Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341343
Trey Nation
While recent scholarship has clarified the spelling of the little-known Old Assyrian nasbītum rite, formerly glossed as naspittum, its etymology and social context have remained obscure. This paper suggests the elusive rite has its etymology in the OA verb sabā’um, “to brew/draw beer,” and refers to the act of libation. While the textual evidence for nasbītum is currently limited, an analysis of the rite as it occurs in the OA corpus suggests that nasbītum was the OA term for the care and feeding of the spirits of the dead, analogous to the better-known Old Babylonian kispum.
虽然最近的学术研究澄清了鲜为人知的古亚述 nasbītum 仪式（以前被称为 naspittum）的拼写，但其词源和社会背景仍然模糊不清。本文认为，这种难以捉摸的仪式的词源是古亚述动词 sabā'um，意为 "酿造/汲取啤酒"，指的是敬酒的行为。虽然目前有关 nasbītum 的文本证据有限，但对出现在 OA 语料库中的该仪式的分析表明，nasbītum 是照顾和喂养死者灵魂的 OA 术语，类似于更著名的巴比伦古语 kispum。
{"title":"Rites for the Dead, Amity for the Living: the Old Assyrian nasbītum Rite and Its Relation to the Old Babylonian kispum","authors":"Trey Nation","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341343","url":null,"abstract":"<p>While recent scholarship has clarified the spelling of the little-known Old Assyrian <em>nasbītum</em> rite, formerly glossed as <em>naspittum</em>, its etymology and social context have remained obscure. This paper suggests the elusive rite has its etymology in the <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">OA</span> verb <em>sabā’um</em>, “to brew/draw beer,” and refers to the act of libation. While the textual evidence for <em>nasbītum</em> is currently limited, an analysis of the rite as it occurs in the <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">OA</span> corpus suggests that <em>nasbītum</em> was the <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">OA</span> term for the care and feeding of the spirits of the dead, analogous to the better-known Old Babylonian <em>kispum</em>.</p>","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141719995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341345
John Tracy Thames
Although the Syrian kingdoms of the 13th century BCE may not have been integrated into the Hittite empire politically or economically, there is evidence that the Hittites employed strategies of cultural integration – part of bridging the geographical and social divide between the rulers and the ruled. The recently published documents from Ugarit reveal that both the Hittite Great king himself, as well as the King of Karkamiš, who administered the Syrian kingdoms, participated in Ugaritic ritual management and sent Hittite agents to offer sacrifices foreign to Ugarit. These features resonate with the emerging understanding of ritual practice at Emar as deeply influenced by Hittite ritual ideas and closely managed by Hittite officials, raising anew the question of Emar’s cult for “the gods of Ḫatti.” This investigation demonstrates aspects of foreign involvement in Ugaritic and Emarite ritual that contributed to the ongoing negotiation of power between those regions as political actors.
{"title":"Ritual as an Aspect of Cultural Integration: Ugarit, Emar, and the Hittites in Syria","authors":"John Tracy Thames","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341345","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Although the Syrian kingdoms of the 13th century <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">BCE</span> may not have been integrated into the Hittite empire politically or economically, there is evidence that the Hittites employed strategies of cultural integration – part of bridging the geographical and social divide between the rulers and the ruled. The recently published documents from Ugarit reveal that both the Hittite Great king himself, as well as the King of Karkamiš, who administered the Syrian kingdoms, participated in Ugaritic ritual management and sent Hittite agents to offer sacrifices foreign to Ugarit. These features resonate with the emerging understanding of ritual practice at Emar as deeply influenced by Hittite ritual ideas and closely managed by Hittite officials, raising anew the question of Emar’s cult for “the gods of Ḫatti.” This investigation demonstrates aspects of foreign involvement in Ugaritic and Emarite ritual that contributed to the ongoing negotiation of power between those regions as political actors.</p>","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141719994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341344
Simone Petacchi
This paper focuses on the analysis of a religious text coming from the reused blocks in Amun temple B 700 at the capital of the Napatan Kingdom (713–290 BCE), in the Sudan. This is the first fragmented Osirian hymn attested in Kush, while its integral version was found in Thebes, in the inner walls of the chapel erected by the Divine Adoratrice Ankhnesneferibre at Karnak North. The article presents the content of this hymn and its commentary, investigating the possible origins of the cult of this solarised form of Osiris associated to a local deity such as Dedwen in Nubia.
