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Journal of Historical Linguistics最新文献

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The Germanic Weak Preterite: Facing up to talgidai 日耳曼人的弱偏好:直面对话
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-07 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2019.132.1.146
Jay H. Jasanoff
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引用次数: 1
Vorwort
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-07 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2019.132.1.3
M. Kümmel, O. Hackstein
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引用次数: 0
How to Handle the Proto-Indo-European Suffix *-eh2- in Latin Compounds: Tībīcen-type and Armiger-type Treatments 如何处理拉丁复合词中原始印欧语系后缀*-eh2-: t ībī en型和armiger型处理
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-07 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2019.132.1.208
Teigo Onishi, Kanehiro Nishimura
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引用次数: 0
Ein neuer Versuch zum eventuellen anatolischen Wort „w(A)S(A)“ in der ägyptischen Erzählung des Wenamun 在埃及的韦纳门叙述中,有一项有关“w(A)S(A)”的新尝试
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-07 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2019.132.1.35
S. Bojowald
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引用次数: 0
Negation in Kulina 库利纳的否定
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-10-29 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.18007.kra
Olga Krasnoukhova, J. Auwera
This study reconstructs the development of a negative existential and a negative pro-sentence in the Arawan language Kulina (Brazil-Peru). We demonstrate that the two elements forming the negative existential construction nowe (hi)ra- are involved in a double polarity swap: (i) an originally neutral lexical item (the dynamic verb nowe ‘show’) has become negative through contamination, and (ii) an originally negative element (hi)ra-, which was responsible for the contamination, is bleaching into a semantically neutral auxiliary. This lexeme nowe, with the auxiliary used only optionally, also functions as a negative pro-sentence now. Thus, synchronically we have a negative pro-sentence that has its origin in a semantically-neutral lexical item. Neither the source of the negative pro-sentence nor this diachronic path has surfaced in the literature on negation so far and thus they are instructive from diachronic and typological perspectives. The hypothesis enriches the literature on both the Jespersen Cycle and the Negative Existential Cycle.
本研究重建了阿拉旺语库利纳语(巴西-秘鲁)中否定存在句和否定赞成句的发展。我们证明,构成否定存在结构的两个元素now (hi)ra-涉及双极性交换:(i)原本中性的词汇项(动态动词now ' show ')通过污染而变得消极,(ii)原本负责污染的消极元素hi)ra-正在漂白成语义中性的助词。现在这个词,助词只能选择性地使用,也可以用作否定句。因此,在共时性上,我们有一个否定的前句,它起源于一个语义中立的词汇项目。否定前句的来源和历时路径在迄今为止的否定文献中都没有出现,因此从历时和类型的角度来看,它们具有指导意义。这一假说丰富了杰斯珀森循环和消极存在循环的相关文献。
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引用次数: 1
The origin of purpose clause markers in Proto-Omagua-Kukama 《原始奥马瓜语》中目的从句标记的起源
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-10-29 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.17034.oha
Zachary O’Hagan
This article explores the diachrony of three purpose clause markers in Proto-Omagua-Kukama (Tupí-Guaraní; Amazonia): *-taɾa, *-maiɾa, and *=tsenuni. I explain an absolutive pattern of control in these clauses via an account in which the markers originate in a combination of nominalizers, a purpose suffix, and a postposition. I show that a similar system is attested in at least one other related language, Kamaiurá.
本文探讨了《原始奥马瓜库卡马语》中三个目的从句标记的历时性:*-ta、*-mai和*=tsenuni。我通过一个描述来解释这些从句中的绝对控制模式,其中标记源自名词化词、目的后缀和后置词的组合。我证明了类似的系统至少在另一种相关语言Kamaiurá中得到了证明。
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引用次数: 4
The radically isolating languages of Flores 弗洛雷斯完全孤立的语言
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-10-29 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.16021.mcw
Jack E McWhorter
The languages of central Flores are all but devoid of affixation, despite that this is hardly typical of the Austronesian languages of their family, including closely related languages elsewhere on the island and nearby ones. A traditional approach to these central Flores languages’ typology is to ascribe their analyticity to grammar-internal drift, under which the disappearance of this affixal battery was due merely to fortuitous matters of stress, analogy, reanalysis, etc. Here I argue that a great deal of evidence suggests that these languages actually underwent heavy second-language acquisition by adults at some point in the relatively recent past, most likely by male invaders from a different island. The evidence includes phenomena familiar from recent developments in creolization theory, as well as a cross-linguistic approach to analyticity and its causes.
