Pub Date : 2018-05-24DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341294
J. Krul
After 484 BC , several deities were (re)introduced into the pantheon of Uruk—most importantly the city’s new patron deity, the sky god Anu, but also the netherworld goddess Bēlet-ṣēri (“Lady of the Steppe”). In this article, I investigate the possible reasons behind the introduction of Bēlet-ṣēri’s cult at Uruk and the role ascribed to her by local worshipers. Using literary compositions, ritual texts, and legal documents, I trace the historical development of Bēlet-ṣēri’s divine characteristics, reconstruct her daily worship at Uruk, and examine the socioeconomic status of Urukean individuals bearing a “Bēlet-ṣēri-name.” I conclude that Bēlet-ṣēri was especially popular among non-elite citizens, probably because she could intercede with the queen of the netherworld, Ereskigal, for the lives of her followers and their families.
公元前484年后，乌鲁克万神殿（重新）引入了几位神——最重要的是这座城市的新守护神，天空之神阿奴，还有冥界女神贝莱特-ṣ“草原之女”（Lady of the Steppe）。在这篇文章中，我调查了引入B的可能原因-ṣ尤里在乌鲁克的崇拜以及当地崇拜者赋予她的角色。通过文学作品、仪式文本和法律文件，我追溯了贝莱特的历史发展-ṣ李的神圣特征，重建了她在乌鲁克的日常崇拜，并考察了拥有“B”的乌鲁克人的社会经济地位-ṣ名称。”我得出结论-ṣ凯丽在非精英公民中特别受欢迎，可能是因为她可以为她的追随者及其家人的生命向幽冥女王埃雷斯基格尔求情。
{"title":"“Prayers from Him Who Is Unable to Make Offerings”: The Cult of Bēlet-ṣēri at Late Babylonian Uruk","authors":"J. Krul","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341294","url":null,"abstract":"After 484 BC , several deities were (re)introduced into the pantheon of Uruk—most importantly the city’s new patron deity, the sky god Anu, but also the netherworld goddess Bēlet-ṣēri (“Lady of the Steppe”). In this article, I investigate the possible reasons behind the introduction of Bēlet-ṣēri’s cult at Uruk and the role ascribed to her by local worshipers. Using literary compositions, ritual texts, and legal documents, I trace the historical development of Bēlet-ṣēri’s divine characteristics, reconstruct her daily worship at Uruk, and examine the socioeconomic status of Urukean individuals bearing a “Bēlet-ṣēri-name.” I conclude that Bēlet-ṣēri was especially popular among non-elite citizens, probably because she could intercede with the queen of the netherworld, Ereskigal, for the lives of her followers and their families.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"18 1","pages":"48-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341294","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48643923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-24DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341293
U. Gabbay
The article deals with the theology of the lilis kettledrum, used to accompany prayers in ancient Mesopotamian temple cult. The article analyzes the ritual in which the head of the kettledrum was covered with the hide of a bull and the ancient commentary on this ritual, showing that the ancient understanding of this ritual was that it reflected the primordial battle between the gods Enlil and Enmesara over the rule of the universe. The article connects this myth to other mythical episodes, such as the myths of the Bull of Heaven, Anzu, and Atra-ḫasīs. The analysis of these materials leads to the conclusion that the playing of the kettledrum during the performance of ancient Mesopotamian prayers symbolized the beating heart of the deities to whom the prayers were addressed.
{"title":"Drums, Hearts, Bulls, and Dead Gods: The Theology of the Ancient Mesopotamian Kettledrum","authors":"U. Gabbay","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341293","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the theology of the lilis kettledrum, used to accompany prayers in ancient Mesopotamian temple cult. The article analyzes the ritual in which the head of the kettledrum was covered with the hide of a bull and the ancient commentary on this ritual, showing that the ancient understanding of this ritual was that it reflected the primordial battle between the gods Enlil and Enmesara over the rule of the universe. The article connects this myth to other mythical episodes, such as the myths of the Bull of Heaven, Anzu, and Atra-ḫasīs. The analysis of these materials leads to the conclusion that the playing of the kettledrum during the performance of ancient Mesopotamian prayers symbolized the beating heart of the deities to whom the prayers were addressed.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"18 1","pages":"1-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341293","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47681923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-24DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341295
Brett E. Maiden
This paper examines the demons Pazuzu and Lamastu from a cognitive science perspective. As hybrid creatures, the iconography of these demons combines an array of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic properties, and is therefore marked by a high degree of conceptual complexity. In a technical sense, they are what cognitive researchers refer to as radically “counterintuitive” representations. However, highly complex religious concepts are difficult in terms of cognitive processing, memory, and transmission, and, as a result, are prone to being spontaneously simplified in structure. Accordingly, there is reason to expect that the material images of Pazuzu and Lamastu differed from the corresponding mental images of these demons. Specifically, it is argued here that in ancient cognition and memory, the demons would have been represented in a more cognitively optimal manner. This hypothesis is further supported by a detailed consideration of the full repertoire of iconographic and textual sources.
