Pub Date : 2022-06-12DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.131-166
Ghulam Sarwar Butt, Ihsan ur Rehman Ghauri
This research paper deals with the theory of deconstruction, as enunciated by French abstruse theorist and philosopher Jacques Derrida. This notable theory is considered to be one of the most significant theories of Postmodernism, a literary and philosophical trend that is famous for its distrust of ideologies and theories whatsoever and stresses the importance of conventions. This literary and philosophical theory challenges our perceived notions regarding text and their meanings by emphasizing the fact that language is nothing but a chain of signifiers. In other words, it means that meanings of a text–worldly or transcendental–are not stable ones; they are unstable and transient. Though this theory has gained much power and prestige in the realm of literature and philosophy; however, this theory has been castigated both by Muslim and Western philosophers and theorists, too. This paper is a humble effort to analyze the views of some well-known and veteran Muslim and Western theorists and philosophers. [Artikel ini bersepakat dengan teori dekonstruksi yang dikenalkan oleh filosof Prancis Jacques Derrida. Sebagai salah satu teori yang penting dalam teori-teori posmodern, kepopulerannya dalam sastra dan filsafat menggoyahkan ideologi dan teori lain serta menekankan pentingnya konvensi umum. Teori sastra dan filsafatnya menantang apa yang sudah kita yakini tentang teks dan makna dengan menekankan fakta bahwa bahasa bukan apa apa selain rangkain pertanda. Dengan kata lain, makna sebuah teks, imanen atau transenden, adalah tidak tetap, mereka labil dan sementara. Walaupun teori ini mendapat posisi kuat dan prestisius dalam sastra dan filsafat, namun disangsikan oleh beberapa pemikir muslim dan barat. Artikel ini merupakan usaha menganalisa pandangan mereka mengenai teori dekonstruksi, baik dari pemikir muslim dan barat.]
{"title":"Theory of Deconstruction: A Comparative Study of the Views of Western and Muslim Theorists and Philosophers","authors":"Ghulam Sarwar Butt, Ihsan ur Rehman Ghauri","doi":"10.14421/ajis.2022.601.131-166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2022.601.131-166","url":null,"abstract":"This research paper deals with the theory of deconstruction, as enunciated by French abstruse theorist and philosopher Jacques Derrida. This notable theory is considered to be one of the most significant theories of Postmodernism, a literary and philosophical trend that is famous for its distrust of ideologies and theories whatsoever and stresses the importance of conventions. This literary and philosophical theory challenges our perceived notions regarding text and their meanings by emphasizing the fact that language is nothing but a chain of signifiers. In other words, it means that meanings of a text–worldly or transcendental–are not stable ones; they are unstable and transient. Though this theory has gained much power and prestige in the realm of literature and philosophy; however, this theory has been castigated both by Muslim and Western philosophers and theorists, too. This paper is a humble effort to analyze the views of some well-known and veteran Muslim and Western theorists and philosophers. [Artikel ini bersepakat dengan teori dekonstruksi yang dikenalkan oleh filosof Prancis Jacques Derrida. Sebagai salah satu teori yang penting dalam teori-teori posmodern, kepopulerannya dalam sastra dan filsafat menggoyahkan ideologi dan teori lain serta menekankan pentingnya konvensi umum. Teori sastra dan filsafatnya menantang apa yang sudah kita yakini tentang teks dan makna dengan menekankan fakta bahwa bahasa bukan apa apa selain rangkain pertanda. Dengan kata lain, makna sebuah teks, imanen atau transenden, adalah tidak tetap, mereka labil dan sementara. Walaupun teori ini mendapat posisi kuat dan prestisius dalam sastra dan filsafat, namun disangsikan oleh beberapa pemikir muslim dan barat. Artikel ini merupakan usaha menganalisa pandangan mereka mengenai teori dekonstruksi, baik dari pemikir muslim dan barat.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42103182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-08DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.91-130
M. Y. Zara
