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In Search of the Temples of YHWH of Samaria and YHWH of Teman 寻找撒玛利亚耶和华的殿和提幔耶和华的殿
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-07-07 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341287
N. Na’aman
The Kuntillet ‘Ajrud inscriptions mention blessings by the names of YHWH of Samaria and YHWH of Teman. Like all ancient Near Eastern gods, these two regional gods must have had central temples. This article examines their possible locations and suggests that the combination of the Kuntillet ‘Ajrud inscriptions with the eighth-century prophecies of Amos and Hosea holds the key for identifying these. In light of a detailed analysis of Hosea’s and Amos’ prophecies, it is further suggested that YHWH of Samaria was the name of the major God of the Kingdom of Israel and his main temple was located at Bethel, and that YHWH of Teman was the name of the God of the southern desert regions and his temple was located at Beer-sheba. Israelite traders who traveled southward probably visited the latter god’s temple, offered him sacrifices, made vows to repay him if they succeed in the expedition, and thus turned him to be their patron god during their travel in the desert region. This suggested identification explains why the Judahite cult place of Beer-sheba appears in Amos’ prophecy alongside the Israelite sanctuaries of Bethel, Gilgal, and Dan.
Kuntillet的Ajrud铭文提到了撒马利亚的YHWH和淡曼的YHWH的名字所带来的祝福。像所有古代近东神一样,这两个地区的神一定有中心神庙。本文考察了它们可能的位置,并认为Kuntilet的Ajrud铭文与八世纪阿莫斯和何西阿的预言相结合是识别这些铭文的关键。根据对何西阿和阿莫斯预言的详细分析,进一步提出撒马利亚的YHWH是以色列国主神的名字,他的主庙位于伯特利,而提幔的YHWH则是南部沙漠地区神的名字。他的庙位于别示巴。南下的以色列商人可能会参观后一位神的神庙,向他献祭,并发誓如果他们远征成功,会回报他,从而在沙漠地区旅行时将他变成他们的守护神。这一身份证明解释了为什么在阿莫斯的预言中,犹太教崇拜的地方比尔示巴与以色列圣地伯特利、吉甲和但一起出现。
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引用次数: 1
Reconsidering the Function of Tomb Inscriptions in Iron Age Judah: Khirbet Beit Lei as a Test Case 对铁器时代犹大墓葬铭文功能的再思考:以柯伯特·贝特雷为例
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341281
Alice Mandell, Jeremy D. Smoak
The following article challenges the widely held view that refugees wrote the inscriptions preserved on the tomb walls of Khirbet Beit Lei. We argue that the so-called “refugee-hypothesis” should be based upon a stronger methodological foundation and that the interpretation of the inscriptions at the site should give more serious consideration to their context in the space of a tomb. Toward this end, the article argues that the inscriptions should be connected to the funerary context in which they appear and that their content should be understood as relating to the larger function and materiality of the mortuary complex at Beit Lei. Rather than reconstructing a hypothetical scenario in which refugees stopped and inscribed “hymns” or “prayers” on the walls of the tomb, the article argues that the function of the inscriptions was largely semiotic and served to mark the boundary between the antechamber and bench rooms of the tomb complex.
下面这篇文章对人们普遍持有的观点提出了质疑,即难民写下了保存在Khirbet Beit Lei墓墙上的铭文。我们认为,所谓的“避难假说”应该建立在更强有力的方法论基础之上,对遗址上铭文的解释应该更认真地考虑它们在坟墓空间中的背景。为此,本文认为,这些铭文应该与它们出现的丧葬环境联系起来,其内容应该被理解为与贝特雷殡葬设施的更大功能和重要性有关。这篇文章并没有重建一个假设的场景,即难民停下来在坟墓的墙壁上写下“赞美诗”或“祈祷文”,而是认为这些铭文的功能主要是符号学上的,用于标记墓室前厅和长凳室之间的边界。
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引用次数: 4
The Identity of the Standing Figures on Pithos A from Kuntillet ʿAjrud: A Reassessment 《阿吉鲁德》中《皮索斯A》站立人物的身份:再评价
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341282
Ryan Thomas
The question of the identity of the two standing figures at the center of pithos A continues to be a subject of vigorous debate, with the scholarly community divided over whether they should be explained in light of the inscription invoking YHWH and his asherah that is situated above them. In this article, the author contributes to the discussion by reviewing the main iconographic arguments for identifying the figures as YHWH and his female partner and in the process responds to some of the common objections that have been raised against the hypothesis. These include the figures’ sexual dualism, overlapping pose as male and female partners, their Bes-like and bovine features and associated mythological compatibility with YHWH , and the larger iconographic context of the individual pithoi.
