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Khilāfah in the View of Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah, and Nahdhatul Wathan (NW) Ulema in Lombok
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-02 DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.592.317-346
Musawar Musawar, Gatot Suhirman
Indonesia is a multiethnic and religious state anchored in the five state principles, Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. However, its stability has recently been disrupted by the emergence of khilāfah propagated by the banned Islamic organization, the Hizb al-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). The concept of khilāfah proposed by the organization violates against the state’s ideology of Pancasila. Such a phenomenon is of paramount importance to examine. Hence, this qualitative study aimed to explore the concept of khilāfah from the perspectives of Islamic ulema from the three prominent Islamic mass organizations, the biggest mass organination, Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah, and Nahdhatul Wathan (NW) on the island of Lombok. Drawing on the data garnered from the observation, interviews, and documentation that analyzed suitable with its’ substation of the writing. Finally, the findings of this writing showed that the three Islamic mass organizations generally denied khilāfah as a state system. NU firmly rejected the khilāfah system because it more likely pertained to extremism. For the same token, Muhammadiyah denied the concept, but welcomed it as a culture, while NW opposed it as being contradictory to the republic in that khilāfah belongs to the empire system.[Indonesia merupakan negara multietnik dan agama yang dinaungi oleh Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun stabilitasnya sempat terganggu dengan kemunculan wacana khilafah yang dipropagandakan oleh HTI. Konsep khilāfah ini yang kemudian diperhadapkan dengan ideologi Pancasila dan menjadi fenomena yang penting untuk dielaborasi. Dalam artikel ini akan mengeksplorasi konsep khilāfah ulama dari tiga organisasi massa Islam, NU, Muhammadiyah dan NW di Lombok. Berdasarkan data yang dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara dan arsip menunjukkan bahwa tiga ormas Islam tersebut menolak khilāfah sebagai sistem negara. NU menolaknya karena cenderung mirip dengan ekstremisme. Muhammadiyah juga menolaknya sebagai sistem tetapi masih bisa menerima sebagai budaya. Sedangkan NW menolaknya karena kontradiksi dengan sistem republik dan mirip dengan sistem kerajaan.]
印度尼西亚是一个多民族和多宗教的国家,以五项国家原则、潘卡西拉原则和1945年宪法为基础。然而,它的稳定最近因被禁止的伊斯兰组织印度尼西亚解放党(Hizb al-Tahrir Indonesia, HTI)宣传的khilāfah的出现而受到破坏。该组织提出的khilāfah概念违背了国家的Pancasila意识形态。研究这种现象是至关重要的。因此,本定性研究旨在从三个著名的伊斯兰群众组织——龙目岛上最大的群众组织Nahdhatul Ulama (NU)、Muhammadiyah和Nahdhatul Wathan (NW)——的伊斯兰乌里玛的角度来探讨khilāfah的概念。利用从观察、访谈和文件中收集的数据,分析适合其“变电站”的写作。最后,本文的调查结果表明,三个伊斯兰群众组织普遍否认khilāfah是一个国家制度。国立大学坚决反对khilāfah系统,因为它更有可能与极端主义有关。出于同样的原因,穆罕默迪亚否认了这个概念,但欢迎它作为一种文化,而NW反对它,因为它与共和国相矛盾,因为khilāfah属于帝国体系。[印度尼西亚merupakan negara multietnik dan agama yang dinaungi oleh Pancasila dan UUD 1945]。南门稳定是指南门稳定是指南门稳定,南门稳定是指南门稳定。Konsep khilāfah ini yang kemudian diperhaapkan dengan意识形态Pancasila dan menjadi现象yang penting untuk diactuasi。Dalam artikel ini akan mengeksplorasi konsep khilāfah ulama dari tiga organisasi massa Islam, NU, Muhammadiyah dan NW di Lombok。Berdasarkan数据yang dikumpulkan melalui观测站,wawancara和arsip menunjukkan bahwa tiga ormas Islam tersebut menolak khilāfah sebagai系统negara。不,我不知道,我不知道,我不知道。默罕默德耶·贾加·梅诺拉克尼亚·塞巴加伊系统tetapi masih bisa menerima塞巴加伊布达亚。[中文][Sedangkan NW menolaknya karena kontradiksi dengan system repubik danmirip dengan system .]
