Pub Date : 2019-12-24DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2019.572.359-396
M. Ahmad
Prasenjet Duara (2015) accuses divine religions as the cause of the environmental crisis and natural disasters. Duara's thesis was counterattacked by scientists and religionists who stated that religion has the spirit and teachings of careness for the environment. Nevertheless, the arguments they built are still theological, normative and theoretical. This study is an antithesis to the Duara’s statement and at the same time presents evidence based on the primary data that occurred in three Sufi communities. The focus of this study analyzes Sufi activism in Indonesia in safeguarding the earth, as a form of substantial religious responses to the environmental crisis due to climate change. Through the principles and mechanism of qualitative research methods, researchers sought to analyze mitigation and adaptation actions to climate change carried out by the Majlis Zikir Kraton Pekalongan, Jamaah Aoulia Panggang and Pesan Trend Ilmu Giri. The data are obtained through interviews, observation and documentation and they are analyzed interactively. The results of the study revealed that climate change is believed by the Sufis as God’s authority due to human destructive behavior. For Sufis, overcoming climate change must begin with a change in the perspective of human relations, nature and God. In the case of three Sufi communities, religion is not just a doctrine of the relationship between God and humans, but also operational guidance on how to synergize with nature. Through a substantial religious spirit, the Sufis guard the earth through the re-actualization of the narratives of takhalli, tahalli and tajalli, as ecological repentance, ecological movements, and ecological campaigns in mitigating and adapting to climate change. [Prasenjet Duara (2015) menuduh agama-agama samawi sebagai penyebab terjadinya krisis lingkungan dan bencana alam. Tesis Duara mendapat serangan balik dari ilmuwan dan agamawan yang menyatakan bahwa agama memiliki spirit dan ajaran kepedulian terhadap lingkungan. Hanya saja argumen yang mereka bangun masih bersifat teologis, normatif dan teoritis. Kajian ini merupakan antitesa terhadap pernyataan Duara, dan sekaligus menyajikan bukti berdasarkan data-data lapangan yang terjadi pada tiga komunitas sufi. Fokus kajian ini menganalisis aktivisme kaum sufi di Indonesia dalam menjaga bumi, sebagai bentuk respons kaum beragama subtansial terhadap krisis lingkungan akibat perubahan iklim. Melalui prinsip dan mekanisme metode penelitian kualitatif, peneliti berusaha menganalisis tindakan mitigasi dan adaptasi terhadap perubahan iklim yang dilakukan oleh Majelis Zikir Kraton Pekalongan, Jamaah Aoulia Panggang dan Pesan Trend Ilmu Giri Yogyakarta. Data-data diperoleh melalui wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi dan dianalisis secara interaktif. Hasil kajian mengungkap bahwa perubahan iklim diyakini oleh kaum sufi sebagai otoritas Tuhan yang disebabkan perilaku destruktif manusia. Bagi kaum sufi, mengatasi perubahan iklim harus dimulai da