Studies on Muhammadiyah largely ignore Muhammadiyah’s perceptions of war. This study explores Muhammadiyah’s thoughts and practices on the protection of civilians in a so far neglected war, namely Japanese invasion of the Netherlands Indies in 1941-1942. Using historical research method, this study scrutinizes previously unexamined primary sources, the weekly magazine Adil, which was published by Surakarta branch of Muhammadiyah, in editions between 1941-1942. By examining edicts from the Central Board of Muhammadiyah as well as the writings of individuals affiliated with Muhammadiyah published by Adil, this study argues that Muhammadiyah was highly attentive to efforts to protect the civilians in times of war, by basing its thoughts on the interplay between Islamic principles and modern ideas about the rights of non-combatants in battle. Muhammadiyah strongly emphasized that during the war the civilians must be protected by the state. It moreover advised people to build spiritual and mental strength so that they can survive the war and advocated a self-protection of civilians by encouraging every resident of the Indies to help each other during the war. It campaigned for the protection of civilians with various methods and by establishing a special agency to organize the protection efforts. This study elucidates the role of Muhammadiyah in providing information, religious guidance and practical supports to its members and the Indonesian people in general regarding the protection of civilians in a war that finally overthrew European colonial powers in Southeast Asia.Studi-studi tentang Muhammadiyah masih mengabaikan tema persepsi Muhammadiyah tentang perang. Kajian ini mengeksplor pandangan dan tindakan Muhammadiyah terkait perlindungan warga sipil di masa perang, dalam konteks yang selama ini terabaikan, yaitu invasi Jepang ke Hindia Belanda pada 1941-1942. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah, studi ini mengkaji sumber-sumber primer yang belum pernah diteliti sebelumnya, yaitu majalah mingguan Adil yang diterbitkan oleh Muhammadiyah cabang Surakarta, di edisi antara tahun 1941-1942. Dengan menelaah maklumat-maklumat Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah serta tulisan individu-individu yang berafiliasi dengan Muhammadiyah yang diterbitkan oleh Adil, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa Muhammadiyah menaruh perhatian besar pada upaya melindungi warga sipil di masa perang, dengan mendasarkan pemikirannya pada saling interaksi antara prinsip-prinsip Islam dan ide-ide modern tentang hak-hak non-kombatan dalam pertempuran. Muhammadiyah sangat menekankan bahwa selama perang warga sipil harus dilindungi oleh negara. Selain itu, Muhammadiyah mengajak masyarakat untuk membangun kekuatan spiritual dan mental sehingga mereka dapat bertahan dari perang dan menganjurkan agar warga sipil berupaya melindungi diri mereka sendiri dengan mendorong setiap penduduk Hindia untuk saling membantu selama perang. Muhammadiyah mengkampanyekan perlindungan warga sipil dengan ber
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Pub Date : 2022-06-03DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90
Zuly Qodir, H. Jubba, Mega Hidayati, D. Mutiarin
The formalization of sharia (particularly regional regulations on sharia in Aceh) since 2001 up to 2019 had incorporated economic and political contents between local and national elites. Such condition was a result of local and national elite interests gaining political advantages wherein sharia was utilized as a tool by the elites to dominate civilians. Due to political interests, civilians became marginalized by sharia. The current article demonstrates that local and national political elites had used sharia for their political interests without considering the substantial purpose of sharia itself. Women, in particular, are disadvantaged by the various regulations (qanun) issued by wilayatul khisbah as the guardians of sharia in Aceh. The article also aims to show existing contradictions between the ideal aspirations of wilayatul khisbah and the actual practice of regional regulations pertaining to sharia on the ground, namely the involvement of political elites in advocating sharia, which has not made people become more religious but provoked them to resist in secret instead. Data in the article were acquired through literature study, field observations, and in-depth interviews with a number of informants[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun) sejak 2001 telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara elit lokal dan nasional. Situasi tersebut menyebabkan kepentingan elit lokal dan nasional berebut keuntungan politis sebagai alat mendominasi warganya, sehingga menyebabkan kepentingan warga termarjinalisasi. Artikel ini membahas elit lokal dan nasional yang memanfaatkan syariat Islam untuk kepentingannya sendiri tanpa mempertimbangkan tujuan utamanya. Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariat Islam (wilayatul khisbah). Artikel ini juga memperlihatkan kontradiksi antara aspirasi ideal dan praktik di lapangan lembaga wilayatul khisbah yang mana keterlibatan elit politik dalam advokasi syariat Islam tidak mendorong lebih religius tetapi justru mendorong warga melawan diam-diam. Data artikel ini didapatkan dari studi literatur, observasi lapangan dan wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah informan.]