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引用次数: 4
Marital Property within the Marriage Law: A Debate on Legal Position and Actual Applications 婚姻法中的夫妻财产:法律地位与实际适用之争
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.592.%P
I. Pelu, Ahmad Dakhoir
This paper presents a debate on the legal posistion of marital property and its application. It begins with examining the legal position of marital property and the application of the UUP and KHI for Muslims. It also pays attention to a discussion of whether the position of marital property needs to be declared in a marriage agreement or comes into effect automatically in every marriage. It ends with examining various actual applications in resolving a legal dispute over the marital property in the Indonesian Religious Courts. As qualitative research, this study adopts a socio-historical approach. Data were taken from such regulations on the marital property as the UUP and KHI, official documents released by the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia. The data were also collected from books and reputable journals. Based on the socio-historical analysis, it could be concluded that the legal position of marital property distribution has been regulated in the UUP and KHI coming into force nationally. Under this legal framework, the property acquired during a marriage belongs to both spouses. In practice, however, the spousal rights to share the property ownership becomes broken in two situations, i.e., when the husband and wife agree to include the formulation of the distribution of marital property in their marriage agreement, and when one of them files a lawsuit for the marital property by either litigation or non-litigation. Decisions based on the qualitative contributions have turned out to be more dominant in the history of settling disputes over marital property in Indonesia.[Artikel ini membahas perdebatan posisi hukum dari harta bersama beserta penerapannya. Pembahasan diawali dari posisi hukum harta bersama dan penerapannya didalam UU Perkawinan dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Hal ini juga dibahas apakah perlu dicantumkan dalam perjanjian nikah atau otomatis menjadi bagian dari setiap pernikahan. Selain itu artikel ini juga membahas beberapa penerapan dalam penyelesaian kasus hukum harta bersama di Peradilan Agama. Artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan sosio-historis dan tidak hanya menggunakan rujukan dari buku serta jurnal ilmiah, tetapi juga dari dokumen resmi peraturan perundangan dalam UU Perkawinan, KHI serta Mahkamah Agung. Dalam tulisan ini disimpulkan bahwa harta bersama sudah mempunyai posisi legal dalam UU Perkawinan dan KHI serta diterapkan secara nasional. Dalam logika hukum ini, harta yang didapatkan selama pernikahan menjadi milik bersama. Dalam praktiknya, hak keduanya akan terbagi jika berada di dua kondisi, pertama ketika suami dan istri memasukkan formasi pembagian sendiri dalam perjanjian pernikahan dan kedua ketika salah satu dari pasangan tersebut mengajukan gugatan harta kekayaan baik lewat pengadilan atau tidak. Keputusan yang berdasarkan kontribusi kualitatif ternyata lebih dominan dalam sejarah penyelesaian perselisihan harta bersama di Indonesia.]
本文对婚姻财产的法律地位及其适用进行了探讨。它首先审查了婚姻财产的法律地位以及UUP和KHI对穆斯林的适用。它还注意到关于婚姻财产的地位是否需要在婚姻协议中声明或在每一次婚姻中自动生效的讨论。最后,它审查了在印度尼西亚宗教法院解决婚姻财产法律纠纷的各种实际申请。作为定性研究,本研究采用了社会历史的方法。数据取自印度尼西亚共和国最高法院发布的官方文件《统一家庭法》和《家庭法》等关于婚姻财产的规定。这些数据也是从书籍和知名期刊中收集的。根据社会历史分析,可以得出结论,婚姻财产分配的法律地位在全国生效的UUP和KHI中得到了规定。根据这一法律框架,婚姻期间获得的财产属于配偶双方。然而,在实践中,配偶分享财产所有权的权利在两种情况下被打破,即当丈夫和妻子同意在其婚姻协议中包括婚姻财产分配的规定时,以及当其中一方通过诉讼或非诉讼为婚姻财产提起诉讼时。事实证明,在印度尼西亚解决婚姻财产纠纷的历史上,基于质量贡献的决定更占主导地位。[本文讨论了财产的法律地位及其适用。还讨论了是否将其纳入婚姻协议或自动成为每段婚姻的一部分。此外,本文还讨论了在宗教法院解决共同财产法案件中的一些应用。这篇文章采用了社会历史的方法,不仅引用了书籍和科学期刊,还引用了联合国婚姻、KHI和最高法院邀请规则的官方文件。它的结论是,共同资产在联合国和KHI具有法律地位,并在全国范围内适用。根据这一法律的逻辑,婚姻期间获得的资产属于共同财产。在实践中,如果符合两种情况,双方都将被分割:第一,当夫妻在婚姻协议中自行分割时,第二,当配偶一方向法院起诉或不起诉财产时。事实证明,在印度尼西亚共同解决财产纠纷的历史上,基于质量贡献的决策更具主导地位。]
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引用次数: 2
Reforming Islamic Marriage Bureaucracy in Indonesia: Approaches and Impacts 印尼伊斯兰婚姻官僚制度改革的途径和影响
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.592.255-286
Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie, Fathudin Fathudin, Windy Triana
This paper aims at discussing approaches to Islamic marriage administration reform in Indonesia upheld by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the KUA. This qualitative study relies on various statutory materials to examine the reform of Islamic marriage in Indonesia. An empirical study was conducted in several KUA offices in Denpasar Bali to obtain information about reform-related regulations implementation and the approaches of the marriage administration reform made by KUAs. This paper argues that top-down policies are not sufficient to make successful bureaucratic reform. Bottom-up approaches by each KUA through solid leadership and innovation have proven to determine the success of the reform. The paper, however, found that these bottom-up approaches are not without weakness as they tend to be unsystematically taken and that not all KUAs in Indonesia, therefore, have introduced such reforms and made equal success.[Artikel ini membahas beberapa pendekatan dalam mengkaji reformasi administrasi pernikahan Islam di Indonesia yang dikelola oleh Kementerian Agama dan KUA. Studi kualitatif ini mengandalkan beberapa bukti hukum untuk menguji reformasi pernikahan Islam di Indonesia. Studi empiris ini dilakukan di sejumlah KUA di Bali untuk mendapatkan informasi mengenai implementasi kebijakan dan pendekatan reformasi administrasi yang telah dibuat KUA. Argumen dari artikel ini adalah kebijakan dari atas ke bawah tidak cukup berhasil dalam reformasi birokrasi. Sedangkan pendekatan dari bawah ke atas di masing-masing KUA melalui kepemimpinan yang solid dan inovatif, justru cenderung dominan keberhasilan reformasinya. Meskipun demikian, artikel ini juga menunjukkan kekurangannya yaitu kurang tersistematis dan tidak semua KUA di Indonesia yang juga menjalankan program reformasi dapat meraih sukses yang sama.]
