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Journal of Historical Linguistics最新文献

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Source constructions as a key to alignment change 源结构是对齐变化的关键
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.19046.NOO
P. M. Noorlander
Alignment patterns in the Eastern varieties of modern Aramaic varieties are generally said to originate in an ergative source construction based on the so-called ‘passive’ participle qṭīl- ‘killed’ and the preposition l- where ergative person markers gradually extended to all intransitive predicates. While various source constructions have been suggested, this article demonstrates that most explanatory power and scope for the complex historical background of the alignment microvariation in Neo-Aramaic is offered by the typology of resultatives. There was instability from the beginning due to the versatile nature of resultatives and the increasing polyfunctionality of the preposition l-. This, in turn, indicates that the suggested source constructions for ergative alignment need not be mutually exclusive. Moreover, this also points to ergativity as merely one among several outcomes rather than the original source.
现代阿拉姆语东方变体的排列模式通常被认为起源于一个否定源结构,该结构基于所谓的“被动”分词qṭīl-“杀死”和介词l-其中否定人称标记逐渐扩展到所有不及物谓词。虽然有各种各样的来源结构被提出,但本文表明,对新阿拉姆语中排列微变化的复杂历史背景最具解释力和范围的是结果类型学。从一开始就不稳定,因为结果式的多用途性质和介词l-的多功能性不断增加。反过来,这表明,建议的负对齐源结构不必是相互排斥的。此外,这也指出,负性只是几个结果之一,而不是最初的来源。
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引用次数: 0
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IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.11.2
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引用次数: 0
Review of Mailhammer & Vennemann (2019): The Carthaginian North: Semitic Influence on Early Germanic: A Linguistic and Cultural Study Mailhammer & Vennemann(2019):迦太基北部:闪族对早期日耳曼语的影响:语言和文化研究
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.20028.GOE
Nelson Goering
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引用次数: 0
Review of Doron, Hovav, Reshef & Taube (2019): Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew Doron, Hovav, Reshef & Taube(2019):《现代希伯来语起源中的语言接触、连续性和变化》书评
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.21005.MAT
Y. Matras
This article reviews Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew
本文评述了现代希伯来语起源中的语言联系、连续性和变化
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引用次数: 2
Syntactic conditions on accusative to ergative alignment change in Austronesian languages 南岛语宾格-否定对齐变化的句法条件
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1075/JHL.20016.ALD
E. Aldridge
This paper develops the proposal put forth by Aldridge (2015, 2016) for the emergence of ergative alignment in a first-order subgroup of the Austronesian family. I first provide new evidence for reconstructing Proto-Austronesian (PAn) as accusative rather than ergative. I then propose a significantly revised approach to Aldridge’s proposed reanalysis. On the basis of evidence from Tsou, I propose that the reanalysis took place in biclausal constructions embedded under motion or locative verbs. Since such biclausal constructions are contexts for restructuring, no accusative case is available for an object. This forced objects which needed structural licensing to value nominative case with T. I additionally show that subjects were assigned inherent non-nominative case in PAn when objects needed to enter into Agree with T, as when valuing nominative case. These conditions yielded a new ergative clause type in a daughter of PAn, which Aldridge (2015, 2016) calls “Proto-Ergative Austronesian”. No change took place in clauses lacking an object needing structural licensing. Consequently, subjects in intransitive clauses and transitive clauses with indefinite objects continued to surface with nominative case, yielding the type of ergative alignment prevalent in Formosan and Philippine languages today.
本文发展了Aldridge(2015, 2016)提出的在南岛族的一级亚群中出现负对齐的建议。本文首次提供了将原南岛语(PAn)重构为宾格而非否定格的新证据。然后,我对奥尔德里奇提出的重新分析提出了一个重大修订的方法。根据Tsou的证据,我认为这种再分析发生在运动动词或位置动词下的双句结构中。由于这种双句结构是结构调整的语境,所以宾语没有宾格。这迫使需要结构性许可的对象与T一起评价主格。另外,当对象需要进入与T一致的状态时,就像评价主格一样,在PAn中被赋予了固有的非主格。这些条件在PAn的子句中产生了一种新的否定子句类型,Aldridge(2015,2016)称之为“原否定南岛语”。缺乏需要结构性许可的对象的条款没有变化。因此,不及物从句和带不定宾语的及物从句中的主语继续以主格形式出现,产生了今天在台湾和菲律宾语言中普遍存在的否定排列。
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引用次数: 2
“Non-coordinating UND” in Middle and Early New High German 新高中德语中早期的“非协调UND”
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.19011.opp
S. Oppermann
Even though it has been noted quite early that the conjunction UND may also serve as a relative/equative particle or even a subjunction in Middle High German and Early New High German, corpus-based empirical studies are lacking so far. Based on new empirical data, I show that non-coordinating UND originated in the Upper German dialect area during the 12th century, subsequently spreading to the Central German dialect area and reaching the peak of its use in the 14th century. In contrast to recent literature, I argue that the non-coordinating use of the conjunction originated from semantically and syntactically ambiguous constructions of the form UND-XP-VFIN. I also propose that the earliest instances of the phenomenon are (adverbial) relative constructions and that the temporal and the equative function developed via reanalysis of adverbial relative clauses with a temporal/modal head element.
