Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341242
A. Hurowitz
Abstract The god Enki (Sumerian)/Ea (Akkadian) is central to Mesopotamian myth, ritual and scholarship but there is still disagreement as to precisely what he is the god of. He governs subterranean water, magic, and ‘wisdom’—but what kind of wisdom was it? A traditional argument in Assyriology claims that Enki is more trickster than sage; his knowledge has to do with craft and cunning, not ethics or rectitude. This essay analyzes important neglected associations of Enki with Mesopotamian wisdom literature, demonstrating parallels with ideals found in the biblical book of Proverbs. In these texts Enki is associated with the proper conduct of human life, making him not just crafty and cunning but wise.
{"title":"An Underestimated Aspect of Enki/Ea","authors":"A. Hurowitz","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341242","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The god Enki (Sumerian)/Ea (Akkadian) is central to Mesopotamian myth, ritual and scholarship but there is still disagreement as to precisely what he is the god of. He governs subterranean water, magic, and ‘wisdom’—but what kind of wisdom was it? A traditional argument in Assyriology claims that Enki is more trickster than sage; his knowledge has to do with craft and cunning, not ethics or rectitude. This essay analyzes important neglected associations of Enki with Mesopotamian wisdom literature, demonstrating parallels with ideals found in the biblical book of Proverbs. In these texts Enki is associated with the proper conduct of human life, making him not just crafty and cunning but wise.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341242","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341252
T. J. Lewis
AbstractA comprehensive and detailed study of the Shaʿtiqatu Narrative found in KTU 1.16.5.10–1.16.6.14 including philological and epigraphic analysis. The present article presents the groundwork for a counterpart article exploring the identity and function of the Ugaritic figure known as Shaʿtiqatu who plays a key role in the healing of King Kirta.1
{"title":"The Shaʿtiqatu Narrative from the Ugaritic Story about the Healing of King Kirta","authors":"T. J. Lewis","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341252","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractA comprehensive and detailed study of the Shaʿtiqatu Narrative found in KTU 1.16.5.10–1.16.6.14 including philological and epigraphic analysis. The present article presents the groundwork for a counterpart article exploring the identity and function of the Ugaritic figure known as Shaʿtiqatu who plays a key role in the healing of King Kirta.1","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341252","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341245
Duane E. Smith
Abstract Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Summa Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesopotamian origin of Homeric bird-divination. Against the suggestion of Hogemann and Oettinger that Greek bird-divination has its closest parallels with Hittite bird-divination, I argue that both in its function as a tool for divination and in its specific content, Homeric bird-divination, if not all such ancient Greek divination, finds much closer parallels in Mesopotamian divination traditions than it does in Anatolian traditions. I suggest that the late 8th century B.C.E. and the decades before and after 1200 B.C.E. represent two periods when conditions were particularly ripe for the introduction of Mesopotamian bird-divination into the Aegean and that itinerant diviners, perhaps in the employment of armies, were the most likely conveyors of this particular form of divination.
{"title":"Portentous Birds Flying West: On the Mesopotamian Origin of Homeric Bird-Divination","authors":"Duane E. Smith","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341245","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Drawing on the Akkadian omen series Summa Ālu and its predecessors, this essay argues for a Mesopotamian origin of Homeric bird-divination. Against the suggestion of Hogemann and Oettinger that Greek bird-divination has its closest parallels with Hittite bird-divination, I argue that both in its function as a tool for divination and in its specific content, Homeric bird-divination, if not all such ancient Greek divination, finds much closer parallels in Mesopotamian divination traditions than it does in Anatolian traditions. I suggest that the late 8th century B.C.E. and the decades before and after 1200 B.C.E. represent two periods when conditions were particularly ripe for the introduction of Mesopotamian bird-divination into the Aegean and that itinerant diviners, perhaps in the employment of armies, were the most likely conveyors of this particular form of divination.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341245","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/156921212X629482
M. Bachvarova
AbstractI examine the literary and conceptual background of a Hurro-Hittite ritual calling on divinized royal ancestors (dsarrena), characters from Hurro-Hittite song, members of the Sargonic dynasty, a variety of kings from far-off lands, and the “lord of Hatti” (KUB 27.38). I show that the ritual provides a unique glimpse of the complex Near Eastern tradition telling the history of the world from its beginning. The ritual also helps us to understand how historical memory informed ritual behaviors that legitimated the kingship of regional rulers, allowing them access to the distant past and connecting them to world events. Overall, the sarrena ritual suggests that the histories of the divine and human worlds were linked into a single master narrative by the middle of the second millennium BCE.