本文旨在探讨印尼宗教事务部和KUA支持的伊斯兰婚姻管理改革的途径。这一定性研究依赖于各种法定材料来检查伊斯兰婚姻在印度尼西亚的改革。本研究在峇里岛登巴萨的几个KUA办事处进行实证研究,以了解KUA有关改革相关法规的执行情况和KUA婚姻管理改革的途径。本文认为,自上而下的政策不足以使官僚体制改革取得成功。事实证明,通过扎实的领导和创新,每个KUA自下而上的方法决定了改革的成功。然而,该论文发现,这些自下而上的方法并非没有弱点,因为它们往往没有被系统地采用,因此,并不是印度尼西亚所有的KUAs都引入了这种改革并取得了同样的成功。[Artikel ini]成员beberapa pendekatan dalam mengkaji reformasi administrasi pernikahan Islam di Indonesia yang dikelola oleh Kementerian Agama dan KUA]。印尼伊斯兰教文化改革与文化改革研究。研究的经验,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在改革的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上,在发展的基础上。争论的焦点是如何改变,如何改变,如何改变,如何改变。而pendekatan达里语bawah ke ata di masing-masing夸melalui kepemimpinan杨固体丹•inovatif justru cenderung dominan keberhasilan reformasinya。[m][参考译文][Meskipun demikian, artikel ini juga menunjukkan kekurangannya yitu kurang tersistematis dan tidak semua KUA di印度尼西亚,juga menjalankan计划改革,apat meraih suses yang sama.]
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引用次数: 1
The Will and the Presence of Human Being in Abu al-Hasan al-Ash’ari’s Thought: Explaining the Relation between Human and God in Kalam Discourse 阿布·哈桑·阿什阿里思想中的人的意志与存在——解读卡拉姆语篇中人与神的关系
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.591.221-254
Mohammad Yunus Masrukhin
This article tries to problematize the mainstream academic perspectives about fatalistic orientation and predetermined will of mankind attributed to the thoughts of Abu al-Hasan al-Asy’ari, founder of theological school in Islam named after his name. Benefited from phenomenological approach it proves that Ash’ari has conceptualized that mankind is free creature represented by his/her will as it is related to the will of God. This article argues that Ash’ari’s assertion that humankind has freedom is based on the fact that he/she has ability to feel the presence of the will in his/her consciousness as something belongs to him/her. Departing from the logic of Arabic linguistics, freedom is defined as free will found in human being regardless of whether it is created by mankind or by God. Knowing that human will is created by God theologically doesn’t mean that the will is predetermined in the state of consciousness due to the fact that al-Qur’an states that God has created a feeling of freedom for human being to feel free not to feel being determined. Since the conception of being is elucidated linguistically by Ash’ari as being found by finder, this projection has firmly been compatible with projection of phenomenological consciousness. This article ends with conclusion that the feeling of will in the sense of consciousness of it manifests human freedom without neglecting the will of God. This relation of two wills has enabled human being to be aware of his/her freedom and God’s one as unseparated dualism in human religious experience. [Artikel ini mencoba untuk melakukan problematisasi atas pandangan para sarjana mainsntream dalam diskursus teologi yang menyatakan bahwa pemikiran Abu al-Hasan al-Asy’ari, pendiri mazhab Asy’ariah, adalah fatalistik. Lebih lanjut, artikel ini ingin membuktikan bahwa pemikiran Asy’ari mempunyai perhatian yang besar terhadap kebebasan manusia yang direpresentasikan oleh adanya kehendak manusia yang berelasi dengan kehendak Tuhan dengan pendekatan fenomenologis. Artikel ini menjelaskan bahwa Asy’ari menegaskan kebebasan manusia dengan argumentasi bahwa ia mempunyai kehendak yang hadir dalam kesadarannya dan dinisbatkan kepadanya; orang yang berkehendak adalah orang yang mempunyai kehendak tanpa melihat siapa yang mewujudkan kehendak tersebut. Meskipun Tuhan menciptakan kehendak untuk manusia, tapi secara sadar kehendak itu dinisbatkan manusia. Pandangan Asy’ari tentang kehendak dan kebebasan manusia didasarkan pada logika Bahasa Arab dengan menyatakan bahwa eksistensi adalah wujud yang ditemu oleh manusia yang menemukan, mempunyai kesesuaian dengan fenomenologi yang menyatakan bahwa eksistensi adalah relasi kesadaran manusia terhadap wujud. Dalam konteks ini, kehendak merupakan bukti yang paling kuat atas eksistensi manusia yang bebas. Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa dalam pandangan Asy’ari manusia adalah makhluk yang bebas melalui kehendaknya tanpa harus mengkorbankan kehendak Tuhan. Lebih lanjut kehendak manusia dan