{"title":"Counterintuitive Demons: Pazuzu and Lamaštu in Iconography, Text, and Cognition","authors":"Brett E. Maiden","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341295","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the demons Pazuzu and Lamastu from a cognitive science perspective. As hybrid creatures, the iconography of these demons combines an array of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic properties, and is therefore marked by a high degree of conceptual complexity. In a technical sense, they are what cognitive researchers refer to as radically “counterintuitive” representations. However, highly complex religious concepts are difficult in terms of cognitive processing, memory, and transmission, and, as a result, are prone to being spontaneously simplified in structure. Accordingly, there is reason to expect that the material images of Pazuzu and Lamastu differed from the corresponding mental images of these demons. Specifically, it is argued here that in ancient cognition and memory, the demons would have been represented in a more cognitively optimal manner. This hypothesis is further supported by a detailed consideration of the full repertoire of iconographic and textual sources.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"18 1","pages":"86-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341295","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42698549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341289
K. Garroway
The current scholarly milieu has placed great interest in the topics of children and family household religion of ancient Israel; however, scholarship exploring the intersection of the two has not yet been undertaken. This article draws attention to children as vital participants in that domestic cult. Using theories of socialization and enculturation, the article explores how ancient Israelite children interact with the religion that surrounded them daily. This child-centered approach examines textual, archaeological, and ethnographical data and concludes that the process of enculturating ancient Israelite children with household religion produced children who were both passive and active participants in the domestic cult. In doing so, the article informs our knowledge of family household religion, while at the same time expanding our understanding of a child’s role within the Israelite household.
{"title":"Children and Religion in the Archaeological Record of Ancient Israel","authors":"K. Garroway","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341289","url":null,"abstract":"The current scholarly milieu has placed great interest in the topics of children and family household religion of ancient Israel; however, scholarship exploring the intersection of the two has not yet been undertaken. This article draws attention to children as vital participants in that domestic cult. Using theories of socialization and enculturation, the article explores how ancient Israelite children interact with the religion that surrounded them daily. This child-centered approach examines textual, archaeological, and ethnographical data and concludes that the process of enculturating ancient Israelite children with household religion produced children who were both passive and active participants in the domestic cult. In doing so, the article informs our knowledge of family household religion, while at the same time expanding our understanding of a child’s role within the Israelite household.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"116-139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341289","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43505110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341290
S. E. Holtz
In the Akkadian anti-witchcraft ritual Maqlu, the incantation in I.73–121 exemplifies the theme of conducting adjudicatory proceedings against the witch in the divine courtroom. In particular, the patient’s presentation of the witch in effigy and the demand for judgment accord well with similar features attested in Neo-Babylonian trial records. Study of the incantation in light of these court records reveals the incantation’s attention to the details of legal procedure.
{"title":"Maqlû I .73–121 and Trial Procedure","authors":"S. E. Holtz","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341290","url":null,"abstract":"In the Akkadian anti-witchcraft ritual Maqlu, the incantation in I.73–121 exemplifies the theme of conducting adjudicatory proceedings against the witch in the divine courtroom. In particular, the patient’s presentation of the witch in effigy and the demand for judgment accord well with similar features attested in Neo-Babylonian trial records. Study of the incantation in light of these court records reveals the incantation’s attention to the details of legal procedure.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"140-148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341290","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42134935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341288
A. Fantalkin
The article puts forward a new hypothesis concerning the origin of the goddess of Ekron, mentioned in Ekron’s royal dedicatory inscription from the early 7th century BCE . Contrary to a widely held view, it is suggested that the origin of the Philistine Goddess of Ekron should not be sought in the Aegean world but rather in northern Syria.
{"title":"Toward the Identification of the Goddess of Ekron","authors":"A. Fantalkin","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341288","url":null,"abstract":"The article puts forward a new hypothesis concerning the origin of the goddess of Ekron, mentioned in Ekron’s royal dedicatory inscription from the early 7th century BCE . Contrary to a widely held view, it is suggested that the origin of the Philistine Goddess of Ekron should not be sought in the Aegean world but rather in northern Syria.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"97-115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341288","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46600716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341291
M. Richey
In an arrival formula that recurs throughout the Ugaritic epics Baˁlu and ˀAqhatu , the dwelling of the chief god, ˀIlu, is described as encompassing, among other things, a { d d}. Scholars have understood this term in various ways, chiefly as “field,” “mountain,” and “defense.” I argue that the etymological rationales grounding the first two semantic analyses are unsound, and that the case for the third understanding, by far the least commonly adopted, can be strengthened by observing a Sabaic cognate that occurs together with terms for land holdings. On these grounds, I offer the English translation “pasture” as the best approximation of the semantics of Ugaritic { d d}. This situates ˀIlu as a tent-dwelling pastoralist, for which there are suggestive parallels elsewhere in West Semitic texts, including the Hebrew Bible.