{"title":"From “Kingship in Heaven” to King Lists: Syro-Anatolian Courts and the History of the World","authors":"M. Bachvarova","doi":"10.1163/156921212X629482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/156921212X629482","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractI examine the literary and conceptual background of a Hurro-Hittite ritual calling on divinized royal ancestors (dsarrena), characters from Hurro-Hittite song, members of the Sargonic dynasty, a variety of kings from far-off lands, and the “lord of Hatti” (KUB 27.38). I show that the ritual provides a unique glimpse of the complex Near Eastern tradition telling the history of the world from its beginning. The ritual also helps us to understand how historical memory informed ritual behaviors that legitimated the kingship of regional rulers, allowing them access to the distant past and connecting them to world events. Overall, the sarrena ritual suggests that the histories of the divine and human worlds were linked into a single master narrative by the middle of the second millennium BCE.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/156921212X629482","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65151539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/156921212X629455
C. López-Ruiz
AbstractIn this essay I explore the beginning lines of the most relevant cosmogonies from the eastern Mediterranean, focusing on the Enuma Elish, Genesis 1 and Hesiod’s Theogony. These opening lines reveal some of the challenges faced by the authors of these texts when committing to the written word their version of the beginning of the universe. Hesiod’s Theogony will be treated in more length as it presents an expanded introduction to the creation account. This close reading is followed by a few reflections on the question of authorship of these and other Greek and Near Eastern cosmogonies.
{"title":"How to Start a Cosmogony: On the Poetics of Beginnings in Greece and the Near East","authors":"C. López-Ruiz","doi":"10.1163/156921212X629455","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/156921212X629455","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIn this essay I explore the beginning lines of the most relevant cosmogonies from the eastern Mediterranean, focusing on the Enuma Elish, Genesis 1 and Hesiod’s Theogony. These opening lines reveal some of the challenges faced by the authors of these texts when committing to the written word their version of the beginning of the universe. Hesiod’s Theogony will be treated in more length as it presents an expanded introduction to the creation account. This close reading is followed by a few reflections on the question of authorship of these and other Greek and Near Eastern cosmogonies.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/156921212X629455","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65151844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341238
Jeremy D. Smoak
AbstractMost of the attention that the two silver amulets discovered at Ketef Hinnom Jerusalem have received in recent scholarship has centered upon their date and relationship to the biblical texts. This is due in part to the fact that both amulets preserve formulations of the biblical Priestly Blessing from Numbers 6:24-26. The new edition of the amulets published in 2004, however, provides impetus for new questions about the form of the incantations on the amulets and what the magical objects tell us about ancient Judahite apotropaic practices. In particular, the new edition provides a clearer picture of the content and form on both amulets. In turn, the new edition paves the way for a better understanding of how the incantations functioned as magical texts, which attempted to make an argument about their own efficacy as apotropaic objects. Despite this fact, few studies have devoted sufficient to the overall form and content preserved in the incantations. The following paper will describe the content and structure of the incantation on Amulet I and argue that the specific statement made therein provides a unique glimpse into the argument of magical texts in ancient Judah. Finally, the following paper will also briefly compare the content and structure of the incantation to several Psalms that petition Yhwh for protection against various ills. Such a comparison reveals that there may have been more fluidity between magical formulae and ancient Judahite prayer traditions than previously recognized.