本文重点分析了苏丹纳帕坦王国（公元前 713-290 年）首都阿蒙神庙 B 700 中重复使用的砖块中的宗教文本。这是在库什发现的第一首零散的奥西里斯赞美诗，而其完整版本则是在底比斯发现的，位于卡纳克北部的安赫内斯内费里布雷神庙的内壁上。文章介绍了这首赞美诗的内容及其注释，研究了与努比亚当地神灵（如 Dedwen）相关的太阳化形式的奥西里斯崇拜的可能起源。
{"title":"The Evidence of Osiris Lord of Neheh-Eternity in Amun Temple B 700 at the Sacred Town of Gebel Barkal, Sudan","authors":"Simone Petacchi","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341344","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper focuses on the analysis of a religious text coming from the reused blocks in Amun temple B 700 at the capital of the Napatan Kingdom (713–290 <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">BCE</span>), in the Sudan. This is the first fragmented Osirian hymn attested in Kush, while its integral version was found in Thebes, in the inner walls of the chapel erected by the Divine Adoratrice Ankhnesneferibre at Karnak North. The article presents the content of this hymn and its commentary, investigating the possible origins of the cult of this solarised form of Osiris associated to a local deity such as Dedwen in Nubia.</p>","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141719992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341342
Josephine Fechner
Der mesopotamische “leidende Gerechte” wurde bislang als eine weitestgehend homogene Figur bewertet: als ein gottesfürchtiger und rechtschaffener (aber nicht unfehlbarer!) Mensch, der trotz seiner redlichen Lebensführung unerklärliches Leiden in Form von Krankheiten, sozialem Abstieg und Verarmung ertragen muss. Anhand neuer Textquellen zum “leidenden Gerechten” aus der Brief- und Weisheitsliteratur wird in diesem Beitrag ein spezifischer Typ des “leidenden Gerechten” herausgearbeitet: der seit mindestens der altbabylonischen Zeit dokumentierte verarmte missachtete Gelehrte, oft in Form des abgesetzten königlichen Gelehrten, der neue Erkenntnisse zu den alten Fragen der mesopotamischen Theodizee zu vermitteln vermag: Wer ist (ursächlich) verantwortlich für unerklärliches menschliches Leiden? Nach dem verarmten missachteten Gelehrten ist das de facto die Menschheit selbst! Und wie kann unerklärliches Leiden gelöst, oder besser noch: verhindert werden, wenn nicht (allein) durch Gottesfurcht und Rechtschaffenheit? Theoretisch, indem ein Mensch “ein Haus mit guten Geistern” bewohnt, doch die praktische Umsetzung dieser Empfehlung bleibt schwierig.
{"title":"Der verarmte missachtete Gelehrte: Über einen Sondertyp vom mesopotamischen leidenden Gerechten und seine neuen Erkenntnisse über menschliches Leiden","authors":"Josephine Fechner","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341342","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Der mesopotamische “leidende Gerechte” wurde bislang als eine weitestgehend homogene Figur bewertet: als ein gottesfürchtiger und rechtschaffener (aber nicht unfehlbarer!) Mensch, der trotz seiner redlichen Lebensführung unerklärliches Leiden in Form von Krankheiten, sozialem Abstieg und Verarmung ertragen muss. Anhand neuer Textquellen zum “leidenden Gerechten” aus der Brief- und Weisheitsliteratur wird in diesem Beitrag ein spezifischer Typ des “leidenden Gerechten” herausgearbeitet: der seit mindestens der altbabylonischen Zeit dokumentierte <em>verarmte missachtete Gelehrte</em>, oft in Form des <em>abgesetzten königlichen Gelehrten</em>, der neue Erkenntnisse zu den alten Fragen der mesopotamischen Theodizee zu vermitteln vermag: Wer ist (ursächlich) verantwortlich für unerklärliches menschliches Leiden? Nach dem <em>verarmten missachteten Gelehrten</em> ist das de facto die Menschheit selbst! Und wie kann unerklärliches Leiden gelöst, oder besser noch: verhindert werden, wenn nicht (allein) durch Gottesfurcht und Rechtschaffenheit? Theoretisch, indem ein Mensch “ein Haus mit guten Geistern” bewohnt, doch die praktische Umsetzung dieser Empfehlung bleibt schwierig.</p>","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141719993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341340
Zachary Rubin
Though Nabû is well known in Babylonian religion as the minister of its patron god Marduk, and Tašmētu as Nabû’s wife, this paper argues that they were not originally envisioned as such. Instead, both the god and goddess seem to have been introduced into Marduk’s circle over the course of the Old Babylonian period, having previously been venerated in independent cults. Unexpected appearances of Tašmētu within the ritual practices of Babylon also suggest that she was only recognized as Nabû’s wife after they were both integrated into the Babylonian pantheon. Evidence of their early independence and subsequent assimilation is drawn from a wide pool of contemporary sources, including god lists, onomastics, and seal inscriptions, as well as descriptions of traditional ritual arrangements from later periods.