Prasenjet Duara(2015)指责神圣的宗教是造成环境危机和自然灾害的原因。Duara的论点遭到了科学家和宗教人士的反击,他们声称宗教具有关心环境的精神和教义。然而,他们所建立的论点仍然是神学的、规范的和理论的。这项研究与Duara的说法相反,同时根据三个苏菲社区的主要数据提供了证据。本研究的重点是分析印尼苏菲主义在保护地球上的行动,作为对气候变化造成的环境危机的一种实质性宗教反应。通过定性研究方法的原则和机制,研究人员试图分析Majlis Zikir Kraton Pekalongan、Jamaah aoullia Panggang和Pesan Trend Ilmu Giri针对气候变化采取的减缓和适应行动。数据是通过访谈、观察和记录获得的,并进行交互式分析。研究结果表明,由于人类的破坏性行为,苏菲派认为气候变化是上帝的权威。对于苏菲派来说,克服气候变化必须从改变人类关系、自然和上帝的观点开始。在三个苏菲团体的例子中,宗教不仅仅是关于神与人之间关系的教义,也是关于如何与自然协同的操作指导。通过一种实质性的宗教精神,苏菲派通过重新实现takhalli, tahalli和tajalli的叙述来保护地球,作为减轻和适应气候变化的生态忏悔,生态运动和生态运动。Prasenjet Duara (2015) menuduh agama-agama samawi sebagai penyebab terjadinya krisis lingkungan dan bencana alam。这是神的恩赐,是神的恩赐,是神的恩赐,是神的恩赐,是神的恩赐,是神的恩赐。汉雅·萨迦论证杨·梅里卡·班冈·马西克的理论、规范和理论。中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:中文:在印尼,印尼人民对经济危机的反应是:经济危机的实质是经济危机的实质。日惹,日惹,日惹,日惹,日惹,日惹,日惹。数据与数据的相互作用,观测与文献的相互作用,分析与数据的相互作用。Hasil kajian mengungkap bahwa perubahan iklim diyakini oleh kaum sufi sebagai otoritas Tuhan yang disebabkan peraku摧枯拉谷。Bagi kaum sufi, mengatasi perubahan iklim harus dimulai dari perubahan cara pandang relasi manusia, alam dan Tuhan。Dalam kasus di tiga komunitas苏菲,蜥蜴有些sekedar menjadi doktrin tentang relasi Tuhan dan manusia melainkan轭petunjuk operasional bagaimana bersinergi dengan阿拉姆。[m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m] [m]。
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Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.143-166
M. Djidin, Sahiron Syamsuddin
Today the issue of building al-khilāfah al-islāmīyah (Islamic Caliphate) has been raised by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). One of its arguments is that it is obligatory, because Qur’an, 2:30 mentions the term khalīfah. However, this argument has been questioned by many Muslim scholars. Some of them are Quraish Shihab and Yudian Wahyudi. In this article a comparative study is conducted in such a way we can provide readers with a ‘direct’ comparasion between Shihab’s and Wahyudi’s thoughts. The emphasis of their differences is shown more clearly than their similarities. Some important points that are discussed here are their interpretations of Qur’an, 2: 30-38. After analyzing their statements expressed in their writings and interviews, we have found that both have the same idea that Qur’an, 2: 30 does not talk about the Islamic Caliphate, and therefore, it cannot be used as an argument for its building. We have also found that they have exegetical differences that might refer to the fact that Shihab has much emphasis on the ‘historical meaning’ of the verses, whereas Wahyudi prefers their ‘significance’ for human beings.[Wacana khilafah Islam di Indonesia menguat seiring dengan kehadiran Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Salas satu argumen mereka adalah adanya istilah khalīfah dalam Qur’an, 2: 30. Namun argument tersebut justru menjadi persoalan bagi pemikir muslim lainnya, dua diantaranya Quraish Shihab dan Yudian Wahyudi. Dalam tulisan ini diharapkan pembaca dapat melihat secara langsung perbandingan dua pemikiran tersebut. Beberapa point penting yang diperdebatkan adalah tafsir ayat Qur’an, 2: 30-38. Berdasarkan analisis pada karya tulis dan wawancara, keduanya sama – sama menunjukkan bahwa ayat tersebut di atas tidak membahas al-khilāfah al-islāmīyah. Meskipun keduanya sependapat, masing-masing memberikan tekanan yang berbeda dimana Shihab lebih ke makna historis, sedangkan Wahyudi condong ke signifikasi bagi kemanusiaan.]