{"title":"May Yhwh Bless You and Keep You from Evil: The Rhetorical Argument of Ketef Hinnom Amulet I and the Form of the Prayers for Deliverance in the Psalms","authors":"Jeremy D. Smoak","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341238","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractMost of the attention that the two silver amulets discovered at Ketef Hinnom Jerusalem have received in recent scholarship has centered upon their date and relationship to the biblical texts. This is due in part to the fact that both amulets preserve formulations of the biblical Priestly Blessing from Numbers 6:24-26. The new edition of the amulets published in 2004, however, provides impetus for new questions about the form of the incantations on the amulets and what the magical objects tell us about ancient Judahite apotropaic practices. In particular, the new edition provides a clearer picture of the content and form on both amulets. In turn, the new edition paves the way for a better understanding of how the incantations functioned as magical texts, which attempted to make an argument about their own efficacy as apotropaic objects. Despite this fact, few studies have devoted sufficient to the overall form and content preserved in the incantations. The following paper will describe the content and structure of the incantation on Amulet I and argue that the specific statement made therein provides a unique glimpse into the argument of magical texts in ancient Judah. Finally, the following paper will also briefly compare the content and structure of the incantation to several Psalms that petition Yhwh for protection against various ills. Such a comparison reveals that there may have been more fluidity between magical formulae and ancient Judahite prayer traditions than previously recognized.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341238","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/156921212X629464
B. Maslov
AbstractThis paper analyzes the use of kinship categories to refer to personified (hypostasized) concepts in Ancient Greek literature, with particular emphasis on Pindar. This device serves to include an abstract concept within a genealogy that is dominated by divinities or quasi-religious entities. Comparing the use of this device in Hesiod, Plato, and Pindar, I suggest that, before the emergence of properly analytic categories within the philosophical discourse, genealogical metaphor served as the most important means of concept formation available to Ancient Greeks. In particular, Pindar’s use of genealogical metaphors points to a productive encounter between image and concept. In this context, I review the neglected work of the Soviet Classicist Olga Freidenberg, who put forward a theory of poetic metaphor as a transitional phenomenon between mythological image and philosophical concept, and discuss the differences between the method of historical poetics employed by Freidenberg and the idealist paradigm that informs the better known work by Hermann Frankel, Bruno Snell, and Wilhelm Nestle on the shift from “mythos” to “logos” in early Greek thought and literature.
{"title":"From (theogonic) mythos to (poetic) logos: reading Pindar’s genealogical metaphors after Freidenberg","authors":"B. Maslov","doi":"10.1163/156921212X629464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/156921212X629464","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper analyzes the use of kinship categories to refer to personified (hypostasized) concepts in Ancient Greek literature, with particular emphasis on Pindar. This device serves to include an abstract concept within a genealogy that is dominated by divinities or quasi-religious entities. Comparing the use of this device in Hesiod, Plato, and Pindar, I suggest that, before the emergence of properly analytic categories within the philosophical discourse, genealogical metaphor served as the most important means of concept formation available to Ancient Greeks. In particular, Pindar’s use of genealogical metaphors points to a productive encounter between image and concept. In this context, I review the neglected work of the Soviet Classicist Olga Freidenberg, who put forward a theory of poetic metaphor as a transitional phenomenon between mythological image and philosophical concept, and discuss the differences between the method of historical poetics employed by Freidenberg and the idealist paradigm that informs the better known work by Hermann Frankel, Bruno Snell, and Wilhelm Nestle on the shift from “mythos” to “logos” in early Greek thought and literature.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/156921212X629464","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65151429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/156921212X629446
A. Seri
AbstractThe seven tablets of Enūma elis, “The Chaldean Genesis,” contain multiple creations artfully woven in a story that has the god Marduk as the hero. Most creation accounts found in Enūma elis are reminiscent of earlier traditions. Former narratives as well as related themes and motives are adopted and adapted by means of intentional alterations to suit the purpose of the new text. In this paper I study the ways in which various creations are included, tailored, and arranged to promote Marduk’s position as the head of the Babylonian pantheon.