本文试图对以其名字命名的伊斯兰教神学院创始人阿布·哈桑·阿西里的思想所产生的关于人类宿命论取向和预定意志的主流学术观点提出质疑。得益于现象学方法,它证明了阿世已经将人类概念化为以他/她的意志为代表的自由生物,因为它与上帝的意志有关。这篇文章认为,Ash’ari关于人类拥有自由的断言是基于这样一个事实,即他/她有能力在他/她的意识中感受到意志的存在,因为某种东西属于他/她。从阿拉伯语语言学的逻辑出发,自由被定义为人身上的自由意志,无论它是由人类还是上帝创造的。从神学上知道人类的意志是由上帝创造的,并不意味着意志是在意识状态下预先确定的,因为《古兰经》指出,上帝创造了一种自由的感觉,让人类感到自由,而不是被决定。由于存在的概念在语言学上被阿里阐明为被发现者所发现,这种投射与现象学意识的投射是牢固兼容的。本文最后得出这样的结论:意识意义上的意志感体现了人的自由而不忽视上帝的意志。这种两种意志的关系使人类意识到自己的自由和上帝的自由是人类宗教体验中不可分割的二元论。[未知][本文试图在神学话语中对主流学生的观点进行质疑,认为Asy’ariah mazhab的创始人Abu al-Hasan al-Asy’ari的思想是宿命论的。它以现象学的方法回应上帝的意志。这篇文章解释说,亚述肯定人的自由,认为他有一个意愿存在于他的良心,并告知他。渴望的人是有意志的人,而看不到是谁创造了意志。虽然上帝创造了人的意志,但他让人知道了。亚洲人对人类意志和自由的看法基于阿拉伯逻辑,认为存在是一个人发现的存在,与现象学相匹配,现象学认为存在是人类意识与存在的关系。在这种情况下,意志是人类自由存在的最有力证明。这篇文章指出,在亚洲人眼中,他们是自由意志的生物,不必牺牲上帝的意志。更多的是人与上帝的意志是存在主义意识的二元论,在宗教人性的体验中是不可分离的。]
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引用次数: 1
The Writing of Hadith in the Era of Prophet Muhammad: A Critique on Harun Nasution’s Thought 先知穆罕默德时代的圣训写作:哈伦·纳苏蒂安思想述评
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-25 DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.591.191-220
Daud Rasyid Harun, Aisyah Daud Rasyid, Asmuliadi Lubis, Mohd Abd Wahab Fatoni Bin Mohd Balwi, B. Rasyid
The discussion regarding the writing of hadith during the life of the Prophet is a contentious topic within the area of Islamic and hadith studies both in the West and in the Islamic world. Orientalists write their work on hadith with a presumption that hadith has never been written during the life of Prophet Muḥammad. They contend that hadith text only emerged in the third century of Hijrah, i.e. in the era of al-Bukhāri. A few others believe that it started in the era of Malik of the Umayyad. This orientalist’ mindset affects some Muslim intellectuals who accept this premise. One of them is Harun Nasution, a well respected great mind who wrote a book entitled Islam Ditinjau Dari Berbagai Aspeknya (Islam Viewed from Various Aspects). However, historical evidence demonstrates that the writing of hadith was carried out at the time when the Prophet was still alive. A number of sheets were discovered, which contain hadith text compilations narrated by the companions of the Prophet, such as the Ṣahīfah of  ͑Ali bin Abi Ṭalib, Ṣahifah of Jābir bin  ͑Abdillah, and others. Some scholars have misunderstood the message in a saying of the Prophet that prohibited the writing of hadith. They have ignored other hadith that negated the previous hadith by which the Prophet allowed the writing of hadith in his life time. Even though there are a number companions who did not write hadith in this period, it does not mean hadith were not allowed to be written, but it was due to their own preference not to write the hadith.[Perdebatan tentang penulisan hadits masa kehidupan Nabi tetap menjadi tema yang hangat dalam kajian keislaman dan kajian hadits, baik di barat maupun di dunia Islam sendiri. Beberapa orientalis berpendapat bahwa hadits tidak ditulis pada masa Nabi Muhammad. Mereka menyebutkan teks hadits mulai muncul abad ketiga hijriah, misalnya pada era Bukhari. Lainnya percaya bahwa teks hadits dimulai pada masa Malik al Umayyad. Perspektif seperti orientalis ini diterima oleh beberapa intelektual muslim Indonesia, salah satunya Harun Nasution yang menulis buku Islam ditinjau dari Berbagai Aspeknya. Bagaimanapun bukti sejarah menunjukkan penulisan hadits sudah dimulai ketika Nabi masih hidup. Sejumlah lembaran yang mengandung kompilasi teks hadits dari beberapa sahabat Nabi seperti, Ṣahīfah dari Ali bin Abi Ṭalib dan Ṣahifah dari Jābir bin  ͑Abdillah. Sejumlah akademisi keliru dalam memahami pesan Nabi yang melarang menuliskan hadits. Mereka mengabaikan hadits yang menegasikan hadits sebelumnya yang membolehkan penulisan hadits selama hidup Nabi. Meskipun ada sejumlah sahabat yang melarangnya, namun ini bukan berarti hadits tidak diijinkan untuk ditulis, tetapi hal ini lebih terkait dengan masing-masing referensi untuk tidak menuliskannya.]
