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Migration from Maghreb: External and Internal Challenges for Europe 马格里布移民:欧洲面临的外部和内部挑战
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320216170
T. Tyukaeva
The article explores the issue of Maghrebi migration to Europe in the context of potential external and internal challenges it poses to European states and societies. Special attention is given to the „push‟ factors that underpin emigration of Maghrebis. The results of research highlight that migration from Maghreb to Europe is persistent. The current military, political and socioeconomic dynamics in the region imply that the Maghrebi migration flow will increase in the future. The article concentrates on reasons for radicalization of some members of Maghrebi immigrant communities in Europe. The findings indicate that Arab or Muslim background of immigrants is not the root cause for radicalization. Despite the fact that some elements of the Islamic doctrine are exploited by Islamist organizations, they mostly resonate with youth of second-generation migrant communities giving them a certain „frame‟ and purpose for their protest. The main conclusion is that the most serious threat to the European security comes not from the large-scale influx of migrants, which will be continue, but marginalization of big parts of migrant communities, most and foremost born and raised in Europe, as they are the ones that tend to get radicalized in the first place.
这篇文章探讨了马格里布移民到欧洲的问题,以及它对欧洲国家和社会构成的潜在外部和内部挑战。特别关注支持马格里布移民的“推动”因素。研究结果表明,从马格里布到欧洲的移民持续存在。该地区目前的军事、政治和社会经济动态表明,马格里布人的移民流量在未来将增加。这篇文章集中讨论了欧洲马格里布移民社区一些成员激进化的原因。研究结果表明,移民的阿拉伯或穆斯林背景并不是激进化的根本原因。尽管伊斯兰教义的一些元素被伊斯兰组织利用,但它们大多与第二代移民社区的年轻人产生共鸣,为他们的抗议提供了一定的“框架”和目的。主要结论是,对欧洲安全最严重的威胁不是来自移民的大规模涌入(这种情况将继续下去),而是大部分移民社区的边缘化,他们最重要的是在欧洲出生和长大,因为他们一开始就倾向于激进化。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 in Italy: Reloading of Life Standards COVID-19在意大利:重新设定生活标准
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320211726
M. Nosov
For more than a year and a half, the world has been living in the grips of Covid-19, which has had a serious impact on the lifestyle of the people of all countries. From March 2020, the population of most European countries has been forced to revise the existing rules of everyday life and go into a state of siege. This was due to a poor understanding of power and danger of viral infection that most likely came first from China to Europe in the fall of 2019. Italy was one of the first states, which faced all the negative consequences of the pandemia. The first Italian patient was identified in December 2019. The new disease did not cause any particular alarm among doctors, patients, media, and most importantly, the Italian government. As a result in March 2020 Italian medical system, which was not ready for a massive increase of Covid-19 patients, literally collapsed. Article is based on an analysis of the results of the various research, including materials of Rome Institute for Economic and Social Research (Eurispes), forecasts by consulting companies and world statistics. An attempt has been undertaken to show the changes in consumer behavior in Italy and its impact on the daily life of Italians.
一年半多来,疫情给世界各国人民的生活方式带来了严重影响。从2020年3月起,大多数欧洲国家的人民被迫修改现有的日常生活规则,进入戒严状态。这是由于对病毒感染的力量和危险了解不足,病毒感染很可能是在2019年秋季首先从中国传播到欧洲的。意大利是第一批面临该大流行病所有负面后果的国家之一。首例意大利患者于2019年12月被发现。这种新疾病并没有在医生、病人、媒体,以及最重要的意大利政府中引起任何特别的恐慌。因此,在2020年3月,没有准备好应对Covid-19患者大量增加的意大利医疗系统实际上崩溃了。文章是根据罗马经济和社会研究所(Eurispes)的资料、咨询公司的预测和世界统计数据等各种研究结果进行分析的。人们试图展示意大利消费者行为的变化及其对意大利人日常生活的影响。
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引用次数: 1
The Priorities of EU Energy Policy 欧盟能源政策的优先事项
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021117127
Yurii A. Borovsky, O. Shishkina
The article deals with the evolution, development conditions and characteristics of implementation of the EEU/EU key energy policy goals in the 1960‒2010s. The authors apply historical analysis to consider the goals of the EEU in the energy sector in the 1960‒1980s and proceed to the EU energy policy goals in the 1990‒2010s. They explore the challenges that had brought these goals to the top of the EU energy policy list and the traditional hierarchy of the EU energy policy goals. Seen through the prism of historic development, security was the first and most acute goal, integrated energy market – the second, and ecology – the third. The authors raise a question if one should expect changes in the priorities of the energy policy goals under the conditions of the ongoing ecological and climate turn in the long-term development strategies of the EU. Until 2019 security had dominated the list of the EU major energy policy goals. However, after 2020 ecology may replace security as an «umbrella goal». It has already become one of the key drivers of energy sector reform and makes the EU members give up their sovereignty in favour of the EU institutions.