从2001年到2019年，伊斯兰教法(特别是亚齐地区的伊斯兰教法法规)的正规化包含了地方和国家精英之间的经济和政治内容。这种情况是地方和国家精英利益获得政治优势的结果，伊斯兰教法被精英用作统治平民的工具。由于政治利益，平民被伊斯兰教法边缘化。当前的文章表明，地方和国家的政治精英为了他们的政治利益而使用伊斯兰教法，而没有考虑到伊斯兰教法本身的实质目的。在亚齐，妇女尤其受到作为伊斯兰教法守护者的wilayatul khisbah颁布的各种条例(qanun)的不利影响。这篇文章也旨在说明wilayatul khisbah的理想理想与伊斯兰教法的地区法规的实际实践之间存在的矛盾，即政治精英参与倡导伊斯兰教法，这并没有使人们变得更加虔诚，而是激起了他们的秘密抵制。本文中的数据是通过文献研究、实地观察和对一些知情者的深入访谈获得的[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun)][2001年telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara精英地方dan national]。局势是稳定的，但是menyebabkan保持稳定和精英的地方和国家的稳定，但是keuntunan政治是sebagai alat menominasi warganya, sehinga menyebabkan保持稳定和warga termarjinalisasi。阿蒂克尔尼成员是当地的精英，也是全国的伊斯兰教成员。Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariariislam (wilayatul khisbah)。我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是。[j][数据分析][j] .文献资料分析[j]。
{"title":"The Formalization of Sharia in Aceh to Discipline the Female Body","authors":"Zuly Qodir, H. Jubba, Mega Hidayati, D. Mutiarin","doi":"10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2022.601.63-90","url":null,"abstract":"The formalization of sharia (particularly regional regulations on sharia in Aceh) since 2001 up to 2019 had incorporated economic and political contents between local and national elites. Such condition was a result of local and national elite interests gaining political advantages wherein sharia was utilized as a tool by the elites to dominate civilians. Due to political interests, civilians became marginalized by sharia. The current article demonstrates that local and national political elites had used sharia for their political interests without considering the substantial purpose of sharia itself. Women, in particular, are disadvantaged by the various regulations (qanun) issued by wilayatul khisbah as the guardians of sharia in Aceh. The article also aims to show existing contradictions between the ideal aspirations of wilayatul khisbah and the actual practice of regional regulations pertaining to sharia on the ground, namely the involvement of political elites in advocating sharia, which has not made people become more religious but provoked them to resist in secret instead. Data in the article were acquired through literature study, field observations, and in-depth interviews with a number of informants[Formalisasi syariah Islam di Aceh melalui Peraturan Daerah (Qanun) sejak 2001 telah melibatkan kolaborasi ekonomi dan politik antara elit lokal dan nasional. Situasi tersebut menyebabkan kepentingan elit lokal dan nasional berebut keuntungan politis sebagai alat mendominasi warganya, sehingga menyebabkan kepentingan warga termarjinalisasi. Artikel ini membahas elit lokal dan nasional yang memanfaatkan syariat Islam untuk kepentingannya sendiri tanpa mempertimbangkan tujuan utamanya. Perempuan sering dirugikan oleh sejumlah aturan yang dikeluarkan oleh tim penegak syariat Islam (wilayatul khisbah). Artikel ini juga memperlihatkan kontradiksi antara aspirasi ideal dan praktik di lapangan lembaga wilayatul khisbah yang mana keterlibatan elit politik dalam advokasi syariat Islam tidak mendorong lebih religius tetapi justru mendorong warga melawan diam-diam. Data artikel ini didapatkan dari studi literatur, observasi lapangan dan wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah informan.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43654553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.29-62
Sumanto Al Qurtuby
Saudi Arabia has long been portrayed as a “hub of polygyny,” a practice of marriage in which a man marries several women simultaneously. However, my recent research among Saudi male youths suggest that this practice is waning nowadays. A younger generation in the Kingdom seems to prefer monogamy—a man marrying one wife—to polygamy for several essential reasons, factors and arguments. Based on interviews and conversations with a number of young Saudis as well as outcomes of survey findings, this article tries to debunk the myth of polygyny in the Kingdom and attempts to understand the rationales and logics behind monogamy choice among male (and female) youths of contemporary Saudi Arabia. The article also briefly highlights the practice of polygyny and monogamy in multiple societies outside Saudi Arabia to compare and gain knowledge on various practices of marriage. Seen from another viewpoint, the article is