{"title":"Indonesian Interpretation of the Qur’an on Khilāfah: The Case of Quraish Shihab and Yudian Wahyudi on Qur'an, 2: 30-38","authors":"M. Djidin, Sahiron Syamsuddin","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.143-166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.143-166","url":null,"abstract":"Today the issue of building al-khilāfah al-islāmīyah (Islamic Caliphate) has been raised by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). One of its arguments is that it is obligatory, because Qur’an, 2:30 mentions the term khalīfah. However, this argument has been questioned by many Muslim scholars. Some of them are Quraish Shihab and Yudian Wahyudi. In this article a comparative study is conducted in such a way we can provide readers with a ‘direct’ comparasion between Shihab’s and Wahyudi’s thoughts. The emphasis of their differences is shown more clearly than their similarities. Some important points that are discussed here are their interpretations of Qur’an, 2: 30-38. After analyzing their statements expressed in their writings and interviews, we have found that both have the same idea that Qur’an, 2: 30 does not talk about the Islamic Caliphate, and therefore, it cannot be used as an argument for its building. We have also found that they have exegetical differences that might refer to the fact that Shihab has much emphasis on the ‘historical meaning’ of the verses, whereas Wahyudi prefers their ‘significance’ for human beings.[Wacana khilafah Islam di Indonesia menguat seiring dengan kehadiran Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Salas satu argumen mereka adalah adanya istilah khalīfah dalam Qur’an, 2: 30. Namun argument tersebut justru menjadi persoalan bagi pemikir muslim lainnya, dua diantaranya Quraish Shihab dan Yudian Wahyudi. Dalam tulisan ini diharapkan pembaca dapat melihat secara langsung perbandingan dua pemikiran tersebut. Beberapa point penting yang diperdebatkan adalah tafsir ayat Qur’an, 2: 30-38. Berdasarkan analisis pada karya tulis dan wawancara, keduanya sama – sama menunjukkan bahwa ayat tersebut di atas tidak membahas al-khilāfah al-islāmīyah. Meskipun keduanya sependapat, masing-masing memberikan tekanan yang berbeda dimana Shihab lebih ke makna historis, sedangkan Wahyudi condong ke signifikasi bagi kemanusiaan.] ","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49540787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The field of law is an interesting matter in the study of Indonesian history. The meddling of the various elements of culture and tradition due to political dynamics and power in the nation’s history, making law in Indonesia one type of hybrid entity. The interference of the law was not only seen from its legal products, but also from the bodies given the responsibility to enforce the law at that time. One of the prosecutors’ agency that had existed in the past was Jaksa Pepitu. This study aims to reveal the origins of the Jaksa Pepitu, elaborate on their works in the field of law in Cirebon environment, and describe the legal influences that contributed to the color of this collegial council. By way of historical research methodology and narrative approach, it can be seen that the prosecutor’s council is the agency essential in the practice of law. They were linked to Cirebon princes and can be appointed through VOC approval. In addition, the actions of the prosecutors can be seen from the position, independence, and authority they have. The various things surrounding the Jaksa Pepitu indicate that it is legal institution influenced by customary, Western and Islamic laws. [Bidang hukum menjadi hal yang menarik dalam kajian sejarah Indonesia. Percampuran pelbagai unsur budaya dan tradisi akibat adanya dinamika politik dan kekuasaan dalam perjalanan bangsa, membuat hukum di Indonesia menjadi salah satu jenis hukum yang bersifat hybrid. Percampuran hukum itu tidak hanya dilihat dari produk hukum yang dihasilkan, namun juga dapat ditelisik dari badan yang diberi tanggung jawab untuk menegakkan hukum pada masa itu. Salah satu badan jaksa yang pernah eksis di masa lalu adalah Jaksa Pepitu. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan asal muasal Jaksa Pepitu, menguraikan kiprahnya dalam bidang hukum di lingkungan Cirebon, dan mendeskripsikan pengaruh-pengaruh hukum yang turut memberi warna dewan kolegial ini. Dengan metodologi penelitian sejarah dan pendekatan naratif yang dilakukan, dapat diketahui bahwa dewan jaksa itu merupakan badan penanggung jawab bidang hukum. Mereka memiliki keterkaitan dengan para pangeran Cirebon dan dapat diangkat dengan persetujuan VOC. Selain itu, kiprah para jaksa ini dapat dilihat dari posisi, independensi, dan wewenang yang mereka miliki. Adapun pelbagai hal yang mengitari Jaksa Pepitu menunjukkan bahwa mereka ini adalah badan yang dipengaruhi oleh hukum adat, Barat, dan Islam.]