本文论述了1960-2010年代欧洲经济联盟/欧盟关键能源政策目标的演变、发展条件和实施特点。作者应用历史分析来考虑欧洲经济联盟在1960年代至1980年代能源部门的目标,并着手实现1990年代至2010年代的欧盟能源政策目标。他们探讨了使这些目标成为欧盟能源政策清单首位的挑战,以及欧盟能源政策目标的传统等级制度。从历史发展的角度来看,安全是第一个也是最重要的目标,综合能源市场是第二个目标,生态是第三个目标。作者提出了一个问题,即在欧盟长期发展战略中持续的生态和气候转变的条件下,人们是否应该期待能源政策目标的优先事项发生变化。直到2019年,安全一直是欧盟主要能源政策目标的主要内容。然而,在2020年之后,生态可能会取代安全成为一个“保护伞目标”。它已经成为能源部门改革的关键驱动力之一,并使欧盟成员国放弃主权,转而支持欧盟机构。
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引用次数: 3
Features of EU Involvement in the Negotiation Process on the Transnistrian Settlement (1994–2005) 欧盟参与德涅斯特河沿岸解决方案谈判过程的特征(1994-2005)
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021106116
N. Shevchuk
The theme of the article is the EU participation in the transnistrian settlement with an emphasis on its observer status in the 5+2 format. It covers the period from the beginning of the negotiation process in 1994 until the EU gained observer status in 2005. Based on historical material, the author shows how the EU was gradually involved in the Transnistrian settlement process and how European mediation evolved, using political and economic tools more actively than the methods of traditional diplomacy. The author identified factors that affect the EU's interaction with the parties to the conflict and including – Russia. At the same time, the author focused on the tools used by the European Union in the conflict region even before its official involvement in the negotiations, including the introduction of sanctions against the leadership of Transnistria. The article also explores the essence of the institution of observer on the example of the EU participation in the negotiations in the "5+2" format. It is shown that the external participants in the negotiations on the Transnistrian settlement are equal, despite the difference in their official status. The Europeanization of the Transnistrian settlement failed to energies the negotiation process and increase its productivity, but it allowed the European Union to test new mediation tools, optimize approaches to the settlement of a modern international conflict, and strengthen its position in the conflict region, which remains a zone of geopolitical competition between Russia and the West.
这篇文章的主题是欧盟参与德涅斯特河两岸的解决方案,重点是欧盟在5+2模式下的观察员地位。它涵盖了从1994年谈判进程开始到2005年欧盟获得观察员地位的时期。作者以史料为基础,展示了欧盟如何逐步介入德涅斯特河沿岸的解决过程,以及欧洲调解是如何演变的,比传统的外交手段更积极地使用政治和经济工具。作者确定了影响欧盟与包括俄罗斯在内的冲突各方互动的因素。与此同时,作者着重讨论了欧洲联盟在正式参与谈判之前在冲突地区所使用的手段,包括对德涅斯特河沿岸领导人实行制裁。文章还以欧盟参与“5+2”谈判为例,探讨观察员制度的本质。它表明,德涅斯特河沿岸解决办法谈判的外部参与者是平等的,尽管他们的官方地位不同。德涅斯特河沿岸解决方案的欧洲化未能推动谈判进程并提高其生产力,但它使欧盟能够测试新的调解工具,优化解决现代国际冲突的方法,并加强其在冲突地区的地位,该地区仍然是俄罗斯和西方之间地缘政治竞争的区域。
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引用次数: 1
European Capitals in the Postindustrial Dimension 后工业时代的欧洲首都
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope32021149158
Elena V. Vodopianova
The article is dedicated to the analysis of the modern vision of European capitals, presented as an interdisciplinary phenomenon in a number of recent works by Russian and foreign authors. The attention is focused both on external (architecture, complexes of cultural initiatives of different levels) and on the essential parameters of the functioning of capitals (technology, innovation, finance, science, ecology). The purpose of the publication is to identify new trends that characterize the development of European capitals in the information age. It is highlighted that the modern European capital is a city that produces numerous forms of dialogue of its residents, including in the context of the «tradition-modernity» interaction. The classical sociocultural vision of the city is supplemented by the idea of the city as a stable intellectual system. In the reviewed works, the author finds confirmation of her thesis that in the near future the existing polycentricity of European capitals will not only deepen, but also expand due to the functions of peripheral cities in accordance with such classical postulates of postindustrialism as decentralization, deurbanization and demassification.