a reflection of a modern-day fruitful socio-cultural development and change in Saudi Arabia that have received enthusiastic and public acclaim across the globe.Arab Saudi digambarkan sejak lama sebagai ‘pusat poligini’, sebuah praktik pernikahan satu laki-laki dengan sejumlah perempuan secara simultan. Namun dalam penelitian saya terbaru terhadap sejumlah laki-laki muda Arab menyatakan praktik poligini mulai memudar saat ini. Generasi muda di wilayah kerajaan Arab tampaknya mulai memilih monogami, daripada poligami, dengan beberapa alasan, faktor dan argumen yang mendasar. Berdasarkan wawancara dan percakapan dengan sejumlah pemuda Arab yang temuannya menunjukkan, seperti dalam artikel ini adalah menyanggah mitos poligini di kerajaan Saudi dan usaha memahami rasionalitas dan logika monogami pemuda dan pemudi di Arab Saudi dewasa ini. Artikel ini juga sekilas membahas praktik poligini dan monogami di luar Arab Saudi sebagai perbandingan dan pengetahuan mengenai ragam bentuk praktik pernikahan di berbagai masyarakat. Dengan sudut pandang lain, artikel ini mencerminkan kehidupan modern dari aneka perkembangan sosial budaya dan perubahan di Arab Saudi yang menerima semangat dan penerimaan publik lintas dunia.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2022.601.1-28
Jajat Burhanudin
In reference to the works of two leading ‘ulama of 19th century Southeast Asia, Da’ud al-Fatani and Nawawi al-Bantani, this article discusses the establishment of two Islamic writing traditions, the Malay kitab Jawi and the Arabic kitab which turned to be called more recently as kitab kuning. In spite of the same experiences learning in Mecca, Da’ud al-Fatani wrote his works in Malay, while Nawawi al-Bantani’s kitab were in Arabic. These two writing traditions contributed to the formation of Islamic knowledge among the Muslims of the period, leading the two ‘ulama emerged as the intellectual fathers of Islamic dynamics in respectively Patani-Malaya and Java in Indonesia. In addition to the reason and the ways the two ‘ulama wrote their works in in two different writing styles, other point to highlight is that these kitab Jawi and kitab kuning grew alongside the rise of different Islamic leadership in two major Muslim areas in the region.Artikel ini membahas dua kitab kuning berbahasa Melayu Jawa dan Arab di Asia Tenggara yang merupakan karya Da’ud al-Fatani dan Nawawi al-Bantani. Da’ud al-Fatani menulis dalam bahasa Melayu, sedangkan Nawawi menulis kitab dalam bahasa Arab meskipun keduanya sama-sama belajar agama di Mekkah. Dua kitab ini berkontribusi dalam formasi pembentukan pengetahuan keislaman muslim di Asia Tenggara dan kedua orang tersebut menjadi pembimbing kemunculan dinamika intelektual di Patani dan Jawa abad 19. Keduanya juga hidup di masa kepemimpinan Islam mayoritas yang berbeda wilayah yang mempunyai peran penting dalam pemilihan bahasa, semacam liberasi kognitif, dalam gerakan sosial keagamaan. Penulisan kitab ini bukan sekedar kegelisahan intelektual semata, tetapi mengakar kuat dalam sikap mental yang dominan dalam karakter kepemimpinan Malayu dan Jawa Islam.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.449-478
A. Wijaya, Shofiyullah Muzammil
This writing discusses maqāṣidi tafsīr (the interpretation that represents God’s intention). It endeavors to answer three questions: Firstly, what are models of maqāṣidi tafsīr that are in circulation? Secondly, what are their strengths and weaknesses? Thirdly, what are the true forms of maqāṣidi tafsīr? Historical approach is employed to answer the first question, whereas critical hermeneutics and philosophy are used to discussed the second and third questions. Using the intellectual history, the process of the formation of maqāṣidi tafsīr will be discovered; critical hermeneutics will uncover its strengths and weaknesses; and new frameworks will be formulated for contemporary contexts using philosophical hermeneutics. It is expected from this writing that maqāṣidi tafsīr will remain theologically, epistemologically and hermeneutically well-established so that it will be considered as one of alternative approaches in the Quranic studies. Three conclusions are drawn from this writing: firstly, maqāṣidi tafsīr is in the process of becoming a theory for studying the Qur’an. Secondly, maqāṣidi tafsīr does have strength and weaknesses. It