关于先知一生中圣训写作的讨论是伊斯兰教和圣训研究领域中一个有争议的话题,无论是在西方还是在伊斯兰世界。东方学家写他们关于圣训的作品时,假设圣训在先知Muḥammad的一生中从未被写过。他们认为,圣训文本只出现在第三世纪的海吉拉,即在al-Bukhāri时代。其他一些人认为它始于倭马亚的马利克时代。这种东方主义的心态影响了一些接受这一前提的穆斯林知识分子。其中之一是Harun Nasution,一位受人尊敬的伟大思想家,他写了一本名为Islam Ditinjau Dari Berbagai Aspeknya(从各个方面看伊斯兰)的书。然而,历史证据表明,圣训的写作是在先知还活着的时候进行的。人们发现了许多页,其中包含由先知的同伴叙述的圣训文本汇编,例如,Jābir bin Abdillah的Ṣahīfah Ṭalib, Jābir bin Abdillah等。一些学者误解了先知禁止写圣训的话中的信息。他们忽略了其他的圣训,这些圣训否定了之前的圣训,先知允许在他的一生中写圣训。即使有一些同伴在这一时期没有写圣训,但这并不意味着圣训不被允许写,而是由于他们自己的偏好而不写圣训。[Perdebatan tentang penulisan hadits masa kehidupan Nabi tetap menjadi tema yang hangat dalam kajian keislaman dan kajian haits, baik di barat maupun di dunia Islam sendiri]。东方之神的神谕是神的神谕,是神的神谕。Mereka menyebutkan teks haits mulai muncul abad ketiga hijriah, misalnya pada era布哈里。Lainnya perkaya bahwa teks是他的女儿Malik al Umayyad。印尼穆斯林知识分子的“东方分离论”,也就是印尼穆斯林知识分子的“东方分离论”,也就是印尼的“东方分离论”。Bagaimanapun bukti sejarah menunjukkan penulisan haits sudah dimulai ketika Nabi masih hidup。Sejumlah lembaran yang mengandung kompilasi teks haits dari beberapa sahabat Nabi seperti, Ṣahīfah dari Ali bin Abi Ṭalib dan Ṣahifah dari Jābir bin allah Abdillah。Sejumlah akademisi keliru dalam memahami pesan Nabi yang melarang menuliskan haits。Mereka mengabaikan haits yang menegasikan haits sebelumnya yang menbolehkan penulisan haits selama hidup Nabi。[qh] [Meskipun ada sejumlah sahabat yang melarangnya, namun ini bukan berarti haits tidak diijinkan untuk ditulis, tetapi hal ini lebih terkait dengan masing referensi untuk tidak menuliskannya]
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引用次数: 5
Women’s Roles in Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn and Method of Teaching it at Pesantrens in Indonesia 妇女在Iḥyā ' ' Ulūm al- d ' n中的角色和印度尼西亚Pesantrens的教学方法
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-25 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.591.163-190
Umma Farida, Abdurrohman Kasdi
The study examines the portrayal of women’s roles in the marriage from the Islamic classical book Iḥyā’‘Ulūm al-Dīn written by Abu Hamid al-Ghazali which is widely taught at Pesantrens in Central Java, Indonesia. The interpretation of this book has a significant impact on the thinking, mindset, personality, and attitudes of Pesantrens communities. This research first uses the library-based method, analyzing the literature on Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn and using the qualitative-interpretative approach in understanding the text regarding women’s roles in marriage. Secondly, the research examines how Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn is taught in three Pesantrens in Central Java. The result shows that al-Ghazali›s view of women in Iḥyā’ is different from his views before isolation. In Iḥyā’, the patriarchal language is sensed. The common use of al-Ghazali’s monumental work in Pesantren is in the Bandongan (teacher-centered) method without any criticism in teaching about women’s roles in marital relations. Even though Iḥyā’ is not the only source of imbalance of the roles of women and men in marriage, but it does contribute to it by becoming an unquestioned authoritative source on these contemporary issues in the Pesantrens. Therefore a methodical improvement in the learning process becomes a necessity by using the active learning strategies into active-Bandongan methods that can increase the activeness of the teaching and learning process carried out either by teachers or students to produce dynamic and contextual creative thoughts.  [Tulisan ini membahas gambaran peran perempuan dalam pernikahan berdasar kitab Ihya’ yang ditulis Abu Hamid al-Ghazali yang mana pengajarannya meluas hingga pesantren di Jawa Tengah. Penafsiran terhadap kitab ini berimplikasi pada pemikiran, sudut pandang, karakter dan sikap komunitas pesantren. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah studi literatur dan kualitatif interpretatif dalam pemahaman teks dalam kitab yang terkait tema peran perempuan dalam keluarga. Selain itu juga pengamatan pada tiga pesantren di Jawa Tengah yang mengajarkan kitab ini. Kesimpulan yang muncul adalah adanya pandangan dan bahasa al-Ghazali yang cenderung patriakal. Karya penting al-Ghazali yang banyak diterapkan di pesantren adalah metode bandongan, yang mana kurang mengapresiasi kritisme dalam melihat peran perempuan dalam hubungan perkawinan. Meskipun Ihya’ bukan satu-satunya sumber sumber referensi, tapi telah menjadi otoritatif yang tidak dipertanyakan lagi di dunia pesantren saat ini. Oleh karena itu pengembangan metode pengajaran menjadi penting dengan penggunaan strategi pembelajaran metode bandongan aktif, baik bagi guru dan murid untuk memproduksi dinamika dan pemikiran kreatif kontekstual.]