尽管很早就注意到,在中古高地德语和新高地德语早期,连接词UND也可能是一个相对/等同的助词,甚至是一个分支,但到目前为止,还缺乏基于语料库的实证研究。基于新的实证数据,我发现非协调UND在12世纪起源于上德语方言区,随后传播到中德语方言区并在14世纪达到使用高峰。与最近的文献相反,我认为连词的非协调使用源于UND-XP-VFIN形式的语义和句法歧义结构。我还提出,这种现象最早的例子是(状语)关系结构,时间和等同功能是通过重新分析带有时间/语气头元素的状语关系从句而发展起来的。
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引用次数: 1
The Duhumbi perspective on Proto-Western Kho-Bwa onsets 杜洪比视角下的原始西部Kho Bwa火山
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.1075/jhl.19021.bod
T. Bodt
The eight Western Kho-Bwa varieties are spoken in western Arunachal Pradesh in Northeast India and form a small, coherent sub-group of the Tibeto-Burman (Trans-Himalayan / Sino-Tibetan) language family. This paper presents 96 sound correspondences, mainly between the two Western Kho-Bwa varieties Duhumbi and Khoitam, with additional evidence from other Western Kho-Bwa varieties and other Tibeto-Burman languages whenever deemed illustrative. On basis of these sound correspondences, I propose 282 Western Kho-Bwa proto-forms including a total of 92 onsets. The less common reconstructed Western Kho-Bwa onsets are the uvular onsets and the voiceless nasal and approximant onsets. A unique innovation of the Western Kho-Bwa languages, and indeed the Kho-Bwa languages in general, is the correspondence of initial *s- in other Tibeto-Burman languages to a vocal onset in Proto-Western Kho-Bwa and its descendent varieties. Another relatively unique innovation is the correspondence between Western Kho-Bwa obstruent onsets *b- and *g- ~ *kʰ- ~ *k- and other Tibeto-Burman nasal onsets *m- and *ŋ-, respectively.
在印度东北部的印控"阿鲁纳恰尔邦"西部,有八种西Kho-Bwa变体,它们形成了藏缅语族(Trans-Himalayan/Sino-Tibetan)的一个小而连贯的亚群。本文提出了96个声音对应关系,主要是在两个西部Kho Bwa变体Duhumbi和Khoitam之间,以及来自其他西部Kho B wa变体和其他藏缅语的额外证据(只要被认为是例证)。基于这些声音对应关系,我提出了282个西方Kho Bwa原型,包括总共92个启动子。不太常见的重建的西Kho-Bwa发作是悬雍垂发作以及无声的鼻腔和近端发作。西部Kho Bwa语言,实际上是整个Kho Bva语言的一个独特创新,是其他藏缅语中的声母*s与原始西部Kho Bswa及其后代变体中的发音开始的对应。另一个相对独特的创新是Western Kho Bwa阻塞性发作*b-和*g-~*kʰ-~*k-与其他台伯鼻发作*m-和*331;-之间的对应关系。
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引用次数: 3
Evidence for a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE *h1: a reassessment* 赫梯语中音位声门塞音作为PIE *h1结果的证据:重新评估*
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.111
Alwin Kloekhorst
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引用次数: 0
Emplois de la flexion en -hhe en hittite 在赫梯的-hhe中使用弯曲
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.209
S. Patri
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引用次数: 0
Hittite naḫ(ḫ)- ‘to fear’, OIr. nár ‘noble, modest’ and Greek νῶτον ‘back’, Latin natis ‘rump, buttock(s)’*
IF 0.7 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2020.133.1.144
D. Kölligan
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Historical Linguistics
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