这篇文章致力于分析欧洲首都的现代视野,这是俄罗斯和外国作家最近的一些作品中的一个跨学科现象。注意力集中在外部(建筑、不同层次的文化举措的综合体)和资本运作的基本参数(技术、创新、金融、科学、生态)上。该出版物的目的是确定信息时代欧洲各国首都发展的新趋势。值得强调的是,现代欧洲首都是一个为居民提供多种形式对话的城市,包括在“传统-现代”互动的背景下。城市作为一个稳定的知识体系的理念补充了城市的古典社会文化视野。在回顾的著作中,作者证实了她的论点,即在不久的将来,由于外围城市的功能,按照后工业化的经典假设,如去中心化、去城市化和去城市化,欧洲首都现有的多中心性不仅会加深,还会扩大。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of the European Socialists in the EU Political System 欧洲社会主义者在欧盟政治体系中的作用
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.15211/soveurope320218393
B. Guseletov
The article explores the formation of a single European socio-political space and the evolution of the institution of pan-European political parties (Europarties). It is shown that the growth of practical and scientific interest to the European parties was associated with the gradual strengthening of the role and influence of this relatively new institution in the political system of the EU. The authors identified new trends in the development of the institute of European parties. On the one hand, the confrontation between the supporters of European integration (Eurooptimists) and their opponents (Eurosceptics) has intensified. On the other hand, the format of relations between individual European parties (in particular, the Party of European Socialists, which traditionally supports the expansion of ties between governments and society) with European civil society and key political institutions of the EU (the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament) is gradually changing. Based on the analysis of materials related to the activities of the Party of European Socialists (PES) in the last two years, it is shown that this party has managed to create specific tools and mechanisms to strengthen its ties with civil activists (the so-called PES networks on various issues), national member parties, to involve representatives of this party in its work in the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament.
本文探讨了单一欧洲社会政治空间的形成和泛欧政党制度的演变。研究表明,欧洲各方对实践和科学兴趣的增长与这个相对较新的机构在欧盟政治体系中的作用和影响的逐渐加强有关。作者指出了欧洲政党研究所发展的新趋势。一方面,欧洲一体化的支持者(欧洲乐观主义者)和反对者(欧洲怀疑论者)之间的对抗加剧了。另一方面,欧洲各政党(特别是传统上支持扩大政府与社会关系的欧洲社会党)与欧洲公民社会和欧盟主要政治机构(欧洲理事会、欧盟委员会和欧洲议会)之间的关系形式正在逐渐发生变化。根据对过去两年欧洲社会党(PES)活动相关材料的分析,可以看出,该党设法创造了具体的工具和机制,以加强其与公民活动家(所谓的PES在各种问题上的网络)、国家成员政党的联系,使该党的代表参与其在欧洲理事会、欧洲委员会和欧洲议会的工作。
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引用次数: 0
“Post-Truth” in the COVID World: Position of the Church and the Catholic Community in Italy COVID世界中的“后真相”:意大利教会和天主教团体的立场
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-31 DOI: 10.15211/SOVEUROPE72020195205
V. Yazkova
The article deals with the attitude of the Catholic Church in Italy toward the “fake news” phenomenon in the mass media of the COVID and post-COVID world. Catholic hierarchs and Pope Francis personally condemned the system promoting fakes on the Web, their creators and consumers ‒ conscious or unconscious “transponders” of lies. The Church and the Catholic media counter fake messages via such important tools as “positive” journalism, fact checking sites, training users in media literacy, critical thinking. At the same time, the actual legalization of “post-truth” in social networks as a form of alternative reality is a wake-up call. The crisis of confidence in authorities, official media, relativity of key concepts and ethical norms became a reality. “Post-truth” society as one of the manifestations of digital mentality is a serious challenge for the Catholic Church. Acts of Communication in the digital environment, study of the laws regulating relationships development on digital platforms open up wide opportunities for evangelism, missionary work, mediation at the micro and macro levels, as well as building socially oriented relations in the world of “post-truth”.