{"title":"The Dwelling of ˀIlu in Baˁlu and ˀAqhatu","authors":"M. Richey","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341291","url":null,"abstract":"In an arrival formula that recurs throughout the Ugaritic epics Baˁlu and ˀAqhatu , the dwelling of the chief god, ˀIlu, is described as encompassing, among other things, a { d d}. Scholars have understood this term in various ways, chiefly as “field,” “mountain,” and “defense.” I argue that the etymological rationales grounding the first two semantic analyses are unsound, and that the case for the third understanding, by far the least commonly adopted, can be strengthened by observing a Sabaic cognate that occurs together with terms for land holdings. On these grounds, I offer the English translation “pasture” as the best approximation of the semantics of Ugaritic { d d}. This situates ˀIlu as a tent-dwelling pastoralist, for which there are suggestive parallels elsewhere in West Semitic texts, including the Hebrew Bible.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"149-185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341291","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48538276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-07DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341286
Ido Koch
This paper reconsiders the Late Bronze Age history of the Fosse Temple at Lachish and reconstructs its context vis-a-vis the broader role of the local Canaanite cult. During the reign of Amenhotep III the structure’s plan was modified to conform to Egyptian-style and there was a profusion of Egyptian imports to the site, primarily associated with the cult of Hathor. These facts reflect the cultic innovations that were taking place in Egypt itself—the self-deification of Amenhotep III and his consort, Tiye, including her depiction and worship as Hathor. It is consequently argued that the translation of Hathor/Tiye into the local goddess, Elat, and its continuous practice until the late 13th century BC echo the integration of Egypt within the indigenous cultural world.
{"title":"Revisiting the Fosse Temple at Tel Lachish","authors":"Ido Koch","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341286","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reconsiders the Late Bronze Age history of the Fosse Temple at Lachish and reconstructs its context vis-a-vis the broader role of the local Canaanite cult. During the reign of Amenhotep III the structure’s plan was modified to conform to Egyptian-style and there was a profusion of Egyptian imports to the site, primarily associated with the cult of Hathor. These facts reflect the cultic innovations that were taking place in Egypt itself—the self-deification of Amenhotep III and his consort, Tiye, including her depiction and worship as Hathor. It is consequently argued that the translation of Hathor/Tiye into the local goddess, Elat, and its continuous practice until the late 13th century BC echo the integration of Egypt within the indigenous cultural world.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"64-75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341286","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41455152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-07DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341284
J. Hamme
The paper argues that scribes in Mesopotamia and Israel adapted prayers into various contexts for different purposes. The adaptations introduced were governed by the larger purposes of the prayer’s new context. The paper uses Pss 14 and 53 and Sin 6 to illustrate this point. Psalms 14 and 53 were adapted to fit into the larger purpose and message of the first and second Davidic Psalters, respectively, while Sin 6 was adapted into rituals or a collection of DINGIR.sA.DIB.BA prayers. The paper concludes that the purposes for which prayers were adapted were based upon setting, and that, as such, it is unwise to suggest that only corruptions in Vorlagen explain text differences.
{"title":"A Prayer to Sîn and the Psalms","authors":"J. Hamme","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341284","url":null,"abstract":"The paper argues that scribes in Mesopotamia and Israel adapted prayers into various contexts for different purposes. The adaptations introduced were governed by the larger purposes of the prayer’s new context. The paper uses Pss 14 and 53 and Sin 6 to illustrate this point. Psalms 14 and 53 were adapted to fit into the larger purpose and message of the first and second Davidic Psalters, respectively, while Sin 6 was adapted into rituals or a collection of DINGIR.sA.DIB.BA prayers. The paper concludes that the purposes for which prayers were adapted were based upon setting, and that, as such, it is unwise to suggest that only corruptions in Vorlagen explain text differences.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":"17 1","pages":"1-27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15692124-12341284","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45106602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-07DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341285
I. Kalimi
The birth story of Solomon is unique in the ancient Israelite historiography from the monarchic period. Though the birth name of the newborn child was “Solomon,” he received an additional name “Yedidyah.” The purpose of this name should be understood within three contexts: the immediate passage in 2 Samuel 12; the wider story regarding Solomon’s rise to power in 1 King 1–2; and comparable ancient Near Eastern texts that recount the claims of usurpers outside the royal line to a throne. The latter attempted to legitimize their kingship by introducing themselves as beloved or chosen by patron deities, occasionally taking a new throne-name to reflect their status vis-a-vis the god or gods. This historical and literary phenomenon is clearly reflected from Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Persian, and Egyptian writings of different periods. The discussion here reveals that in ancient Israel and in the surrounding cultures, both Semitic and non-Semitic, the method of self-legitimation by usurpers was to claim that they had divine legitimization.
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