Pub Date : 2021-10-12DOI: 10.13109/hisp.2021.134.1.96
{"title":"Why and How Do New Tense Formations Arise? – On the Emergence of the Vedic So-Called Periphrastic tā-Future","authors":"","doi":"10.13109/hisp.2021.134.1.96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2021.134.1.96","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73160158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the history of aspiration in Eastern Balochi and aims to posit the course of its development and the extent to which it can be said to be contrastive. It uses primary data obtained by the author directly from various locales and compares sets of these data with the secondary data available on Balochi from 19th and early 20th century material. I maintain that, historically, voiceless aspiration arose word-initially in Eastern Balochi, in the sounds /p t č k/, and spread from there to other positions. In the discussion of aspiration, literature on Balochi has seen the question of influence from the neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages as an important problem. In this paper it is argued that equally relevant to the issue are two other important historical phenomena: post-vocalic lenition of stops and affricates, and gemination, a widely found but less well explored feature of Balochi. Also observed in Eastern Balochi, but less frequently remarked upon, is the breathiness found in voiced stops and affricate, a feature hitherto understood to be restricted to a small lexicon borrowed from Indo-Aryan. Focusing on a large number of Eastern Balochi varieties rather than seeing it as a unified whole, I attempt to show that contrastive status of aspiration appears to be gradually developing in these varieties. Many processes are leading in this direction, such as degemination and fortition of fricatives; among these one important diagnostic for the ultimate status of aspiration, I propose, is the transposition of glottal fricative.
本文考察了东俾路支的愿望历史，旨在假设其发展过程和程度，可以说是对比的。它使用了作者直接从不同地区获得的主要数据，并将这些数据与19世纪和20世纪初关于俾路支的二手数据进行了比较。我认为，从历史上看，无声的渴望最初出现在俾路支东部，在/p t / k/的发音中，并从那里传播到其他地方。在关于抱负的讨论中，俾路支文学将邻近的印度-雅利安语言的影响问题视为一个重要问题。本文认为，与这个问题同样相关的还有另外两个重要的历史现象:顿音和非重叠音的后元音略读，以及俾路支语中广泛发现但研究较少的双音现象。在东俾路支语中也可以观察到，但很少被注意到的是，在浊音顿音和不发音音中发现了呼吸，这一特征迄今为止被认为仅限于从印度雅利安语中借来的一个小词汇。我把重点放在大量的东俾路支品种上，而不是把它看作一个统一的整体，我试图表明，在这些品种中，渴望的对比地位似乎正在逐渐发展。许多过程都朝着这个方向发展，例如消歧和强化摩擦音;在这些重要的诊断中，我建议，是声门擦音的转位。
{"title":"Reviewing the history and development of aspiration in Eastern Balochi","authors":"Ali H. Birahimani","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19010.bir","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19010.bir","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the history of aspiration in Eastern Balochi and aims to posit the course of its development\u0000 and the extent to which it can be said to be contrastive. It uses primary data obtained by the author directly from various\u0000 locales and compares sets of these data with the secondary data available on Balochi from 19th and early 20th century material. I\u0000 maintain that, historically, voiceless aspiration arose word-initially in Eastern Balochi, in the sounds /p t č k/, and spread\u0000 from there to other positions. In the discussion of aspiration, literature on Balochi has seen the question of influence from the\u0000 neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages as an important problem. In this paper it is argued that equally relevant to the issue are two\u0000 other important historical phenomena: post-vocalic lenition of stops and affricates, and gemination, a widely found but less well\u0000 explored feature of Balochi. Also observed in Eastern Balochi, but less frequently remarked upon, is the breathiness found in\u0000 voiced stops and affricate, a feature hitherto understood to be restricted to a small lexicon borrowed from Indo-Aryan. Focusing\u0000 on a large number of Eastern Balochi varieties rather than seeing it as a unified whole, I attempt to show that contrastive status\u0000 of aspiration appears to be gradually developing in these varieties. Many processes are leading in this direction, such as\u0000 degemination and fortition of fricatives; among these one important diagnostic for the ultimate status of aspiration, I propose,\u0000 is the transposition of glottal fricative.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43117845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The sound change from Latin /f/ to Old Spanish and Gascon /h/ has often been attributed to stratal influence from Basque. The motivation would be that Old Basque lacked /f/, and instead had a phoneme /h/, with which bilingual speakers replaced it when speaking in Romance. However, this hypothesis presents several difficulties. Most importantly, Navarrese Romance preserves Latin /f/, and in Basque itself, /f/ is adapted as /b/ in loanwords from Latin and Romance, not as /h/. Here we will argue that Old Basque had neither /f/ nor /h/. Instead, modern Basque /h/ derives from older */χ/. Medieval data will play an important role in establishing this. This hypothesis explains a number of morphophonological alternations, as well as some puzzling aspects in the treatment of aspiration in Romance borrowings, and it also makes it more difficult to hold to the stratal hypothesis for the Romance change /f/ > /h/.