这篇文章讨论了意大利天主教会对新冠肺炎和后新冠肺炎世界大众媒体中的“假新闻”现象的态度。天主教高层和教皇方济各亲自谴责该系统在网络上推广假货,它们的创造者和消费者——有意识或无意识的谎言“传播者”。教会和天主教媒体通过诸如“正面”新闻、事实核查网站、培训用户媒体素养、批判性思维等重要工具来反击虚假信息。与此同时,社交网络中“后真相”作为一种另类现实形式的实际合法化是一个警钟。对当局、官方媒体、关键概念和道德规范的相对性的信任危机成为现实。“后真相”社会作为数字心态的表现之一,对天主教会是一个严峻的挑战。数字环境下的传播行为,研究数字平台上关系发展的规律,为传福音、传教、微观和宏观层面的调解以及在“后真相”世界中建立面向社会的关系开辟了广阔的机会。
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引用次数: 0
200th anniversary of the discovery of Antarctica: a breakthrough in scientific research is needed 南极发现200周年:科学研究需要突破
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-31 DOI: 10.15211/SOVEUROPE72020227237
V. Zhuravel
The article is devoted to the 200th anniversary of the discovery of Antarctica under the guidance of 2nd rank captain F. Bellingshausen and lieutenant M. Lazarev. Analyzing the peculiarities of Antarctica, the author notes that this is one of а few regions of our planet, the resources and territory of which are used by various states jointly and exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of science. The article analyzes in detail the celebration of this anniversary in Russia and foreign countries, while paying special attention to the thematic focus of socio-political and scientific events. Considerable attention is paid to the study of the region by Russia and the European States. Interstate cooperation between countries in Antarctica is aimed at finding effective solutions to global problems facing humanity, such as environmental pollution, climate change and its consequences, and the loss of components of biological diversity. It is concluded that despite the fact that Antarctica is traditionally one of the strategic regions for ensuring the national interests and security of our state, the Russian Federation in its state policy in comparison with the Arctic, does not always respond promptly to the existing challenges, does not pay enough attention to improving the research base and living conditions of polar explorers, which negatively affects Russia's positions in Antarctica.
这篇文章是为了纪念在二级船长F.别林斯豪森和中尉M.拉扎列夫的带领下发现南极洲200周年。在分析南极洲的特点时,作者指出,这是地球上为数不多的几个地区之一,其资源和领土由各国共同和专门用于和平目的,以促进科学。本文详细分析了俄罗斯和国外庆祝这一周年的活动,同时特别关注社会政治和科学事件的主题焦点。俄罗斯和欧洲国家对该区域的研究给予了相当大的注意。南极洲各国之间的国家间合作的目的是找到解决人类面临的全球性问题的有效办法,例如环境污染、气候变化及其后果以及生物多样性组成部分的丧失。结论是,尽管南极传统上是确保我国国家利益和安全的战略区域之一,但与北极相比,俄罗斯联邦在其国家政策中没有及时应对现有挑战,没有足够重视改善极地探险者的研究基地和生活条件,这对俄罗斯在南极的地位产生了负面影响。
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引用次数: 1
Patriotism as a Value Component of the State Policy of Nation-Building (the Experience of the EAEU Countries) 爱国主义是国家建设政策的价值组成部分(EAEU国家的经验)
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-31 DOI: 10.15211/SOVEUROPE720203848
O. Bakhlova, I. Bakhlov
This article investigates the experience of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in the formation and implementation of the ideology of patriotism and the state policy of patriotic education. They are considered in the context of nation-building processes and in conjunction with approaches to formulating a national idea and national (civic) identity. Particular attention is paid to the content and dynamics of the discourse of the authorities. Through a comparative political analysis, the general and special characteristics of the models introduced in the EAEU countries, constants and dominants of discursive practices are revealed. The argumentation of representatives of the top political leadership in their attitudes to the proposed guidelines and priorities of socio-political development through an appeal to the value component taking into account the relationship of internal and external dimensions is shown. The emphasis is on the lack of demand for the ethnocentric model of patriotic discourse and the relevant practices of political actors due to the complex composition of the population of most countries of the Union and other internal and geopolitical circumstances. At the same time in their activities one can reveal the commitment to constructive orientation, the absolutization of sovereignty, and the motivation and positions that impede the adoption of balanced integration decisions. It is suggested that the national idea of Russia cannot be reduced solely to patriotism and that its depoliticization and deideologization cannot be absolutized.