法律领域是印尼历史研究中一个有趣的问题。由于国家历史上的政治动态和权力,各种文化和传统元素的干预,使印度尼西亚的法律成为一种混合实体。法律的干预不仅体现在其法律产品上,也体现在当时被赋予执法责任的机构上。Jaksa Pepitu是过去存在的检察官机构之一。本研究旨在揭示Jaksa Pepitu的起源,阐述他们在锡伯教环境下在法律领域的工作,并描述促成这个合议庭色彩的法律影响。通过历史研究方法和叙事方法可以看出,检察官委员会是法律实践中必不可少的机构。他们与锡伯教王子有联系,可以通过VOC批准任命。此外,从检察官的地位、独立性和权威可以看出他们的行为。围绕Jaksa Pepitu的各种事物表明,它是受习俗、西方和伊斯兰法律影响的法律制度。[Bidang hukum menjadi hal yang menarik dalam kajian sejarah]印度尼西亚。Percampuran pelbagai unsur budaya dan tradisi akibat adanya dinamika politik dan kekuasaan dalam perjalanan bangsa,成员hukum di Indonesia menjadi salah satu jenis hukum yang bersifat hybrid。Percampuran hukum itu tidak hanya dilihat dari产品hukum yang dihasilkan, namun juga dapat ditelisik dari badan yang diberi tanggung jawab untuk menegakkan hukum pada masa itu。Salah satu badan jaksa yang pernah eksis di masa lalu adalah jaksa Pepitu。Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan asal muasal Jaksa Pepitu, menguraikan kiprahnya dalam bidang hukum di lingkungan Cirebon, danmendeskripsikan pengaruh-pengaruh hukum yang turut成员warna dewan kolalini。登干方法:penpentitian sejarah danpendekatan naratif yang dilakukan, dapat diketahui bawa dewan jaksa, merupakan badan penanggung jawab bidang hukum。Mereka memiliki keterkaitan dengan para pangeran Cirebon dandapat diangkat dengan persetujuan VOC。Selain itu, kiprah para jaksa ini dapat dililihat dari posisi, independensi, dan wewenang yang mereka miliki。[参考译文]Adapun pelbagai hal yang mengitari Jaksa Pepitu menunjukkan bahwa mereka ini adalah badan yang dipengaruhi oleh hukum adat, Barat, dan Islam。
{"title":"Between the Influence of Customary, Dutch, and Islamic Law: Jaksa Pepitu and Their Place in Cirebon Sultanate History","authors":"Tendi Tendi, Djoko Marihandono, Abdurakhman Abdurakhman","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.117-142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.117-142","url":null,"abstract":"The field of law is an interesting matter in the study of Indonesian history. The meddling of the various elements of culture and tradition due to political dynamics and power in the nation’s history, making law in Indonesia one type of hybrid entity. The interference of the law was not only seen from its legal products, but also from the bodies given the responsibility to enforce the law at that time. One of the prosecutors’ agency that had existed in the past was Jaksa Pepitu. This study aims to reveal the origins of the Jaksa Pepitu, elaborate on their works in the field of law in Cirebon environment, and describe the legal influences that contributed to the color of this collegial council. By way of historical research methodology and narrative approach, it can be seen that the prosecutor’s council is the agency essential in the practice of law. They were linked to Cirebon princes and can be appointed through VOC approval. In addition, the actions of the prosecutors can be seen from the position, independence, and authority they have. The various things surrounding the Jaksa Pepitu indicate that it is legal institution influenced by customary, Western and Islamic laws. [Bidang hukum menjadi hal yang menarik dalam kajian sejarah Indonesia. Percampuran pelbagai unsur budaya dan tradisi akibat adanya dinamika politik dan kekuasaan dalam perjalanan bangsa, membuat hukum di Indonesia menjadi salah satu jenis hukum yang bersifat hybrid. Percampuran hukum itu tidak hanya dilihat dari produk hukum yang dihasilkan, namun juga dapat ditelisik dari badan yang diberi tanggung jawab untuk menegakkan hukum pada masa itu. Salah satu badan jaksa yang pernah eksis di masa lalu adalah Jaksa Pepitu. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan asal muasal Jaksa Pepitu, menguraikan kiprahnya dalam bidang hukum di lingkungan Cirebon, dan mendeskripsikan pengaruh-pengaruh hukum yang turut memberi warna dewan kolegial ini. Dengan metodologi penelitian sejarah dan pendekatan naratif yang dilakukan, dapat diketahui bahwa dewan jaksa itu merupakan badan penanggung jawab bidang hukum. Mereka memiliki keterkaitan dengan para pangeran Cirebon dan dapat diangkat dengan persetujuan VOC. Selain itu, kiprah para jaksa ini dapat dilihat dari posisi, independensi, dan wewenang yang mereka miliki. Adapun pelbagai hal yang mengitari Jaksa Pepitu menunjukkan bahwa mereka ini adalah badan yang dipengaruhi oleh hukum adat, Barat, dan Islam.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43741435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.25-50