弗洛雷斯中部的语言几乎没有词缀,尽管这很难成为南岛语系的典型语言,包括岛上其他地方和附近的密切相关的语言。弗洛雷斯中心语言类型学的传统方法是将其分析性归因于语法内部漂移,在这种漂移下,词缀组的消失仅仅是由于重音、类比、再分析等偶然事件。在这里,我认为大量证据表明,在相对较近的过去,这些语言实际上经历了成年人大量的第二语言习得,很可能是来自另一个岛屿的男性入侵者。证据包括克里奥尔化理论最近发展中常见的现象,以及分析性的跨语言方法及其原因。
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引用次数: 2
When the waves meet the trees 当波浪与树木相遇
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-07-02 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.18019.KAL
Siva Kalyan, A. François
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引用次数: 4
Subgrouping the Sogeram languages 对Sogeram语言进行分组
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-07-02 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.17011.DAN
Don Daniels, Danielle Barth, Wolfgang Barth
Historical Glottometry is a method, recently proposed by Kalyan and François (François 2014; Kalyan & François 2018), for analyzing and representing the relationships among sister languages in a language family. We present a glottometric analysis of the Sogeram language family of Papua New Guinea and, in the process, provide an evaluation of the method. We focus on three topics that we regard as problematic: how to handle the higher incidence of cross-cutting isoglosses in the Sogeram data; how best to handle lexical innovations; and what to do when the data do not allow the analyst to be sure whether a given language underwent a given innovation or not. For each topic we compare different ways of coding and calculating the data and suggest the best way forward. We conclude by proposing changes to the way glottometric data are coded and calculated and the way glottometric results are visualized. We also discuss how to incorporate Historical Glottometry into an effective historical-linguistic research workflow.
历史声门测量法是Kalyan和franois最近提出的一种方法(franois 2014;Kalyan & franois 2018),用于分析和表示一个语系中姐妹语言之间的关系。我们提出了巴布亚新几内亚的Sogeram语族的声速分析,并在此过程中,提供了该方法的评估。我们关注三个我们认为有问题的主题:如何处理Sogeram数据中较高发生率的横切等值损失;如何最好地处理词汇创新;当数据不允许分析师确定给定的语言是否经历了给定的创新时,该怎么办?对于每个主题,我们比较了不同的编码和计算数据的方法,并提出了最好的方法。最后,我们建议改变声门测量数据的编码和计算方式,以及声门测量结果的可视化方式。我们还讨论了如何将历史语言测量法纳入有效的历史语言学研究工作流程。
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引用次数: 5
Visualizing the Boni dialectswith Historical Glottometry 博尼方言的历史透视
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-07-02 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.18009.ELI
Alexander Elias
This paper deals with the historical relations between dialects of Boni, a Cushitic language of Kenya and Somalia. Boni forms the subject of Volume 10 of the Language and Dialect Atlas of Kenya (Heine & Möhlig 1982). Heine presents evidence for three subgroups within Boni, as well as several areas of convergence between dialects belonging to different proposed subgroups. In reviewing his evidence, I find that two of the three splits are not supported by the data, and therefore his conclusions on convergence must also be reinterpreted. Given the presence of numerous intersecting isoglosses, the tree diagram is an inappropriate model for describing the relations between Boni dialects, and I turn to Historical Glottometry (Kalyan & François 2018) to provide a visualization of the data.
本文研究了肯尼亚和索马里的一种库希特语博尼语方言之间的历史关系。博尼构成了《肯尼亚语言和方言地图集》(Heine & Möhlig 1982)第10卷的主题。海涅提出了博尼语中三个亚群的证据,以及属于不同亚群的方言之间的几个融合区域。在回顾他的证据时,我发现三种分裂中有两种没有数据支持,因此他关于收敛的结论也必须重新解释。考虑到许多相交的等音损失的存在,树形图是描述博尼方言之间关系的不合适模型,我转向历史Glottometry (Kalyan & franois 2018)来提供数据的可视化。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Historical Linguistics
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