originates from Islamic tradition, and becomes a kind of alternative-moderate between two extreme tafsīrs: textual and liberal-substantialist. Still, it is not yet well-established in term of theology, epistemology and hermeneutics. Third, maqāṣidi tafsīr combines three approaches in locating what God wants in the Quran, because it is not only textual, ideal-moral, but also spiritual-substantial. [Artikel ini membahas tafsir maqāṣid dengan menjawab tiga pertanyaan yaitu seperti apa model tafsir maqāṣid yang beredar saat ini, apa kelemahan dan kelebihan dari model tersebut, dan bagaimana bentuk tafsir maqāṣid yang sebenarnya. Pertanyaan pertama dijelaskan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dan pertanyaan kedua dan ketiga dijelaskan menggunakan pendekatan hermeneutika kritis dan filosofis. Sejarah intelektual digunakan untuk menelusuri proses pembentukan tafsir maqāṣid sedangkan hermenuetika kritis digunakan untuk menilai kekuatan dan kelemahan serta hermeneutika filosofis untuk mereformulasi kerangka baru sesuai konteks kontemporer. Artikel ini mencoba meyakinkan secara teologis, epistemologis, dan hermeneutis bahwa tafsir maqāṣid akan semakin mapan dan bisa menjadi alternatif pendekatan dalan studi Qur’an. Tiga kesimpulan dalam artikel ini adalah pertama, tafsir maqāṣid sedang berproses menjadi sebuah teori dalam studi Qur’an. Kedua,meski mempunyai kelebihan dan kekurangan, pendekatan ini bisa menjadi alternatif moderat antara tafsir tektual dan liberal-subtansialis. Terakhir, pendekatan ini menggunakan tiga kerangka pikir dalam memahami maksud Tuhan dalam Qur’an, teks, ideal moral dan juga spiritual substansial.]
这篇文章讨论了maqāṣidi tafsīr(代表上帝意图的解释)。它试图回答三个问题:首先，哪些模型的maqāṣidi tafs ? r在流通?其次，他们的优点和缺点是什么?第三，maqāṣidi tafs ? r的真正形式是什么?历史方法被用来回答第一个问题，而批判解释学和哲学被用来讨论第二个和第三个问题。利用思想史，将发现maqāṣidi tafs (r)的形成过程;批判诠释学将揭示其优点和缺点;并将运用哲学解释学为当代语境制定新的框架。从这篇文章中，我们期望maqāṣidi tafs . r在神学上、认识论上和解释学上保持完善，以便它将被视为可兰经研究的替代方法之一。由此可以得出三个结论:首先，maqāṣidi塔夫斯基正在成为一种研究《古兰经》的理论。其次，maqāṣidi tafs . r确实有优点和缺点。它起源于伊斯兰传统，并成为文本主义和自由实体主义两种极端主义之间的一种替代-温和派。然而，从神学、认识论和解释学的角度来看，它还没有建立起来。第三，maqāṣidi tafs . r结合了三种方法来定位真主在古兰经中的意图，因为它不仅是文本的，理想的-道德的，而且是精神的-实质性的。[Artikel ini membahas tafsir maqāṣid dengan menjawab tiga pertanyaan yitu seperti apa model tafsir maqāṣid yang beredar saat ini, apa kelemahan dan kelelebihan dari model tersebut, dan bagaimana bentuk tafsir maqāṣid yang sebenarya。]pertanyan pertama dijelaskan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah danpertanyan kedua danketiga dijelaskan menggunakan pendekatan hermeneutika kritis dan filosofis。知识分子diunakan untuk menelusuri提出pembentukan tafsir maqāṣid sedangkan hermenuetika kritis diunakan untuk menilai kekuatan dan kelemahan sermenutika filosofis untuk mererformulasi kerangka baru sesuai konteks kontemporer。Artikel ini mencoba meyakinkan secara技术，认识论，和解释学bahwa tafsir maqāṣid akan semakin mapan和bisa menjadi替代独立的数据研究古兰经。Tiga kespulpulan dalam artikel ini adalah pertama, tafsir maqāṣid sedang berproses menjadi sebuah teori dalam studi古兰经。他说:“我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说。[翻译]Terakhir, pendekatan ini menggunakan tiga kerangka pikir dalam memahami maksud Tuhan dalam《古兰经》，teks，理想的道德dan juga精神物质。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.479-512
Sahiron Syamsuddin
This article deals with Muslim scholars’ responses to Western hermeneutics and its application to the Qur’an. It focuses on the thoughts of two thinkers, i.e. M. Quraish Shihab from Indonesia and Muḥammad ‘Imāra from Egypt, and discusses them in a comparative critical way. On the basis of the available data, its author comes to the following conclusions. First, the two scholars have different receptions of the Western hermeneutics. While ‘Imāra rejects it totally only because it is rooted in the Western tradition that is different from the Islamic tradition, Shihab accepts it with some considerations on the basis that it can widen horizons of Qur’an interpreters, so that they might understand the Qur’an in a more careful way. Second, ‘Imāra’s arguments for his rejection of it are not strong enough, and even constitute misunderstandings of hermeneutical theories, whereas Shihab’s arguments can be considered more plausible, even though in some cases he does not give enough elaborations. Third, these responses have a certain impact on the dynamics of hermeneutical