这项研究考察了阿布·哈米德·加扎利(Abu Hamid al-Ghazali)撰写的伊斯兰经典著作《IŘyā'Ulām al-Dīn》中对女性在婚姻中角色的描述,该书在印度尼西亚中爪哇的Pesantrens广泛教授。本书的解读对Pesantrens社区的思维、心态、个性和态度产生了重大影响。本研究首先采用基于图书馆的方法,分析了有关IŘyā'Ulām al-Dīn的文献,并采用定性解释的方法来理解关于女性在婚姻中角色的文本。其次,本研究考察了中爪哇的三个Pesantren是如何教授IŘyā'Ulām al-Dīn的。结果表明,al-Ghazali›在《IŘyā》中对女性的看法与他在被孤立之前的看法不同。在IŘyā'中,父权语言被感知到。加扎利在Pesantren的不朽作品通常采用班东安(以教师为中心)的方法,在教授女性在婚姻关系中的角色时没有任何批评。尽管IŘyā'并不是婚姻中女性和男性角色失衡的唯一来源,但它确实是造成这种失衡的原因,因为它成为了Pesantrens当代问题上无可争议的权威来源。因此,有必要通过使用积极的学习策略来提高教师或学生在教学过程中的积极性,从而产生动态的、情境化的创造性思维。[未知][本文根据阿布·哈米德·加扎利(Abu Hamid al-Ghazali)撰写的Ihya的书讨论了女性在婚姻中的作用,她的教学延伸到中世纪的中心。对这本书的解释暗示了中心社区的思考、观点、性格和态度。本研究中使用的方法是文学和解释性定性研究-理解一本书中与女性在家庭中的角色相关的主题文本。此外,观察了中东三个中心谁教这本书。结论是存在着一种重男轻女的观点和语言。加扎利在各中心广泛应用的重要工作是一种比较方法,它不太欣赏对女性在婚姻中角色的批评。尽管Ihya不是唯一的参考来源,但它已经成为当今中心世界中不再值得怀疑的权威。因此,通过使用积极的比较学习策略,教师和学生都可以产生动态和情境创造性思维,从而发展教学方法变得非常重要。]
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引用次数: 5
An Islamic Spiritual Alternative to Addiction Treatment and Recovery 戒毒和康复的伊斯兰精神替代品
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-15 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.591.127-162
Benaouda Bensaid, Salah Machouche, Mustafa Tekke
The Islamic spirituality permeating the practice of Muslim religious beliefs, values, and norms, is positioned to play a pivotal role in addiction prevention, treatment, rehabilitation therapy and recovery of Muslim addicts. This study seeks to explore potential interconnections between spirituality, addiction treatments, recovery, and the ways and means with which Islamic spirituality may assist addicts in coping with inner urges, relapse, and recovery. This study seeks to lay the groundwork for future theoretical and empirical research on spirituality and addiction, development of spirituality-based addiction programs, and the assessment of related current spiritual philosophies, methods, and strategies. This inquiry discusses spirituality as a source of meaning-making and purpose cultivation, self-discipline, motivation, support, reintegration, and related issues arising in these regards, and highlights the need for utilizing spirituality as a critical instrument in addiction treatment programs. Islamic spirituality however is neither – and should not be considered - a sole treatment scheme, nor does it appreciate absolute reliance on non-spiritual means of recovery in favor of positivistic empirical methods. [Spiritualitas Islam meresap ke pelbagai praktik keberagamaan, nilai dan norma, yang mana hal ini juga berperan penting pada pencegahan, pengobatan, terapi rehabilitasi dan pemulihan kecanduan pada umat muslim. Artikel ini mengeksplorasi potensi keterkaitan antara spiritualitas, penyembuhan kecanduan, pemulihan dan cara serta sarana spiritualitas Islam dalam membantu pecandu mengelola kondisi batin, ketika kambuh dan pemulihan. Studi ini berusaha meletakkan dasar bagi penelitian teoretis dan empiris dimasa depan tentang spiritualitas dan kecanduan, pengembangan program kecanduan berbasis spiritualitas, dan penilaian filosofi, metode, dan strategi spiritual terkait. Artikel ini membahas spiritualitas sebagai sumber pembentukan makna dan penggalian tujuan, disiplin diri, motivasi, dukungan, reintegrasi, dan isu-isu terkait yang timbul dalam hal ini, dan menyoroti kebutuhan untuk memanfaatkan spiritualitas sebagai instrumen penting dalam program perawatan kecanduan. Spiritualitas Islam bagaimanapun juga bukan–dan tidak boleh dianggap–satu-satunya skema pengobatan, tapi juga tidak tergantung mutlak pada sarana pemulihan non-spiritual yang mendukung metode empiris positivistik.]