{"title":"Old Basque had */χ/, not /h/","authors":"Julen Manterola, J. Hualde","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19041.man","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19041.man","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The sound change from Latin /f/ to Old Spanish and Gascon /h/ has often been attributed to stratal influence from\u0000 Basque. The motivation would be that Old Basque lacked /f/, and instead had a phoneme /h/, with which bilingual speakers replaced\u0000 it when speaking in Romance. However, this hypothesis presents several difficulties. Most importantly, Navarrese Romance preserves\u0000 Latin /f/, and in Basque itself, /f/ is adapted as /b/ in loanwords from Latin and Romance, not as /h/. Here we will argue that\u0000 Old Basque had neither /f/ nor /h/. Instead, modern Basque /h/ derives from older */χ/. Medieval data will play an important role\u0000 in establishing this. This hypothesis explains a number of morphophonological alternations, as well as some puzzling aspects in\u0000 the treatment of aspiration in Romance borrowings, and it also makes it more difficult to hold to the stratal hypothesis for the\u0000 Romance change /f/ > /h/.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41452292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the historical loss of root-initial consonants, using a case study of Middle Paman languages of Cape York Peninsula, in northeastern Australia. Systematic loss of initial consonants is a typologically unusual phenomenon, mainly found in Australia, that has often been regarded as a starting point for far-reaching changes in root structure, phonotactics and even phoneme inventory. So far, the literature has focused mainly on identifying phonetic causes of initial loss. This study focuses on the actual processes and pathways of initial loss, which is an equally important part of the historical puzzle. Specifically, it shows that there are multiple pathways for initial loss: it can be the result of a gradual phonetic process involving intermediate steps like lenition, as is assumed in part of the literature, but it can also be due to more abrupt processes involving borrowing and even morphosyntactic alternations. This adds to a more diversified model of how initial loss actually proceeds, which together with earlier work on the diversity of phonetic causes of initial loss produces a more comprehensive understanding of this typologically and diachronically unusual phenomenon.
{"title":"Pathways of initial consonant loss","authors":"Jean-Christophe Verstraete","doi":"10.1075/jhl.20024.ver","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.20024.ver","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the historical loss of root-initial consonants, using a case study of Middle Paman\u0000 languages of Cape York Peninsula, in northeastern Australia. Systematic loss of initial consonants is a typologically unusual\u0000 phenomenon, mainly found in Australia, that has often been regarded as a starting point for far-reaching changes in root\u0000 structure, phonotactics and even phoneme inventory. So far, the literature has focused mainly on identifying phonetic causes of\u0000 initial loss. This study focuses on the actual processes and pathways of initial loss, which is an equally important part of the\u0000 historical puzzle. Specifically, it shows that there are multiple pathways for initial loss: it can be the result of a gradual\u0000 phonetic process involving intermediate steps like lenition, as is assumed in part of the literature, but it can also be due to\u0000 more abrupt processes involving borrowing and even morphosyntactic alternations. This adds to a more diversified model of how\u0000 initial loss actually proceeds, which together with earlier work on the diversity of phonetic causes of initial loss produces a\u0000 more comprehensive understanding of this typologically and diachronically unusual phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48684839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While many studies have employed variationist methods to examine longitudinal changes in the English intensifier system, to date, no variationist studies have tackled the intensifier system of Old English. By providing a critical view of this system at an earlier stage in the history of the English language, the present study adds to the long tradition of scholarship on intensifiers while providing new insight into their diachronic development. Despite its antiquity, several parallels can be drawn with the intensifier system at later stages in the language. Both internal and external factors are found to constrain this system, with predicative adjectives favoring intensification over attributive adjectives, prose texts having higher intensification rates than verse texts, Latin-based texts having higher intensification rates than vernacular texts, and the rate of intensification increasing over time. The quantitative analysis of the Old English system also increases the time depth necessary for a more detailed reflection on the diachronic recycling, replacement, and renewal of intensifiers. Language contact and borrowing are also postulated as driving forces of innovation and replacement in earlier stages of the English language.