approaches in Indonesia. [Artikel ini membahas respon ilmuwan muslim mengenai ilmu hermeneutik barat dan penerapannya pada Qur’an. Tulisan ini fokus pada dua pemikir muslim yaitu M. Quraish Shihab dari Indonesia dan Muḥammad ‘Imāra asal Mesir serta mendiskusikannya dalam kerangka perbandingan kritis. Berdasarkan data yang diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa pertama, dua ilmuwan tersebut berbeda dalam penerimaan hermeneutik barat. ‘Imāra menolak sepenuhnya karena berakar pada tradisi barat, sedangkan Shihab menerimanya dengan beberapa pertimbangan selama dapat memperluas cakrawala penafsiran Qur’an dan dapat memahaminya dengan berhati-hati. Kedua, argumen penolakan yang diajukan ‘Imāra tidak cukup kuat dan kadang terdapat kesalahpahaman teoritikal, sedangkan argumen Shihab lebih masuk akal, walaupun dalam beberapa bagian ia tidak memberikan penjelasan lebih lanjut. Ketiga, kedua respon ilmuwan tersebut mempunyai dampak signifikan pada dinamika pendekatan hermeneutik di Indonesia.]
这篇文章讨论了穆斯林学者对西方解释学及其在古兰经中的应用的回应。本文以印度尼西亚的古莱什·希哈卜和埃及的Muḥammad’Imāra两位思想家的思想为重点，以比较批判的方式进行探讨。根据现有的数据，作者得出以下结论。首先，两位学者对西方解释学有不同的接受。虽然' Imāra完全拒绝它，只是因为它植根于与伊斯兰传统不同的西方传统，但Shihab接受了它，并考虑到它可以扩大古兰经解释者的视野，以便他们可以更仔细地理解古兰经。其次，Imāra对他拒绝的论据不够有力，甚至构成了对解释学理论的误解，然而，即使在某些情况下，他没有给出足够的详细说明，什叶派的论点也可以被认为是更合理的。第三，这些回应对印度尼西亚解释学方法的动态产生了一定的影响。[原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此]Tulisan ini fokus pada dua pemikir muslim yitu M. quuraish Shihab dari Indonesia (Muḥammad ' Imāra) asal Mesir serta mendiskusikannya dalam kerangka perbandingan kritis。Berdasarkan数据yang diperoleh menunjukkan bahwa pertama, dua ilmuwan tersebut berbeda dalam penerimaan hermeneutik barat。' Imāra menolak sepuhnya karena berakar paada tradisi barat, sedangkan Shihab menerimanya dengan beberapa pertimbangan selama dapat memperperlua cakrawala penafsiran古兰经dan dapat memahaminya dengan berhati-hati。【翻译】:当你想要了解更多的情况时，请告诉我我的朋友，我的朋友是谁。Ketiga, kedua的反应将会是一个很好的例子，但是mempunyya dampak是一个很重要的例子。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.423-448
Mohsen Shiravand, S. Razi
Countless scientific efforts have been made for tackling the environmental crises and a relative success is achieved in awakening of different nations as regards the seriousness of the ever-increasing crisis. The current essay is also an effort in the same spirit. The goal of this essay is providing an outline of the Theory of “Common Beliefs”. This essay proves that animals like humans have such common beliefs as monotheism, prophecy and resurrection. Moreover, due to the difficulty of the acceptance of this idea for the mainstream minds, the possibility of the existence of such a claim is demonstrated based on the philosophical principles of Mulla Sadra. The method used in this research is documented-analytical using library sources. The main source of this study is Holy Quran, the exegeses of Quran, Islamic traditions as well as the works of Sadra and his followers. Among the results of the present research are making this claim acceptable in view of the rational and philosophical principles, creation of a spiritual, peaceful, and even humane sense in the domain of environment, establishment of an environmental law based on a generous interaction between the man and the animal and arrangement of the interreligious dialogues among the religiously grounded cultures. [tak terhitung usaha ilmiah dalam menghadapi krisis lingkungan dan cukup banyak keberhasilan yang dicapai dalam kebangkitan beberapa negara serius merespon pertambahan krisis. Dengan semangat yang sama, artikel ini ingin menyajikan outline teori Common Belief yang membuktikan bahwa binatang seperti halnya manusia menerima prinsip monoteisme, takdir dan kebangkitan kembali. Mengingat kesulitan penerimaan ide ini bagi orang awam, kemungkinan eksistensi klaimnya dapat ditunjukkan berdasarkan prinsip filosofisnya Mulla Sadra. Artikel ini menggunakan metode analisis dokumen dengan sumber utamanya adalah Qur’an, tafsir Qur’an, karya Mulla Sadra dan murid-muridnya. Beberapa kesimpulan menunjukkan bahwa klaim bisa diterima secara rasional dan filosofis, penciptaan spiritualitas, kedamaian, masuk akal dalam konteks lingkungan, dan kemapanan hukum lingkungan berdasarkan hubungan baik antara manusia dan mahluk hidup (binatang) serta mengatur dialog lintas keyakinan dengan latar budaya masing-masing].