M. N. Azca, Hakimul Ikhwan, Mohammad Zaki Arrobi
The article discusses the narratives of “Islamist” intolerance in two cities of Yogyakarta and Solo in the post-Suharto era. It aims to elucidate the multiplicity of intolerance acts and the complexity of underpinning factors to intolerance. It argues that Islamist intolerance has manifested in various forms, ranging from the ideological, instrumental, and symbolic form. However, these categorizations of ideological, instrumental, and symbolic are not clear-cut and permanent one, but there is always some possible overlap between them. There is also the possibility that the form of intolerance can change in different times and occasions. This study is based on fieldwork research taken during 2014-2016 in both cities. Methodologically, this research-based article used Extended Cased Method (ECM). The data was collected by employing indepth interview and participant observation with secondary sources such as local media and government documents.[Tulisan ini membahas narasi Islam intoleran di dua kota, Solo dan Yogyakarta, pasca rezim Soeharto. Selain itu juga menjelaskan sejumlah aksi intoleran dan kompleksitas faktor-faktor yang berkelindan dalam peristiwa tersebut. Tulisan ini mengajukan argumen bahwa Islam intoleran mempunyairagam bentuk, mulai dari ideologis, instrumentalis hingga simbolis. Meskipun demikian, kategori tersebut tidak bersifat kaku dan permanen, tetapi terkadang bersifat saling overlap satu sama lainnya. Ada kemungkinan juga bentuk intoleran berubah seiring dengan perubahan waktu dan kondisi. Kajian ini berdasarkan pada studi lapangan di dua kota pada rentang waktu 2014-2016. Secara metodologi kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan Extended Cased Method (ECM). Data dikumpulkan melalui serangkaian wawancara mendalam dan observasi partisipatif dengan didukung data sekunder dari arsip daerah dan sejumlah media surat kabar lokal.]
本文讨论了后苏哈托时代,日惹和梭罗两座城市对“伊斯兰主义者”不宽容的叙述。它的目的是阐明不容忍行为的多样性和不容忍的基础因素的复杂性。它认为,伊斯兰教的不宽容以各种形式表现出来,从意识形态的、工具的和象征的形式。然而,这些意识形态、工具和象征的分类并不是明确和永久的,但它们之间总是存在一些重叠的可能。不容忍的形式也有可能在不同的时间和场合发生变化。本研究基于2014-2016年在这两个城市进行的实地调查。在方法上,这篇基于研究的文章使用了扩展案例方法(ECM)。数据采用深度访谈法和参与式观察法,通过当地媒体和政府文件等二手资料进行收集。[伊斯兰教不宽容,日惹,苏哈托]Selain itu轭menjelaskan sejumlah aksi intoleran丹kompleksitas faktor-faktor杨berkelindan dalam peristiwa于。塔利班认为伊斯兰教不容忍恐怖主义、伊斯兰教意识形态、工具主义和象征主义。Meskipun demikian, kategori terseak bersifat kaku dan permanen, tetappi terkadang bersifat saling重叠satama lainnya。Ada kemungkinan juga bentuk不耐受berubah seiring dengan perubahan waktu dan kondisi。Kajian ini berdasarkan pada studi lapangan di dua kota pada rentang waktu 2014-2016。Secara方法学与扩展案例法(ECM)。[中文]:数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析
{"title":"A Tale of Two Royal Cities: The Narratives of Islamists' Intolerance in Yogyakarta and Solo","authors":"M. N. Azca, Hakimul Ikhwan, Mohammad Zaki Arrobi","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.25-50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.25-50","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the narratives of “Islamist” intolerance in two cities of Yogyakarta and Solo in the post-Suharto era. It aims to elucidate the multiplicity of intolerance acts and the complexity of underpinning factors to intolerance. It argues that Islamist intolerance has manifested in various forms, ranging from the ideological, instrumental, and symbolic form. However, these categorizations of ideological, instrumental, and symbolic are not clear-cut and permanent one, but there is always some possible overlap between them. There is also the possibility that the form of intolerance can change in different times and occasions. This study is based on fieldwork research taken during 2014-2016 in both cities. Methodologically, this research-based article used Extended Cased Method (ECM). The data was collected by employing indepth interview and participant observation with secondary sources such as local media and government documents.