伊斯兰精神渗透到穆斯林宗教信仰、价值观和规范的实践中,在穆斯林瘾君子的成瘾预防、治疗、康复治疗和康复中发挥着关键作用。这项研究试图探索精神、成瘾治疗、康复之间的潜在联系,以及伊斯兰精神可以帮助瘾君子应对内心冲动、复发和康复的方式和方法。本研究旨在为未来关于精神和成瘾的理论和实证研究、基于精神的成瘾计划的发展以及对当前相关精神哲学、方法和策略的评估奠定基础。本调查讨论了精神作为意义创造和目标培养的来源、自律、动机、支持、重新融入以及在这些方面出现的相关问题,并强调了在成瘾治疗计划中利用精神作为关键工具的必要性。然而,伊斯兰精神既不是——也不应该被视为——一种唯一的治疗方案,也不欣赏绝对依赖非精神康复手段来支持实证实证方法。[伊斯兰教的精神反映了多样性、价值观和规范的各种实践,这些实践在预防、治疗、康复治疗和恢复对穆斯林的依赖方面也发挥着重要作用。在,当增长和复苏。本研究旨在为未来关于精神和成瘾的理论和实证研究、基于精神的成瘾计划的发展以及哲学评估、方法和相关的精神策略奠定基础。本文讨论了精神作为目标创造和挖掘的来源、纪律、动机、支持、重新融入以及这方面出现的相关问题,并强调了在成瘾护理计划中使用精神作为重要工具的必要性。然而,伊斯兰精神不是——也不能被认为是——唯一的治疗方案,但也不完全依赖于支持实证实证主义方法的非精神康复。]
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引用次数: 6
The Spread of Muslim Feminist Ideas in Indonesia: Before and After the Digital Era 穆斯林女权主义思想在印尼的传播:数位时代前后
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-11 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.591.97-126
N. Nurmila
Internet has changed the way how knowledge is spread. This paper describes the spread of Muslim feminist ideas in Indonesia. It answers the questions of what constitute feminist ideas, how Muslim feminist ideas spread before and after the Digital Era and what challenges and opportunities provided by the internet that hinder and help the spread of these ideas. Muslim feminism has spread in Indonesia since the early 1990s through the translation of the works of non-Indonesian Muslim feminists such as Fatima Mernissi, Riffat Hassan, Asghar Ali Engineer and Amina Wadud. Since 2010, the increasing use of internet among Indonesians has made the spread of Muslim feminist ideas faster. However, it is challenging that conservative groups also mobilized the internet to oppose Muslim feminist ideas. Another challenge is that not all Indonesian Muslims have easy access to the internet and therefore Indonesian Muslim feminists still have to adopt various offline media such as seminars or radio to spread their ideas. [Internet telah mengubah cara penyebaran pengetahuan. Artikel ini akan menjelaskan penyebaran ide-ide feminis Muslim di Indonesia. Artikel ini akan menjawab pertanyaan tentang apa yang dimaksud dengan ide-ide feminis Muslim, bagaimana ide-ide feminis Muslim tersebar sebelum dan sesudah Era Digital dan tantangan serta kesempatan apa yang diberikan oleh internet yang menghalangi dan membantu penyebaran ide-ide ini. Feminis Muslim telah tersebar di Indonesia sejak awal tahun 1990-an melalui penerjemahan karya-karya Muslim feminis yang bukan dari Indonesia seperti Fatima Mernissi, Riffat Hassan, Asghar Ali Engineer dan Amina Wadud. Sejak tahun 2010, meningkatnya penggunaan internet dikalangan orang Indonesia telah membuat penyebaran ide-ide Muslim feminis lebih cepat. Akan tetapi, terdapat tantangan yaitu bahwa kelompok konservatif pun menggunakan internet untuk menentang ide-ide feminis Muslim. Tantangan lainnya adalah bahwa tidak semua Muslim Indonesia memiliki akses yang mudah terhadap internet, oleh karena itu para feminis Muslim Indonesia masih juga harus menggunakan berbagai media di luar jaringan seperti seminar atau radio untuk menyebarkan ide-ide mereka.]