诗歌A中心站立着的两个人物的身份问题仍然是一个激烈辩论的主题,学术界分裂了他们是否应该根据铭文来解释耶和华和他的阿舍拉位于他们之上。在这篇文章中,作者通过回顾确定这些人物为耶和华和他的女性伴侣的主要肖像论点,并在此过程中回应了一些反对该假设的常见反对意见,从而为讨论做出了贡献。这些包括人物的性别二元论,作为男性和女性伴侣的重叠姿势,他们的贝斯和牛的特征以及与耶和华相关的神话兼容性,以及个体pithoi的更大的图像背景。
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引用次数: 6
The Fall of Phaethon in Context: A New Synthesis of Mythological, Archaeological and Geological Evidence 法厄同的陨落:神话、考古和地质证据的新综合
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-04 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341279
P. James, M. V. D. Sluijs
The well-known classical myth of Phaethon must be the earliest recorded cautionary tale about teenage driving: taking control of the chariot of his father, the Sun-god, Phaethon set the world ablaze and endangered the cosmic order, until he was felled by Zeus’ thunderbolt and hurled to the earth. It has long been recognised that the tale must reflect some extraordinary astronomical event, recent attempts associating his fall with meteorite impact craters in southern Germany and Estonia. This geographic focus is too narrow. We examine parallels to the myth from ancient Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and the Levant, most previously unrecognised; the tendency of the Greeks to relocalise borrowed myths in the Aegean region or further westwards; and, above all, the unsolved problem aired long ago by Sir James Frazer regarding how remarkably analogous tales are known from as far afield as North America. A proposed impact crater in Iraq may emerge as a suitable candidate for the source of the myth in the Near East. Using developments in the current understanding of comets, meteor, streams and asteroids on earth-crossing orbits, we offer an explanation for both the similarities and differences between the global parallels to the Phaethon story.
著名的古典神话法厄同一定是最早有记载的关于青少年驾驶的警示故事:法厄同控制了他父亲太阳神的战车,点燃了世界,危及了宇宙秩序,直到他被宙斯的霹雳击倒并摔在地上。长期以来,人们一直认为这个故事一定反映了一些非同寻常的天文事件,最近有人试图将他的坠落与德国南部和爱沙尼亚的陨石撞击坑联系起来。这种地理关注点过于狭隘。我们研究了与古代安纳托利亚、美索不达米亚和黎凡特的神话相似的地方,这些地方以前大多不为人知;希腊人倾向于在爱琴海地区或更远的西部地区重新定位借来的神话;最重要的是,詹姆斯·弗雷泽爵士很久以前就提出了一个尚未解决的问题,即远在北美的故事都是如此相似。伊拉克的一个拟议的撞击坑可能成为近东神话来源的合适候选者。利用目前对彗星、流星、流和小行星穿越地球轨道的理解的发展,我们对全球与法厄同故事的相似之处和不同之处提供了解释。
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引用次数: 2
Made in the image of god: the creation of אדם: the commissioning of the king and the chaoskampf of YHWH 是照着神的形像造的,是耶和华所造的,是王所吩咐的,是耶和华所行的
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-04 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341277
C. L. Crouch
This article suggests that Genesis 1 and Psalms 8, 18 and 89 reflect a mythological tradition which described the creation of the human king as YHWH’s counterpart in the divine battle against chaos. The residual royal features of the narrative of the creation of אדם in Genesis 1—the creation of the אדם in the image of god, to exercise dominion—appear in a context of a polemical revision of YHWH’s Chaoskampf and are suggestive of the older tradition’s inclusion of the king’s commissioning as YHWH’s representative and earthly counterpart in these activities. Psalm 8 similarly associates the creation of a royal figure with the exertion of authority and dominion over chaos, using the same image of god language as Genesis 1 to describe this figure and to articulate his special relationship with YHWH. Psalm 18 and especially Psalm 89 affirm the location of the king’s Chaoskampf commission in the midst of YHWH’s own Chaoskampf activities, with the latter’s use of parental language echoing the image of god language in Genesis 1.