本文考察了欧亚经济联盟国家在爱国主义思想和爱国主义教育国策的形成和实施过程中的经验。它们是在国家建设进程的背景下,结合制定国家理念和国家(公民)身份的方法来考虑的。特别注意当局话语的内容和动态。通过比较政治分析,揭示了EAEU国家引入的话语模式的一般性和特殊性,话语实践的常量和支配者。显示了最高政治领导层的代表对拟议的社会政治发展指导方针和优先事项的态度,通过对价值构成的呼吁,考虑到内部和外部维度的关系。重点是由于欧盟大多数国家的人口构成复杂以及其他内部和地缘政治环境,对爱国主义话语的种族中心模式和政治行为者的相关做法缺乏需求。与此同时,在他们的活动中,人们可以看到对建设性方向的承诺、主权的绝对化,以及阻碍通过平衡的一体化决定的动机和立场。认为俄罗斯的民族思想不能仅仅归结为爱国主义,其去政治化和去道德化也不能绝对化。
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引用次数: 0
Cuba – EU: the difficult way to cooperation 古巴-欧盟:合作的艰难之路
IF 0.5 Q4 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-31 DOI: 10.15211/SOVEUROPE72020155165
N. Kalashnikov
The article analyzes the development of relations between Cuba and European countries during past soviet period. The main characteristic of this process was its unevenness. Having lost the markets of the USSR and European socialist countries Cuba objectively was interested in finding new partners both for replacement of the sources of industrial goods delivery and for exporting its own products. European countries seemed to be adequate substitution of Russia (except petroleum deliveries). The article describes how the economic interests of the EU to enter the capacious Cuban market contradicted with principals of democracy and human rights. That was the reason of freezing periodically the progress in the economic links. The problem was partly resolved when the decisions taken for political reasons did not apply to “EU-Cuba” relations. The main obstacle for the bilateral economic cooperation was the EU’ Common Position, approved in 1996 which didn’t permit for both sides to subscribe the agreement of cooperation. The cancellation of the EU’ Common Position, together with developing of bilateral relations of individual countries with Cuba gives the EU possibilities to become a strategic economic partner of the Island. The analysis of the development EU – Cuba partnership helps to understand better how Cuban leaders act on the international scene.
本文分析了前苏联时期古巴与欧洲国家关系的发展。这个过程的主要特点是不均匀。古巴失去了苏联和欧洲社会主义国家的市场,客观上有兴趣寻找新的合作伙伴,以取代工业货物的运输来源,并出口自己的产品。欧洲国家似乎足以取代俄罗斯(石油输送除外)。文章描述了欧盟进入广阔的古巴市场的经济利益如何与民主和人权原则相矛盾。这就是定期冻结经济联系进展的原因。当出于政治原因作出的决定不适用于“欧盟-古巴”关系时,问题得到了部分解决。双方经济合作的主要障碍是1996年批准的《欧盟共同立场》,该立场不允许双方签署合作协议。欧盟共同立场的取消,加上个别国家与古巴双边关系的发展,使欧盟有可能成为该岛的战略经济伙伴。对欧盟与古巴发展伙伴关系的分析有助于更好地了解古巴领导人在国际舞台上的行动。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary Europe-Sovremennaya Evropa
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