[Tulisan ini membahas narasi Islam intoleran di dua kota, Solo dan Yogyakarta, pasca rezim Soeharto. Selain itu juga menjelaskan sejumlah aksi intoleran dan kompleksitas faktor-faktor yang berkelindan dalam peristiwa tersebut. Tulisan ini mengajukan argumen bahwa Islam intoleran mempunyairagam bentuk, mulai dari ideologis, instrumentalis hingga simbolis. Meskipun demikian, kategori tersebut tidak bersifat kaku dan permanen, tetapi terkadang bersifat saling overlap satu sama lainnya. Ada kemungkinan juga bentuk intoleran berubah seiring dengan perubahan waktu dan kondisi. Kajian ini berdasarkan pada studi lapangan di dua kota pada rentang waktu 2014-2016. Secara metodologi kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan Extended Cased Method (ECM). Data dikumpulkan melalui serangkaian wawancara mendalam dan observasi partisipatif dengan didukung data sekunder dari arsip daerah dan sejumlah media surat kabar lokal.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44806854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.197-230
Muqowim Muqowim, Zulkipli Lessy
During five centuries (6th to 11th C.E.), the advancement of science in the Muslim world displayed Muslim civilization as the scientific Mecca. This era saw many other civilizations learning science from Muslims seen as exemplary in modernizing life and sharing guidance for moral conduct. This was accomplished by embedding norms and inventions and as a result of factors such as royal patronage and personal sacrifice. This paper seeks to reclaim historical data through reflection and contextualization. Analysis of relevant past contexts paves a path leading from romanticism and antiquanism into the contemporary world. Secondary resources, such as historical books and journals, reveal how science in Islam was developed and nurtured through patronage, institutional establishment, networking, and other factors, leading to valuable inventions. The Islamic Golden Era of science flourished because Muslims scientists had an ethos motivating them toward discoveries. Key innovating scientists made cities such as Nishapur, Alexandria, Jundishapur, and Damascus become preeminent in scientific invention. This brought rapid development to Muslim life, as well as to the surrounding nations, extending to Greece and India and China. This paper argues that Muslim scientists of today’s world can benefit from the perspective that the Qur’an and hadiths are essential sources of general principles for conducting scientific and technological research. Both are key spirits for encouraging Muslim scientists to conduct rigorous studies.[ Selama 5 abad pertama, 6-11 Masehi, kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan di dunia muslim terwujud pada peradaban muslim di Mekkah. Era ini menunjukkan pelbagai peradaban lain belajar kepada muslim sebagai model kehidupan modern dan petunjuk kehidupan moral. Hal ini teruji oleh norma-norma dan penemuan-penemuan serta hasil akibat dari loyalitas dan keikhlasan. Artikel ini mencoba mengklaim ulang bukti historis melalui refleksi dan kontekstualisasi. Analisa konteks masa lalu yang tepat menghindari dari kecenderungan romantisme dan kekunoan dari pada dunia kontemporer. Sumber sekunder seperti buku dan jurnal, membuktikan bagaimana pengetahuan dalam Islam berkembang dan tumbuh melalui patronase, institusionalisasi, jejaring dan faktor lainnya yang mendukung penemuan baru. Keemasan ilmu masa Islam menjamur karena ilmuwan muslim mempunyai etos yang tinggi pada penjelajahan pengetahuan. Kunci inovasi para ilmuwan telah membuat kota–kota seperti Nishapur, Alexandria, Jundishapur dan Damaskus berkembang menjadi pusat pengetahuan. Perkembangan pesat kehidupan muslim ini akhirnya menyebar ke Yunani, India dan China. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa ilmuwan muslim saat ini dapat mengambil manfaat dari perspektif Qur’an dan hadits sebagai sumber utama dalam prinsip-prinsip penelitian ilmiah dan teknologi. Keduanya juga, Qur’an dan hadits, menjadi kunci semangat bagi ilmuwan muslim dalam kajian yang lebih maju.]