{"title":"The Adoption of Nabû and Tašmētu into the Babylonian Pantheon","authors":"Zachary Rubin","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341340","url":null,"abstract":"Though Nabû is well known in Babylonian religion as the minister of its patron god Marduk, and Tašmētu as Nabû’s wife, this paper argues that they were not originally envisioned as such. Instead, both the god and goddess seem to have been introduced into Marduk’s circle over the course of the Old Babylonian period, having previously been venerated in independent cults. Unexpected appearances of Tašmētu within the ritual practices of Babylon also suggest that she was only recognized as Nabû’s wife after they were both integrated into the Babylonian pantheon. Evidence of their early independence and subsequent assimilation is drawn from a wide pool of contemporary sources, including god lists, onomastics, and seal inscriptions, as well as descriptions of traditional ritual arrangements from later periods.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341339
Amgad Joseph
This article examines the conceptualization of hatred as a complicated and intense emotion in the realms of humans and deities in ancient Egypt. It thoroughly discusses the addressees, psychology, effects, justifications, and incitements of hatred, as well as the possibility of the pacification of its feelings. It discusses the attestations of hatred, its perceived consequences and experience by the deities, living and dead humans. The article also examines the phraseology, contextualization, and lexical semantics of hatred in a detailed lexicographical and linguistic analysis. The addressed research problem strives to ascertain whether deities and humans, either living or dead, manifest the same feelings, purposes, incitements, and justifications of hatred or not. Thus, both the negative and positive connotations of hatred are examined. The methodology followed is to examine and analyse attestations in which hate feelings are demonstrated for a better understanding of the phenomenon. The study comes to the conclusion that hatred in ancient Egypt had positive connotations, in contrast to its present-day negative emotional valence as suggested.
{"title":"Divine and Human Hatred in Ancient Egypt","authors":"Amgad Joseph","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341339","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the conceptualization of hatred as a complicated and intense emotion in the realms of humans and deities in ancient Egypt. It thoroughly discusses the addressees, psychology, effects, justifications, and incitements of hatred, as well as the possibility of the pacification of its feelings. It discusses the attestations of hatred, its perceived consequences and experience by the deities, living and dead humans. The article also examines the phraseology, contextualization, and lexical semantics of hatred in a detailed lexicographical and linguistic analysis. The addressed research problem strives to ascertain whether deities and humans, either living or dead, manifest the same feelings, purposes, incitements, and justifications of hatred or not. Thus, both the negative and positive connotations of hatred are examined. The methodology followed is to examine and analyse attestations in which hate feelings are demonstrated for a better understanding of the phenomenon. The study comes to the conclusion that hatred in ancient Egypt had positive connotations, in contrast to its present-day negative emotional valence as suggested.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341341
Eduardo Torrecilla
This article discusses and attempts to contextualize a few references to the practice of god-napping in the Qaṭna letters TT2–5 and in the Amarna letter EA 55. The references to god-napping in said letters enrich the debate on why the New Hittite Kingdom historiography, as opposed to the Old Hittite one, does not mention this practice, since the texts were probably written during or in the wake of Šuppiluliuma’s First Syrian War (ca. 1340). It is posited that the god-napping actions reflected in the texts concerning the fall of Qaṭna obeyed not only religious but also political and strategic motivations. God-napping was used whenever the New Hittite empire considered that it benefitted its strategic and cultic interests, even though it was no longer recorded by the Hittite historiography.
{"title":"Reflections on the Qaṭna Letters TT1–5 (II): Hittite God-Napping in Syria","authors":"Eduardo Torrecilla","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341341","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses and attempts to contextualize a few references to the practice of god-napping in the Qaṭna letters <jats:sc>TT</jats:sc>2–5 and in the Amarna letter <jats:sc>EA</jats:sc> 55. The references to god-napping in said letters enrich the debate on why the New Hittite Kingdom historiography, as opposed to the Old Hittite one, does not mention this practice, since the texts were probably written during or in the wake of Šuppiluliuma’s First Syrian War (ca. 1340). It is posited that the god-napping actions reflected in the texts concerning the fall of Qaṭna obeyed not only religious but also political and strategic motivations. God-napping was used whenever the New Hittite empire considered that it benefitted its strategic and cultic interests, even though it was no longer recorded by the Hittite historiography.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341338
Yitzhaq Feder
Modern scholarship has become more attentive to the interrelation between performative and scholastic factors in the production of ancient Near Eastern ritual texts. This article aims to shed light on the compositional processes responsible for the integration of a list of transgressions into Šurpu Tablet 4. This analysis is facilitated by the identification of a close parallel from the Namerimburruda tradition. The comparison of these texts illuminates the subtle manner by which scribe responsible for ŠurpuIV appropriated earlier materials to fit the theological and rhetorical aims of the new composition. This focused case study can serve as a point of departure for further research on the flexible roles of interpolated sin lists in ancient Near Eastern literature.
