举市杜马,以及在埃尼泽斯克省和西伯利亚更广泛地建立地方苏维埃工会来实现这一目标的努力。考虑到这三个案例,它挑战了西伯利亚地方自治的要求主要是由自称的地方主义者(oblastniki)提出的,同时被社会主义者所回避。相反,它表明,来自各个政治派别的团体——其中最重要的是地方社会主义者——采用并制定了自己的地方自治议程。它进一步认为,地方自治的概念并没有表达地方行动者脱离更广泛的全俄罗斯国家的愿望,而是在更平等的基础上重塑“权力地理”的过程中,在其中重新定位自己。本文有助于理解革命中的西伯利亚,以及地方行动者在重建国家权力中的作用和自我概念化。
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引用次数: 0
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Revolutionary Russia
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