{"title":"Old English intensifiers","authors":"James M. Stratton","doi":"10.1075/jhl.20011.str","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.20011.str","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While many studies have employed variationist methods to examine longitudinal changes in the English intensifier\u0000 system, to date, no variationist studies have tackled the intensifier system of Old English. By providing a critical view of this\u0000 system at an earlier stage in the history of the English language, the present study adds to the long tradition of scholarship on\u0000 intensifiers while providing new insight into their diachronic development. Despite its antiquity, several parallels can be drawn\u0000 with the intensifier system at later stages in the language. Both internal and external factors are found to constrain this\u0000 system, with predicative adjectives favoring intensification over attributive adjectives, prose texts having higher\u0000 intensification rates than verse texts, Latin-based texts having higher intensification rates than vernacular texts, and the rate\u0000 of intensification increasing over time. The quantitative analysis of the Old English system also increases the time depth\u0000 necessary for a more detailed reflection on the diachronic recycling, replacement, and renewal of intensifiers. Language contact\u0000 and borrowing are also postulated as driving forces of innovation and replacement in earlier stages of the English language.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49161563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study presents data from modern Arabic innovations now < this time to investigate the cross-linguistic developmental pathway temporal deictic < [demonstrative [time noun]]. Products of this path (e.g., German heute, Spanish ahora) feature consistently in contrastive approaches to grammaticalization and lexicalization and have been advanced as exclusive examples of both phenomena, without clear resolution. In this investigation, I establish the derivation of now forms in dialectal Arabic from ten distinct [demonstrative [time noun]] source constructions and identify patterns of fusion and coalescence relevant to both grammaticalization and lexicalization analyses. I then demonstrate a correlated progression of indexicalization and desemanticization in these items’ semanto-pragmatic structure that firmly positions them as examples of grammaticalizing, rather than lexicalizing, change, and proceed to develop this account via examination of the cross-dialectal diffusion of now < this time as an abstract, schematized structure. This approach provides additional support for a grammaticalization account of temporal deictic < [demonstrative [time noun]] developments cross-linguistically and elaborates a novel evidentiary stream with implications for the integration of contact linguistics and grammaticalization/lexicalization studies more broadly.
{"title":"Indexicality, semanticity and contact along the now < this time pathway","authors":"T. Leddy-Cecere","doi":"10.1075/jhl.20020.led","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.20020.led","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study presents data from modern Arabic innovations now < this time to investigate the cross-linguistic developmental pathway temporal deictic < [demonstrative [time noun]]. Products of this path (e.g., German heute, Spanish ahora) feature consistently in contrastive approaches to grammaticalization and lexicalization and have been advanced as exclusive examples of both phenomena, without clear resolution. In this investigation, I establish the derivation of now forms in dialectal Arabic from ten distinct [demonstrative [time noun]] source constructions and identify patterns of fusion and coalescence relevant to both grammaticalization and lexicalization analyses. I then demonstrate a correlated progression of indexicalization and desemanticization in these items’ semanto-pragmatic structure that firmly positions them as examples of grammaticalizing, rather than lexicalizing, change, and proceed to develop this account via examination of the cross-dialectal diffusion of now < this time as an abstract, schematized structure. This approach provides additional support for a grammaticalization account of temporal deictic < [demonstrative [time noun]] developments cross-linguistically and elaborates a novel evidentiary stream with implications for the integration of contact linguistics and grammaticalization/lexicalization studies more broadly.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44165941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This empirical study focuses on the diachrony of adnominal genitives of proper names in (Early) New High German (17th to 19th centuries), e.g., Carls Haus vs. das Haus Carls ‘Carl’s house’. Starting from the observation that word order variation exists within the whole period investigated, the study identifies determining factors for this variation and weights them in a multifactorial model of word order variation and change, the first time this has been done for German. The focus is on formal factors such as syntactic complexity, a factor that increases in importance over the observed time span. The historical data allow not only the investigation of established formal parameters but also the identification of new factors such as the type of inflectional marker (due to genitive allomorphy in older stages of German). In addition to these formal factors, genitive semantics, pragmatic information status and genre are also taken into account. Explanations for the trend towards the postnominal position of complex adnominal genitives as well as the stability of bare name possessors in the prenominal position are discussed.