{"title":"The Transgression List in Šurpu Tablet IV and Its Sordid Moral Implications","authors":"Yitzhaq Feder","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341338","url":null,"abstract":"Modern scholarship has become more attentive to the interrelation between performative and scholastic factors in the production of ancient Near Eastern ritual texts. This article aims to shed light on the compositional processes responsible for the integration of a list of transgressions into <jats:italic>Šurpu</jats:italic> Tablet 4. This analysis is facilitated by the identification of a close parallel from the <jats:italic>Namerimburruda</jats:italic> tradition. The comparison of these texts illuminates the subtle manner by which scribe responsible for <jats:italic>Šurpu</jats:italic> <jats:sc>IV</jats:sc> appropriated earlier materials to fit the theological and rhetorical aims of the new composition. This focused case study can serve as a point of departure for further research on the flexible roles of interpolated sin lists in ancient Near Eastern literature.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341334
S. Görke
This article considers the relationship of Hittite festival rituals and mythical accounts, based on the mythical narrative of the feast of the sun god, in which the invited deities are not satiated despite sufficient food and drink. It is shown that the myths of the disappearing and returning deities were originally invocations or supplications (mugawar) incorporated into ritual acts that were intended to summon a deity. From the Middle Hittite period onward, rituals for invoking deities (mukeššar) seem to have been distinguished from ritual offerings to deities, which could then be called festival rituals (EZEN₄). In the process, an occasion-bound invocation of a deity due owing to some emergency situation may have been reinterpreted as an invocation to guarantee the deity’s presence, which in the further course lost its significance for being written down while the ritual descriptions gained in importance. At the same time, the invocations may have been literarily processed and expanded, e.g., by southeast Anatolian descriptions of rites of evocation.
{"title":"Angefleht und dann beopfert: Zur Beziehung von Mythos und Festritual in hethitischen Texten","authors":"S. Görke","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341334","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article considers the relationship of Hittite festival rituals and mythical accounts, based on the mythical narrative of the feast of the sun god, in which the invited deities are not satiated despite sufficient food and drink. It is shown that the myths of the disappearing and returning deities were originally invocations or supplications (mugawar) incorporated into ritual acts that were intended to summon a deity. From the Middle Hittite period onward, rituals for invoking deities (mukeššar) seem to have been distinguished from ritual offerings to deities, which could then be called festival rituals (EZEN₄). In the process, an occasion-bound invocation of a deity due owing to some emergency situation may have been reinterpreted as an invocation to guarantee the deity’s presence, which in the further course lost its significance for being written down while the ritual descriptions gained in importance. At the same time, the invocations may have been literarily processed and expanded, e.g., by southeast Anatolian descriptions of rites of evocation.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65154052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341335
Tawny L. Holm
Aramaic documents from Egypt suggest that Yahwists there may have identified Yahweh/Yahō with the Syrian-Aramean deity Bethel (Bayt-ʔēl). Portions of Papyrus Amherst 63, the long and complex multi-composition Aramaic text written using Demotic script, also support this view. For instance, Bethel and Yahō seem to be paralleled with each other in two poems on the papyrus; both deities share some attributes otherwise ascribed to Baʕal-Shamayn (i.e., Hadad), yet are superior to that deity; and a priestess of Bethel is termed a khnh, the feminine form of khn, the noun used solely for a priest of Yahō and no other deity in Egypt. Other subtle connections between Bethel and Yahō can also be found.
{"title":"Bethel and Yahō: A Tale of Two Gods in Egypt","authors":"Tawny L. Holm","doi":"10.1163/15692124-12341335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341335","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Aramaic documents from Egypt suggest that Yahwists there may have identified Yahweh/Yahō with the Syrian-Aramean deity Bethel (Bayt-ʔēl). Portions of Papyrus Amherst 63, the long and complex multi-composition Aramaic text written using Demotic script, also support this view. For instance, Bethel and Yahō seem to be paralleled with each other in two poems on the papyrus; both deities share some attributes otherwise ascribed to Baʕal-Shamayn (i.e., Hadad), yet are superior to that deity; and a priestess of Bethel is termed a khnh, the feminine form of khn, the noun used solely for a priest of Yahō and no other deity in Egypt. Other subtle connections between Bethel and Yahō can also be found.","PeriodicalId":42129,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65154134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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