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Pub Date : 2021-12-24DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.375-422
J. Muslimin, M. Hosny
This article discusses the different legal opinions of Muslim scholars of various trends in the past and modern time, on the normalization of diplomatic relationship between Muslim countries and Israel. The article aims to compare among these different opinions and also to clearly define the common and specific argument on which they agreed, as well as to accurately define the points of disagreement. The focus of study will be the theoretical reasons as well as practical effects, through the analysis of fatwas and their context. The exploration will give the reader a clear understanding of the nature of these differences yet the conflicting arguments among them. This article follows the methodology of the jurisprudential and contextual analytical comparison. The research questions will follow this logical sequence: what are the general opinions of Muslim religious scholars regarding the issue of diplomatic normalization with Israel? what are the areas of agreements and differences between them? and what are the current fatwas and their reasons for their opinions in the perspective of Islamic law? However, in some points, due to its actual and comprehensive argument as well as the worldwide circulation, Yusuf al-Qaradhawi’s legal opinion and fatwa will be cited and referred longer than others as examining stone and completing legal validity and representing contemporary logics of prominent Muslim jurist. The article concludes some points of theoretical differences, similarities and practical implications as well as recommendations of notifications for future study. [Artikel ini membahas perbedaan pendapat antar sarjana muslim mengenai trend di masa lalu dan kini tentang normalisasi hubungan diplomatik antara negara muslim dan Israel. Artikel ini membandingkan perbedaan opini dan dan juga menjernihkan titik kesepahaman dan ketidaksepahaman yang disepakati bersama. Fokus pembahasan mulai dari aspek teoritis hingga efek praktis melalui analisis fatwa dan konteksnya. Pembahasan juga memberikan pemahaman bagi pembaca keadaan yang berbeda termasuk argumen konflik diantara mereka. Artikel ini menggunakan metode analisis perbandingan hukum dan kontekstual. Setidaknya ada dua pertanyaan yang akan dijawab yaitu apa pendangan umum sarjana muslim mengenai wacana normalisasi hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel dan apa fatwa terbaru serta penjelasannya dalam perspektif hukum Islam? Dalam beberapa hal, argumen aktual dan komprehensif mengikuti sirkulasi yang lebih luas. Fatwa dan pendapat Yusuf Qaradawi akan dikutip dan dirujuk lebih banyak sebagai pijakan serta validasi dan representasi komplit logika kontemporer bagi pemikir muslim ternama. Artikel ini menyimpulkan beberapa hal penting terkait perbedaan dan persamaan teoritis serta implikasi praktis, termasuk juga rekomendasi untuk kajian ini ke depan]
本文论述了古今各派别穆斯林学者对穆斯林国家与以色列邦交正常化问题的不同法律观点。本文旨在对这些不同的观点进行比较，并清楚地界定他们同意的共同和具体的论点，并准确地界定分歧点。通过对伊斯兰教令及其语境的分析，重点研究其产生的理论原因和实际效果。探索将使读者清楚地了解这些差异的本质，以及它们之间相互矛盾的论点。本文采用法理分析和语境分析比较的方法。研究问题将遵循以下逻辑顺序:穆斯林宗教学者对与以色列外交正常化问题的普遍看法是什么?他们之间的共识和分歧是什么?从伊斯兰教法的角度来看，当前的教令是什么?然而，在某些方面，由于其论证的实际和全面，以及在世界范围内的流通，优素福·卡拉达维的法律意见和法特瓦将比其他法律意见和法特瓦被引用和引用的时间更长，以检验石头和完善法律效力，代表着杰出的穆斯林法学家的当代逻辑。文章总结了理论的异同点和现实意义，并提出了今后研究的注意事项。[原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此][原文如此]Artikel ini membandingkan perbedaan opinion dan juga menjernihkan titik kesepahaman dan ketidaksepahaman yang disepakati bersama。Fokus pembahasan mulai dari说的是一种语言，它是一种语言分析，是一种语言分析，是一种语言分析。Pembahasan juga memberikan pemahaman bagi pembaca keadaan yang berbeda termasuk argument konflik diantara mereka。Artikel ini mongunakan方法分析perbandingan hukum和kontekstual。我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是，我的意思是。我的意思是，我的意思是我的意思是我的意思是我的意思。追杀令丹pendapat优素福卡拉达维阿坎人dikutip丹dirujuk lebih banyak sebagai pijakan舒达validasi丹representasi komplit logika kontemporer bagi pemikir穆斯林ternama。[Artikel ini menypulkkan beberapa hal penting terkai perbedais和dan persamaan teoritis serta implikasi praktis, termasuk juga rekomendasi untuk kajian ini ke depan]