这项实证研究的重点是（早期）新高地德语（17至19世纪）中专有名词的附加属格的历时性，例如Carls Haus与das Haus Carls的“Carl's house”。从观察到语序变异存在于所调查的整个时期开始，本研究确定了这种变异的决定因素，并在语序变异和变化的多因素模型中对其进行加权，这是首次对德语进行这样的研究。重点是形式因素，如句法复杂性，这一因素的重要性随着观察到的时间跨度而增加。历史数据不仅允许调查已建立的形式参数，还允许识别新的因素，如屈折标记的类型（由于德语旧阶段的属格变体）。除了这些形式因素外，还考虑了属格语义、语用信息状态和体裁。讨论了复杂附名属格的后名词地位趋势的解释，以及裸名拥有者在前名词地位的稳定性。
{"title":"Pre- and postnominal onymic genitives in (Early) New High German","authors":"Tanja Ackermann","doi":"10.1075/jhl.19028.ack","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.19028.ack","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This empirical study focuses on the diachrony of adnominal genitives of proper names in (Early) New High German (17th to 19th centuries), e.g., Carls Haus vs. das Haus Carls ‘Carl’s house’. Starting from the observation that word order variation exists within the whole period investigated, the study identifies determining factors for this variation and weights them in a multifactorial model of word order variation and change, the first time this has been done for German. The focus is on formal factors such as syntactic complexity, a factor that increases in importance over the observed time span. The historical data allow not only the investigation of established formal parameters but also the identification of new factors such as the type of inflectional marker (due to genitive allomorphy in older stages of German). In addition to these formal factors, genitive semantics, pragmatic information status and genre are also taken into account. Explanations for the trend towards the postnominal position of complex adnominal genitives as well as the stability of bare name possessors in the prenominal position are discussed.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46534612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction to the special thematic section","authors":"E. Dahl","doi":"10.1075/JHL.21012.DAH","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.21012.DAH","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46524810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we propose treating alignment shift as a process of functional markedness reversal in the domain of semantically transitive constructions. We illustrate how this approach allows us to capture similarities between the alignment shifts in Eskimo-Aleut and Western Austronesian languages, despite morphosyntactic differences in their voice systems. Using three diagnostics of functional markedness (semantic transitivity, topic continuity of P, and discourse frequency), we compare antipassive and ergative constructions in Eskimo-Aleut varieties and actor voice (av) and undergoer voice (uv) constructions in Western Austronesian varieties. We argue that ergative alignment is equivalent to a functionally unmarked P-prominent construction (e.g., ergative, uv), whilst accusative alignment is equivalent to a functionally unmarked A-prominent construction (e.g., antipassive, av). On this basis, we claim that both language groups are undergoing a parallel shift from ergative to accusative, since A-prominent constructions are functionally marked in more conservative varieties, but lose their functionally marked character and begin to function as unmarked transitive constructions in more innovative varieties.
{"title":"Alignment shift as functional markedness reversal","authors":"Katarzyna Janic, C. Hemmings","doi":"10.1075/JHL.20017.JAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.20017.JAN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, we propose treating alignment shift as a process of functional markedness reversal in the domain of\u0000 semantically transitive constructions. We illustrate how this approach allows us to capture similarities between the alignment\u0000 shifts in Eskimo-Aleut and Western Austronesian languages, despite morphosyntactic differences in their voice systems. Using three\u0000 diagnostics of functional markedness (semantic transitivity, topic continuity of P, and discourse frequency), we compare\u0000 antipassive and ergative constructions in Eskimo-Aleut varieties and actor voice (av) and undergoer voice (uv)\u0000 constructions in Western Austronesian varieties. We argue that ergative alignment is equivalent to a functionally unmarked\u0000 P-prominent construction (e.g., ergative, uv), whilst accusative alignment is equivalent to a functionally unmarked\u0000 A-prominent construction (e.g., antipassive, av). On this basis, we claim that both language groups are undergoing a\u0000 parallel shift from ergative to accusative, since A-prominent constructions are functionally marked in more conservative\u0000 varieties, but lose their functionally marked character and begin to function as unmarked transitive constructions in more\u0000 innovative varieties.","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42190646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reviews Linguistica, filologia e storia culturale. In ricordo di Palmira Cipriano
本文综述了语言学、文献学和文化史。纪念Palmira Cipriano
{"title":"Review of Alfieri, Benvenuto, Ciancaglini, Milizia & Pompeo (2018): Linguistica, filologia e storia culturale. In ricordo di Palmira Cipriano","authors":"Chiara Fedriani","doi":"10.1075/JHL.20018.FED","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHL.20018.FED","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews Linguistica, filologia e storia culturale. In ricordo di Palmira Cipriano","PeriodicalId":42165,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48062609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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