Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2021.1880355
Cheng Yi Meng
The February Revolution which overthrew the Russian monarchy was greeted with euphoria by the Chinese media. Reminiscent of the 1911 Revolution which overthrew not just the Qing dynasty but also the imperial system, it resonated with Chinese intellectuals. The predominant mood of optimism was fuelled by reports which painted a rosy picture of the February Revolution, some of which bordered on naivete. As events unravelled, news reports on the February Revolution grew increasingly pessimistic about the situation in Russia, although most commentators never lost their sympathy for the revolution. Indeed, they followed the chaos in Russia with worry and concern, and tried to interpret events in ways that made sense to their Chinese readers. In this article, I examine how the February Revolution and the Provisional Government’s prosecution of the war was reported by the Chinese media, thus highlighting how interpretations of historical events were unavoidably distorted by the circumstances of the time.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1830602
G. Swain
This article sets the context for and the motivation behind the Bolshevik action to suppress the Moscow Anarchists on 11–12 April 1918. It explores the Anarchist view that in October 1917 a tactical alliance between Anarchists and Bolsheviks was essential to move the revolution forward, but that such an alliance was only temporary and would simply be a precursor to a genuinely popular third revolution which would shortly follow. The article suggests that, for the Anarchist leadership in Moscow, the crisis created by the Bolshevik decision to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918 meant that the moment for such a third revolution was approaching. Was this talk of revolution real or were the Anarchists just hoping to wreck the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk? By wrecking the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, would the Anarchists ignite a popular anti-state insurgency? Either way, the Bolsheviks decided to nip the action in the bud to prove to Imperial Germany that the revolution was under their control.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1824606
Gavin MURRAY-MILLER
There is little doubt that France’s tumultuous political history has cast a long shadow over the modern world, providing a human drama that politicians and intellectuals repeatedly felt inclined to...
毫无疑问，法国动荡的政治史给现代世界投下了长长的阴影，提供了一出政治家和知识分子一再倾向于……
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1826144
Samantha Sherry
Translating England into Russian takes as its subject the translation of English (that is, originating in England) children’s literature into Russian during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. It o...
英译俄以苏联和后苏联时期英语（即源自英国）儿童文学的俄译为主题。它。。。
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1824726
C. Gilley
Few participants in the Russian Civil Wars, 1917–1921, have been the subject of more hagiography or demonisation than Nestor Makhno, the leader of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine....
在1917年至1921年的俄罗斯内战中，很少有参与者比乌克兰革命起义军(Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine)领袖内斯托尔·马赫诺(Nestor Makhno)更被奉为圣人或被妖魔化
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Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1826142
M. Loukianov
Kirill Solov’ev, in the book under review, analyses how new political instruments and technologies influenced everyday political life in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. After a sh...
{"title":"Samoderzhavie i konstitutsiia: politicheskaia povsednevnost' v Rossii v 1906–1917 godakh","authors":"M. Loukianov","doi":"10.1080/09546545.2020.1826142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2020.1826142","url":null,"abstract":"Kirill Solov’ev, in the book under review, analyses how new political instruments and technologies influenced everyday political life in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. After a sh...","PeriodicalId":42121,"journal":{"name":"Revolutionary Russia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09546545.2020.1826142","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48492627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379
A. Cohen
The Civil War’s denouement into separate Bolshevik and White émigré memorial spaces meant that its monuments served to represent conflict between still-hostile sides, not promote reconciliation between victors and vanquished. Both sides worked inside a public space infused with the political and cultural mobilization for a continuing civil war. The Soviet and émigré populations were also separated by international borders, irreconcilable political ideologies and different public institutions, and neither side needed to integrate members of the former enemy into a shared political terrain. Finally, local people and interest groups showed more interest in Civil War memorials than national politicians and elites, and most war monuments addressed these proximate local priorities. In the city of Samara (renamed Kuibyshev in 1935) local officials wanted to promote the role of Vasilii Chapaev and local people in the Red victory over the central government’s preference for Mykola (Nikolai) Shchors, while the White memorial in Gallipoli was a site of mourning for defeated anti-Bolshevik armies. The resolution of enmity between the former combatants was thus not necessary, nor did it find expression in monumental form or content, and a common consensus on the public face of the war was never reached.
{"title":"The Civil War after the Civil War: Conflict, Reconciliation and Locality in Russian Civil War Monuments, 1922–1941","authors":"A. Cohen","doi":"10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379","url":null,"abstract":"The Civil War’s denouement into separate Bolshevik and White émigré memorial spaces meant that its monuments served to represent conflict between still-hostile sides, not promote reconciliation between victors and vanquished. Both sides worked inside a public space infused with the political and cultural mobilization for a continuing civil war. The Soviet and émigré populations were also separated by international borders, irreconcilable political ideologies and different public institutions, and neither side needed to integrate members of the former enemy into a shared political terrain. Finally, local people and interest groups showed more interest in Civil War memorials than national politicians and elites, and most war monuments addressed these proximate local priorities. In the city of Samara (renamed Kuibyshev in 1935) local officials wanted to promote the role of Vasilii Chapaev and local people in the Red victory over the central government’s preference for Mykola (Nikolai) Shchors, while the White memorial in Gallipoli was a site of mourning for defeated anti-Bolshevik armies. The resolution of enmity between the former combatants was thus not necessary, nor did it find expression in monumental form or content, and a common consensus on the public face of the war was never reached.","PeriodicalId":42121,"journal":{"name":"Revolutionary Russia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47989618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1824605
A. Khalid
The Russian Revolution and the collapse of the Russian Empire that ensued from it led to the establishment of Soviet rule in the colonial peripheries of the Empire (its ‘borderlands’), a vast swath...
{"title":"Nomads and Soviet Rule: Central Asia under Lenin and Stalin","authors":"A. Khalid","doi":"10.1080/09546545.2020.1824605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2020.1824605","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian Revolution and the collapse of the Russian Empire that ensued from it led to the establishment of Soviet rule in the colonial peripheries of the Empire (its ‘borderlands’), a vast swath...","PeriodicalId":42121,"journal":{"name":"Revolutionary Russia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/09546545.2020.1824605","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48977008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2020.1821439
Felix Cowan
This article explores how Russians in the Duma period (1905–17) understood issues of democratic politics and representation through a microhistory of the 1912 Duma election in Odessa. It focuses on conflict between two Odessa newspapers, Odesskaia pochta and Iuzhnaia mysl’, over whether to support the ‘progressive’ candidate or the ‘workers’’ candidate, and on a workers’ boycott organized against Odesskaia pochta after right-wing candidates swept the election. This conflict sheds light on the divide among Russian progressives between politics as ongoing pragmatic compromise and politics as a clash of group interests. As Russians explored how to interact with new institutions like the Duma, ideas of democracy and representation intersected with class and other forms of identity in uncertain and unstable ways. Although the language of class identity often dominated, it was also used to express support for representative democracy and pragmatic coalition-building politics. Russians found more than one way to interpret democracy, and many chose to interpret it through the lens of parliamentary politics, even if they expressed those politics in class terms.
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