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Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.347-374
Khoiruddin Nasution, Syamruddin Nasution
This paper aims to discuss and observe the legal practice of child protection, particularly, custody and the legal attitude in Muslim society and of the parents, specifically in Indonesia. Deploying a socio-legal approach, it is clear that theoretically, through a number of laws and regulations, the state has provided legal protection to children in terms of custody, as well as from violence. In practice, the legal rights to custody are hardly obtained by children in either legal decisions or executorial steps. The paper argues that the failure of this legal protection is due to the problem of case settlement in the Islamic (religious) court, which tends to be more administrative than judiciary, and that theoretically to provide justice, the work of judges must not only be certain, but also judicial. This paper also analyses the reasons why judges in Religious Courts tend to be more oriented toward administrative issues than judiciary ones. One reason is that the atmosphere of the Religious Courts (PA) now supports administrative decisions more than judicial ones.[Artikel ini membahas dan mengamati praktik hukum perlindungan anak khususnya penjagaan dan perilaku hukum pada orang tua dan masyarakat muslim di Indonesia. Terlepas dari pendekatan sosiologi hukum, secara teoritis negara memberikan perlindungan hukum pada anak dalam kerangka penjagaan dari kekerasan melalui sejumlah hukum dan peraturan. Dalam praktiknya, hak penjagaan sulit didapatkan oleh anak baik dalam bentuk putusan atau eksekusinya. Artikel ini menjelaskan bahwa kegagalan tersebut terkait dengan penyelesaian kasus di pengadilan agama, yang cenderung administratif daripada substantif, meski secara teoritis tetap mendorong keadilan, dan kerja hakim bukan hanya memberikan kepastian hukum tetapi juga kemanfaatan. Artikel ini juga membahas alasan putusan hakim pengadilan agama cenderung berorientasi administratif daripada substantif. Salah satu alasannya adalah atmosfir pengadilan agama yang lebih mendukung putusan administratif..]
本文旨在探讨和观察穆斯林社会中儿童保护的法律实践，特别是监护和父母的法律态度，特别是在印度尼西亚。显然，从理论上讲，通过一系列法律法规，国家在监护和暴力方面为儿童提供了法律保护。在实践中，无论是法律决定还是执行步骤，儿童都很难获得合法的监护权。本文认为，这种法律保护的失败是由于伊斯兰(宗教)法院的案件解决问题，其倾向于行政而不是司法，从理论上讲，法官的工作不仅要确定，而且要司法。本文还分析了宗教法院法官倾向于处理行政问题而非司法问题的原因。其中一个原因是，宗教法庭的气氛现在更支持行政裁决，而不是司法裁决。[Artikel ini membahas dan mengamati praktik hukum perlindungan anak khususnya penjagaan dan periaku hukum pada orang tua dan masyarakat muslim di Indonesia]。在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内，在全国范围内我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说。Artikel ini menjelaskan bahwa kegagalan tersebut terkait dengan penyelesaian kasus di pengadilan agama, yang cenderung行政官员，meski secara teoritis mendorong keadilan, dan kerja hakim bukan hanya成员kan kepastian hukum tetapi juga kmanfaatan。Artikel - ini juga的成员有alasan putusan hakim pengadilan agama，这是一个行政部门的实质。[中文][Salah satu alasannya adalah atmosphere, pengadilan agama yang, lebih mendukung putusan administration .]
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