这篇文章认为创世纪1和诗篇8,18和89反映了一个神话传统,描述了在神与混乱的神圣战争中,耶和华创造了人类国王的对应。《创世纪》第1章中关于创造的叙述中残留的王室特征——以上帝的形象创造,以行使统治权——出现在对耶和华的《Chaoskampf》的辩论性修订的背景中,并暗示了更古老的传统,即国王作为耶和华的代表,在这些活动中与地球上的人相对应。《诗篇》第8篇同样将一个王室人物的诞生与权威的运用和对混乱的统治联系在一起,使用与《创世纪》第1章相同的上帝形象语言来描述这个人物,并阐明他与耶和华的特殊关系。诗篇18篇,尤其是89篇肯定了国王的Chaoskampf委员会的位置在耶和华自己的Chaoskampf活动中,后者使用父母的语言与创世纪1章中上帝语言的形象相呼应。
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引用次数: 11
‘Dagon Our God’: Iron I Philistine Cult in Text and Archaeology “大衮我们的神”:文本和考古中的铁非利士人崇拜
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-04 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341278
J. Emanuel
Despite the late date and dubious veracity of the Deuteronomistic history, and despite the Bible’s status as the only Bronze or Iron Age text which indisputably refers to Dagon in a southern Canaanite geographical context, scholars have traditionally accepted 1 Samuel 5:1–8’s portrayal of Philistine cult in the Iron Age I as being centered on this deity and his temple at Ashdod. This study marshals archaeological and historical evidence to assess the level of support for the presence of Dagon in Iron I Philistia, and for a temple at Ashdod as described in the biblical account. Also considered, through comparison with the materially analogous situation in the Bronze Age Aegean, is the critical role that a textual complement to physical evidence (or, in the case of the Philistines, the lack thereof) plays in cultic analysis and pantheonic reconstruction.
尽管《申命记》的历史日期较晚,真实性也令人怀疑,尽管《圣经》是唯一一部青铜或铁器时代的文本,无可争议地提到了迦南南部地理背景下的大衮,但学者们传统上接受了《撒母耳记上》5:1-8对铁器时代1非利士人崇拜的描述,认为这是以这位神和他在阿什突的神庙为中心的。这项研究整理了考古和历史证据,以评估支持大衮在铁非利士的存在的程度,以及圣经中描述的阿什杜德神庙。通过与青铜器时代爱琴海的物质类似情况的比较,还考虑到文本对实物证据的补充(或者,在非利士人的情况下,缺乏实物证据)在崇拜分析和泛神论重建中所起的关键作用。
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引用次数: 4
Where Doom is Spoken: Threshing Floors as Places of Decision and Communication in Biblical Literature 《圣经》文学中作为决策和交流场所的禾场
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-04 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341280
Andrew Tobolowsky
The fact that an unusual number of supernatural events occur at threshing floors in biblical literature has long been a subject of scholarly interest but seldom of comprehensive inquiry. This has recently changed with a publication arguing that the complex of threshing floor phenomena is explained by biblical conceptions of the relationship between YHWH and the site. In this article I will argue instead that it is the nature of the floor itself and its varied uses on multiple levels of society which created associations and layers of meaning that explain the association of threshing floors with decision and communication. The Yahwistic explanation for these associations favored by biblical authors is a response originating in a biased source, rather than a statement of a universal reality.
在《圣经》文学中,大量超自然事件发生在打谷场,这一事实长期以来一直是学术界感兴趣的主题,但很少进行全面的研究。这种情况最近发生了变化,一份出版物认为,打谷场现象的复杂性可以用圣经中耶和华和场地之间关系的概念来解释。在这篇文章中,我将争辩说,这是地板本身的性质和它在社会多个层面上的不同用途,创造了联系和层次的意义,解释了打谷场与决策和沟通的联系。圣经作者对这些联系的耶和华解释是一种源自有偏见的来源的回应,而不是对普遍现实的陈述。
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引用次数: 0
Memorization and Hittite Ritual: New Perspectives on the Transmission of Hittite Ritual Texts 记忆与赫梯仪式:赫梯仪式文本传播的新视角
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-18 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341272
H. Marcuson, T. Hout
Scholarly discussion of Hittite ritual texts in recent years has centered around scribal context and textual transmission. Using the method already demonstrated by Paul Delnero for Sumerian literary texts, the authors show that certain Hittite rituals were memorized, and that the variations among some exemplars resulted from errors in memory. The influence of conscious redaction on these texts must therefore be reassessed, and the questions of textual purpose, authorship, and context cast into new light.