互联网改变了知识传播的方式。本文描述了穆斯林女权主义思想在印度尼西亚的传播。它回答了以下问题:什么构成女权主义思想,穆斯林女权主义思想在数字时代前后是如何传播的,以及互联网提供了哪些阻碍和帮助这些思想传播的挑战和机遇。自20世纪90年代初以来,穆斯林女权主义通过翻译非印尼穆斯林女权主义者的作品在印度尼西亚传播,如Fatima Mernissi、Riffat Hassan、Asghar Ali Engineer和Amina Wadud。自2010年以来,印尼人越来越多地使用互联网,这使得穆斯林女权主义思想的传播速度更快。然而,具有挑战性的是,保守派团体也动员互联网反对穆斯林女权主义思想。另一个挑战是,并非所有印尼穆斯林都能轻松上网,因此印尼穆斯林女权主义者仍然必须通过研讨会或广播等各种线下媒体来传播他们的想法。[互联网改变了知识的传播方式。本文将解释穆斯林女性思想在印度尼西亚的传播。本文将回答以下问题:穆斯林女性思想意味着什么,穆斯林女性思想如何在数字时代前后传播,以及互联网为预防和帮助这一事业带来的挑战和机遇这些想法。自20世纪90年代初以来,穆斯林女权主义者通过翻译非印尼女权主义穆斯林作品在印度尼西亚传播,如Fatima Mernissi、Riffat Hassan、Asghar Ali Engineer和Amina Wadud。自2010年以来,印尼人越来越多地使用互联网,使得女性穆斯林思想的传播速度更快。然而,有一个挑战是,保守派团体也利用互联网挑战穆斯林女权主义思想。另一个挑战是,并非所有印尼穆斯林都能轻松上网,因此印尼穆斯林女权主义者仍然必须利用网络之外的各种媒体,如研讨会或广播来传播他们的想法。]
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引用次数: 4
Islam and Humanity: Commodification of Aid for Rohingya in Aceh 伊斯兰教与人性:亚齐罗兴亚人援助的商品化
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-29 DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2021.591.57-96
Lindra Darnela
This study examines how Rohingya refugees in Aceh in 2015-2016 received assistance and the role of Islamic philanthropic institutions in providing aid. The paper shows that through the media, Islamic philanthropic institutions have successfully advocated for Rohingya rights and raised the issue as a religious issue so that they have collected large donations. Also, this paper finds a discrepancy between the information conveyed by the media and the reality in the field, showing significant efforts in the commodification of humanitarian aid and abuse of religion.[Artikel ini membahas bagaimana pengungsi Rohingya di Aceh periode 2015-2016 mendapatkan bantuan dan peran dari lembaga filantropi Islam dalam penyediaan bantuan tersebut. Artikel ini menjelaskan bahwa lembaga filantrofi Islam berhasil mengadvokasi hak Rohingya melalui media dan mengkaitkan dalam isu agama sehingga mendapatkan donasi yang berlipat. Selain itu dalam artikel ini juga menunjukkan ketidaksesuaian antara informasi di media dengan kenyataan di lapangan, bahkan terdapat indikasi komodifikasi bantuan kemanusiaan dan penyalahgunaan agama.]
这项研究考察了2015-2016年亚齐的罗兴亚难民如何获得援助,以及伊斯兰慈善机构在提供援助中的作用。该论文显示,通过媒体,伊斯兰慈善机构成功地倡导了罗兴亚人的权利,并将该问题作为一个宗教问题提出,因此他们收集了大量捐款。此外,本文发现媒体传达的信息与实地实际情况之间存在差异,表明在人道主义援助商品化和滥用宗教方面做出了重大努力。[本文讨论了2015-2016年期间亚齐的罗兴亚难民如何获得帮助,以及伊斯兰慈善机构在提供帮助中的作用。媒体上的信息与实地的现实不匹配,甚至有迹象表明人类援助和宗教虐待被共同编纂。]
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引用次数: 3
Stuck in Sharia Space: The Experiences of Christian Students to Reside in Langsa, Aceh 困在伊斯兰教法的空间:基督徒学生在亚齐省兰萨的生活经历
IF 0.3 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-26 DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2021.591.33-56
Yogi Febriandi, Yaser Amri
This article examines the problem of spatial access for Christian students of Samudera University as experiences of minorities in Langsa, Aceh. This article argues that Aceh’s public space that is formed by religious identity, leads dichotomy of citizenship in social life. Using life story method, this article explores the problem of Christian students of Samudera University to reside in Langsa. The results show the formation of space by displaying a single identity has polarized majority-minority in public space. Finally, this article also shows that the formation of space by displaying a single identity created an imbalance space for minority, and compelling minority to create alternative space.[Artikel ini membahas persoalan akses ruang berdasarkan pengalaman mahasiswa minoritas Kristen di Universitas Samudera, Langsa, Aceh. Artikel ini berargumentasi bahwa ruang publik Aceh terbentuk oleh identitas religius yang berujung pada dikotomi kehidupan sosial penduduknya. Dengan pendekatan life story, artikel ini menjelaskan masalah yang dihadapi mahasiswa Kristen yang tinggal di Langsa, Aceh. Dalam kesimpulannya menunjukkan bahwa formasi ruang publik terbelah dan tidak seimbang antara identitas mayoritas dan minoritas, dimana identitas minoritas terdesak untuk menciptakan ruang alternatif baru.]     
本文将萨穆德拉大学基督教学生的空间访问问题作为亚齐省兰萨少数民族的经历进行了研究。本文认为,由宗教身份形成的亚齐公共空间,导致了社会生活中公民身份的二分法。本文运用生活故事的方法,探讨了萨穆德拉大学基督徒学生在郎萨居住的问题。研究结果表明,在公共空间中,通过单一身份的展示形成的空间具有两极分化的多数-少数。最后,本文还表明,通过展示单一身份形成的空间为少数群体创造了一个不平衡的空间,并迫使少数群体创造替代空间。[本文根据亚齐省兰萨海洋大学基督教少数民族学生的经历讨论了进入空间的问题。本文认为,亚齐的公共空间是由基于其社会生活独裁统治的宗教身份形成的。总之,这表明公共空间的形成在多数人和少数人的身份认同之间是分裂和不平衡的,少数人身份认同迫切希望创造一个新的替代空间。]
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies
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