Alignment patterns in the Eastern varieties of modern Aramaic varieties are generally said to originate in an ergative source construction based on the so-called ‘passive’ participle qṭīl- ‘killed’ and the preposition l- where ergative person markers gradually extended to all intransitive predicates. While various source constructions have been suggested, this article demonstrates that most explanatory power and scope for the complex historical background of the alignment microvariation in Neo-Aramaic is offered by the typology of resultatives. There was instability from the beginning due to the versatile nature of resultatives and the increasing polyfunctionality of the preposition l-. This, in turn, indicates that the suggested source constructions for ergative alignment need not be mutually exclusive. Moreover, this also points to ergativity as merely one among several outcomes rather than the original source.
{"title":"Source constructions as a key to alignment change","authors":"P. M. Noorlander","doi":"10.1075/JHL.19046.NOO","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.19046.NOO","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Alignment patterns in the Eastern varieties of modern Aramaic varieties are generally said to originate in an\u0000 ergative source construction based on the so-called ‘passive’ participle qṭīl- ‘killed’ and the preposition\u0000 l- where ergative person markers gradually extended to all intransitive predicates. While various source\u0000 constructions have been suggested, this article demonstrates that most explanatory power and scope for the complex historical\u0000 background of the alignment microvariation in Neo-Aramaic is offered by the typology of resultatives. There was instability from\u0000 the beginning due to the versatile nature of resultatives and the increasing polyfunctionality of the preposition\u0000 l-. This, in turn, indicates that the suggested source constructions for ergative alignment need not be\u0000 mutually exclusive. Moreover, this also points to ergativity as merely one among several outcomes rather than the original\u0000 source.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47015021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Mailhammer & Vennemann (2019): The Carthaginian North: Semitic Influence on Early Germanic: A Linguistic and Cultural Study","authors":"Nelson Goering","doi":"10.1075/JHL.20028.GOE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.20028.GOE","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42489607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reviews Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew
本文评述了现代希伯来语起源中的语言联系、连续性和变化
{"title":"Review of Doron, Hovav, Reshef & Taube (2019): Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew","authors":"Y. Matras","doi":"10.1075/JHL.21005.MAT","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.21005.MAT","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44861786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper develops the proposal put forth by Aldridge (2015, 2016) for the emergence of ergative alignment in a first-order subgroup of the Austronesian family. I first provide new evidence for reconstructing Proto-Austronesian (PAn) as accusative rather than ergative. I then propose a significantly revised approach to Aldridge’s proposed reanalysis. On the basis of evidence from Tsou, I propose that the reanalysis took place in biclausal constructions embedded under motion or locative verbs. Since such biclausal constructions are contexts for restructuring, no accusative case is available for an object. This forced objects which needed structural licensing to value nominative case with T. I additionally show that subjects were assigned inherent non-nominative case in PAn when objects needed to enter into Agree with T, as when valuing nominative case. These conditions yielded a new ergative clause type in a daughter of PAn, which Aldridge (2015, 2016) calls “Proto-Ergative Austronesian”. No change took place in clauses lacking an object needing structural licensing. Consequently, subjects in intransitive clauses and transitive clauses with indefinite objects continued to surface with nominative case, yielding the type of ergative alignment prevalent in Formosan and Philippine languages today.
{"title":"Syntactic conditions on accusative to ergative alignment change in Austronesian languages","authors":"E. Aldridge","doi":"10.1075/JHL.20016.ALD","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.20016.ALD","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper develops the proposal put forth by Aldridge (2015, 2016) for the emergence of ergative alignment in a first-order subgroup of the Austronesian family. I first provide new evidence for reconstructing Proto-Austronesian (PAn) as accusative rather than ergative. I then propose a significantly revised approach to Aldridge’s proposed reanalysis. On the basis of evidence from Tsou, I propose that the reanalysis took place in biclausal constructions embedded under motion or locative verbs. Since such biclausal constructions are contexts for restructuring, no accusative case is available for an object. This forced objects which needed structural licensing to value nominative case with T. I additionally show that subjects were assigned inherent non-nominative case in PAn when objects needed to enter into Agree with T, as when valuing nominative case. These conditions yielded a new ergative clause type in a daughter of PAn, which Aldridge (2015, 2016) calls “Proto-Ergative Austronesian”. No change took place in clauses lacking an object needing structural licensing. Consequently, subjects in intransitive clauses and transitive clauses with indefinite objects continued to surface with nominative case, yielding the type of ergative alignment prevalent in Formosan and Philippine languages today.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45030778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Even though it has been noted quite early that the conjunction UND may also serve as a relative/equative particle or even a subjunction in Middle High German and Early New High German, corpus-based empirical studies are lacking so far. Based on new empirical data, I show that non-coordinating UND originated in the Upper German dialect area during the 12th century, subsequently spreading to the Central German dialect area and reaching the peak of its use in the 14th century. In contrast to recent literature, I argue that the non-coordinating use of the conjunction originated from semantically and syntactically ambiguous constructions of the form UND-XP-VFIN. I also propose that the earliest instances of the phenomenon are (adverbial) relative constructions and that the temporal and the equative function developed via reanalysis of adverbial relative clauses with a temporal/modal head element.