近年来,关于赫梯仪式文本的学术讨论主要围绕抄写上下文和文本传递展开。使用保罗·德尔内罗在苏美尔文学文本中已经证明的方法,作者们表明,某些赫梯人的仪式是被记住的,而一些范例之间的差异是由于记忆错误造成的。因此,必须重新评估有意识的修订对这些文本的影响,并对文本目的、作者身份和上下文的问题进行新的评估。
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引用次数: 3
Text-building and Transmission of Pyramid Texts in the Third Millennium bce: Iteration, Objectification, and Change 公元前三千年金字塔文本的文本建构与传播:迭代、物化与变化
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-18 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341273
Antonio J. Morales
The emergence of ancient Egyptian mortuary literature in the third millennium BCE is the history of the adaptation of recitational materials to the materiality of different media. Upon a gradual development, the transformation of the oral discourse into writing began with the use of papyri for transcribing the guidelines of ritual performances as aide-memoire , and culminated with the concealment of sacerdotal voices and deeds into the sealed-off crypt of king Wenis ( ca . 2345 BCE ). The process of committing ritual and magical recitations into scriptio continua in the Pyramid Texts was subject to several stages of adaptation, detachability, and recentering. Investigating how the corpus emerged through the combination of recitations from different settings elucidates the transformation of oral written discourse into literary style, the traces of poetic and speech elements in the corpus, and its flexibility to disseminate and adapt to different mortuary practices, beliefs and contexts in the second millennia BCE and beyond.
公元前三千年古埃及殡葬文学的出现是背诵材料适应不同媒介物质性的历史。在逐渐发展的过程中,口头话语向文字的转变始于使用纸莎草纸记录仪式表演的指导方针,作为辅助备忘录,并最终将神圣的声音和行为隐藏在国王维尼斯的封闭地窖中。公元前2345年)。在金字塔文本中,将仪式和魔法朗诵转化为连续脚本的过程经历了几个阶段的适应、分离和重新进入。调查语料库是如何通过不同背景的背诵组合而出现的,阐明了口头书面话语向文学风格的转变,语料库中诗歌和言语元素的痕迹,以及它在公元前二千年及以后传播和适应不同殡葬习俗、信仰和环境的灵活性。
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引用次数: 2
Writing Sumerian, Creating Texts: Reflections on Text-building Practices in Old Babylonian Schools 写苏美尔语,创造文本:对古巴比伦学校文本建构实践的思考
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-18 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341271
C. Crisostomo
Sumerian lexical and literary compositions both emerged from the same social sphere, namely scribal education. The complexities of inter-compositional dependence in these two corpora have not been thoroughly explored, particularly as relevant to questions of text-building during the Old Babylonian period (c. 1800–1600 BCE ). Copying practices evident in lexical texts indicate that students and scholars adopted various methods of replication, including visual copying, copying from memory, and ad hoc innovation. They were not confined to reproducing a received text. Such practices extend to copying literary compositions. A study of compositions from Advanced Lexical Education in comparison with several literary compositions shows a complex inter-dialectic between the corpora, in which lexical compositions demonstrate dependence on literary compositions and vice versa. Thus, Old Babylonian students and scholars could experiment with multiple text-building practices, drawing on their knowledge of the lexical and the literary, regularly creating new versions of familiar compositions.
苏美尔人的词汇和文学作品都来自同一个社会领域,即抄写教育。这两种语料库中相互依存的复杂性尚未得到彻底的探讨,特别是与古巴比伦时期(公元前1800-1600年)的文本构建问题有关。词汇文本中的复制行为表明,学生和学者采用了各种复制方法,包括视觉复制、记忆复制和特别创新。他们并不局限于复制收到的文本。这种做法延伸到抄袭文学作品。通过对《高等词汇教育》作文的对比研究,我们发现语料库之间存在着一种复杂的辩证关系,即词汇构成依赖于文学构成,而文学构成依赖于词汇构成。因此,古巴比伦的学生和学者可以尝试多种文本构建实践,利用他们的词汇和文学知识,定期为熟悉的作品创造新版本。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions
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