{"title":"The Role of Creation in Enūma eliš","authors":"A. Seri","doi":"10.1163/156921212X629446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/156921212X629446","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe seven tablets of Enūma elis, “The Chaldean Genesis,” contain multiple creations artfully woven in a story that has the god Marduk as the hero. Most creation accounts found in Enūma elis are reminiscent of earlier traditions. Former narratives as well as related themes and motives are adopted and adapted by means of intentional alterations to suit the purpose of the new text. In this paper I study the ways in which various creations are included, tailored, and arranged to promote Marduk’s position as the head of the Babylonian pantheon.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/156921212X629446","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65151756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341235
Aaron Tugendhaft
AbstractThis essay considers the Ugaritic Baal Cycle in light of Mircea Eliade’s ideas about history and primordial archetypes. Unlike the Babylonian poem Enuma elish with which it is so often compared, the Baal Cycle does not depict a primordial combat and so does not root the political rule of today in the overcoming of a prior chaos. The Ugaritic poem adopts an attitude towards politics that is at odds with the one taken by the Babylonian creation narrative and championed by Eliade in his celebration of what he called “archaic ontology.” Instead of providing a means to overcome the contingency of historical becoming, the Baal Cycle embraces the historical aspect of political rule.
{"title":"Politics and Time in the Baal Cycle","authors":"Aaron Tugendhaft","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341235","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis essay considers the Ugaritic Baal Cycle in light of Mircea Eliade’s ideas about history and primordial archetypes. Unlike the Babylonian poem Enuma elish with which it is so often compared, the Baal Cycle does not depict a primordial combat and so does not root the political rule of today in the overcoming of a prior chaos. The Ugaritic poem adopts an attitude towards politics that is at odds with the one taken by the Babylonian creation narrative and championed by Eliade in his celebration of what he called “archaic ontology.” Instead of providing a means to overcome the contingency of historical becoming, the Baal Cycle embraces the historical aspect of political rule.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341235","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341237
S. M. Olyan
AbstractIsaiah 40-55 is often understood as a work bearing witness clearly and unambiguously to a “novel,” “consistent” and “extreme” monotheism, the monotheistic biblical work par excellence. Yet the author of this article challenges such claims in light of texts such as Isa 40:1-8 and 40:25-26, which recognize the existence of the heavenly host and the volition (40:25-26) or agency (40:1-8) of its members, and in view of Isa 51:9-11, which alludes clearly to the mythic conflict between Yhwh and the sea dragon as a reality. A statement such as “besides me there is no god” (45:5) must, therefore, be interpreted in light of these texts, which are all too frequently ignored by those who speak of Second Isaiah’s “radical” monotheism. “Besides me there is no god” is more likely a claim about Yhwh’s incomparability and unique power and agency than about his sole existence. If there is anything radical and unprecedented about Isaiah 40-55, it is the poet’s rhetoric, which seems to suggest a new meaning and more restricted use for the word “god” ().Though the host remain a heavenly reality for Second Isaiah, serving Yhwh as they have always done, they are no longer called gods.
{"title":"Is Isaiah 40–55 Really Monotheistic?","authors":"S. M. Olyan","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341237","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIsaiah 40-55 is often understood as a work bearing witness clearly and unambiguously to a “novel,” “consistent” and “extreme” monotheism, the monotheistic biblical work par excellence. Yet the author of this article challenges such claims in light of texts such as Isa 40:1-8 and 40:25-26, which recognize the existence of the heavenly host and the volition (40:25-26) or agency (40:1-8) of its members, and in view of Isa 51:9-11, which alludes clearly to the mythic conflict between Yhwh and the sea dragon as a reality. A statement such as “besides me there is no god” (45:5) must, therefore, be interpreted in light of these texts, which are all too frequently ignored by those who speak of Second Isaiah’s “radical” monotheism. “Besides me there is no god” is more likely a claim about Yhwh’s incomparability and unique power and agency than about his sole existence. If there is anything radical and unprecedented about Isaiah 40-55, it is the poet’s rhetoric, which seems to suggest a new meaning and more restricted use for the word “god” ().Though the host remain a heavenly reality for Second Isaiah, serving Yhwh as they have always done, they are no longer called gods.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2012-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341237","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65152613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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