{"title":"“Non-coordinating UND” in Middle and Early New High German","authors":"S. Oppermann","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19011.opp","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19011.opp","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Even though it has been noted quite early that the conjunction UND may also serve as a relative/equative particle\u0000 or even a subjunction in Middle High German and Early New High German, corpus-based empirical studies are lacking so far. Based on new empirical data, I show that\u0000 non-coordinating UND originated in the Upper German dialect area during the 12th century, subsequently spreading to the Central German dialect area and\u0000 reaching the peak of its use in the 14th century. In contrast to recent literature, I argue that the non-coordinating use of the\u0000 conjunction originated from semantically and syntactically ambiguous constructions of the form UND-XP-VFIN. I also propose that\u0000 the earliest instances of the phenomenon are (adverbial) relative constructions and that the temporal and the equative function\u0000 developed via reanalysis of adverbial relative clauses with a temporal/modal head element.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42550675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The eight Western Kho-Bwa varieties are spoken in western Arunachal Pradesh in Northeast India and form a small, coherent sub-group of the Tibeto-Burman (Trans-Himalayan / Sino-Tibetan) language family. This paper presents 96 sound correspondences, mainly between the two Western Kho-Bwa varieties Duhumbi and Khoitam, with additional evidence from other Western Kho-Bwa varieties and other Tibeto-Burman languages whenever deemed illustrative. On basis of these sound correspondences, I propose 282 Western Kho-Bwa proto-forms including a total of 92 onsets. The less common reconstructed Western Kho-Bwa onsets are the uvular onsets and the voiceless nasal and approximant onsets. A unique innovation of the Western Kho-Bwa languages, and indeed the Kho-Bwa languages in general, is the correspondence of initial *s- in other Tibeto-Burman languages to a vocal onset in Proto-Western Kho-Bwa and its descendent varieties. Another relatively unique innovation is the correspondence between Western Kho-Bwa obstruent onsets *b- and *g- ~ *kʰ- ~ *k- and other Tibeto-Burman nasal onsets *m- and *ŋ-, respectively.
在印度东北部的印控"阿鲁纳恰尔邦"西部,有八种西Kho-Bwa变体,它们形成了藏缅语族(Trans-Himalayan/Sino-Tibetan)的一个小而连贯的亚群。本文提出了96个声音对应关系,主要是在两个西部Kho Bwa变体Duhumbi和Khoitam之间,以及来自其他西部Kho B wa变体和其他藏缅语的额外证据(只要被认为是例证)。基于这些声音对应关系,我提出了282个西方Kho Bwa原型,包括总共92个启动子。不太常见的重建的西Kho-Bwa发作是悬雍垂发作以及无声的鼻腔和近端发作。西部Kho Bwa语言,实际上是整个Kho Bva语言的一个独特创新,是其他藏缅语中的声母*s与原始西部Kho Bswa及其后代变体中的发音开始的对应。另一个相对独特的创新是Western Kho Bwa阻塞性发作*b-和*g-~*kʰ-~*k-与其他台伯鼻发作*m-和*331;-之间的对应关系。
{"title":"The Duhumbi perspective on Proto-Western Kho-Bwa onsets","authors":"T. Bodt","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19021.bod","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19021.bod","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The eight Western Kho-Bwa varieties are spoken in western Arunachal Pradesh in Northeast India and form a small, coherent\u0000 sub-group of the Tibeto-Burman (Trans-Himalayan / Sino-Tibetan) language family.\u0000 This paper presents 96 sound correspondences, mainly between the two Western Kho-Bwa varieties Duhumbi and Khoitam, with\u0000 additional evidence from other Western Kho-Bwa varieties and other Tibeto-Burman languages whenever deemed illustrative. On basis of these\u0000 sound correspondences, I propose 282 Western Kho-Bwa proto-forms including a total of 92 onsets. The less common reconstructed Western\u0000 Kho-Bwa onsets are the uvular onsets and the voiceless nasal and approximant onsets.\u0000 A unique innovation of the Western Kho-Bwa languages, and indeed the Kho-Bwa languages in general, is the correspondence\u0000 of initial *s- in other Tibeto-Burman languages to a vocal onset in Proto-Western Kho-Bwa and its descendent varieties. Another relatively\u0000 unique innovation is the correspondence between Western Kho-Bwa obstruent onsets *b- and *g- ~ *kʰ- ~ *k- and other Tibeto-Burman nasal\u0000 onsets *m- and *ŋ-, respectively.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49618825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.111
Alwin Kloekhorst
{"title":"Evidence for a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE *h1: a reassessment*","authors":"Alwin Kloekhorst","doi":"10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.111","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88435022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.209
S. Patri
{"title":"Emplois de la flexion en -hhe en hittite","authors":"S. Patri","doi":"10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.209","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86675425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}