{"title":"Augmenting Science in the Islamic Contemporary World: A Strategic Attempt at Reconstructing the Future","authors":"Muqowim Muqowim, Zulkipli Lessy","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.197-230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.197-230","url":null,"abstract":"During five centuries (6th to 11th C.E.), the advancement of science in the Muslim world displayed Muslim civilization as the scientific Mecca. This era saw many other civilizations learning science from Muslims seen as exemplary in modernizing life and sharing guidance for moral conduct. This was accomplished by embedding norms and inventions and as a result of factors such as royal patronage and personal sacrifice. This paper seeks to reclaim historical data through reflection and contextualization. Analysis of relevant past contexts paves a path leading from romanticism and antiquanism into the contemporary world. Secondary resources, such as historical books and journals, reveal how science in Islam was developed and nurtured through patronage, institutional establishment, networking, and other factors, leading to valuable inventions. The Islamic Golden Era of science flourished because Muslims scientists had an ethos motivating them toward discoveries. Key innovating scientists made cities such as Nishapur, Alexandria, Jundishapur, and Damascus become preeminent in scientific invention. This brought rapid development to Muslim life, as well as to the surrounding nations, extending to Greece and India and China. This paper argues that Muslim scientists of today’s world can benefit from the perspective that the Qur’an and hadiths are essential sources of general principles for conducting scientific and technological research. Both are key spirits for encouraging Muslim scientists to conduct rigorous studies.[ Selama 5 abad pertama, 6-11 Masehi, kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan di dunia muslim terwujud pada peradaban muslim di Mekkah. Era ini menunjukkan pelbagai peradaban lain belajar kepada muslim sebagai model kehidupan modern dan petunjuk kehidupan moral. Hal ini teruji oleh norma-norma dan penemuan-penemuan serta hasil akibat dari loyalitas dan keikhlasan. Artikel ini mencoba mengklaim ulang bukti historis melalui refleksi dan kontekstualisasi. Analisa konteks masa lalu yang tepat menghindari dari kecenderungan romantisme dan kekunoan dari pada dunia kontemporer. Sumber sekunder seperti buku dan jurnal, membuktikan bagaimana pengetahuan dalam Islam berkembang dan tumbuh melalui patronase, institusionalisasi, jejaring dan faktor lainnya yang mendukung penemuan baru. Keemasan ilmu masa Islam menjamur karena ilmuwan muslim mempunyai etos yang tinggi pada penjelajahan pengetahuan. Kunci inovasi para ilmuwan telah membuat kota–kota seperti Nishapur, Alexandria, Jundishapur dan Damaskus berkembang menjadi pusat pengetahuan. Perkembangan pesat kehidupan muslim ini akhirnya menyebar ke Yunani, India dan China. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa ilmuwan muslim saat ini dapat mengambil manfaat dari perspektif Qur’an dan hadits sebagai sumber utama dalam prinsip-prinsip penelitian ilmiah dan teknologi. Keduanya juga, Qur’an dan hadits, menjadi kunci semangat bagi ilmuwan muslim dalam kajian yang lebih maju.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44295726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.83-116
K. Kusmana
This paper discusses how 'ulama perempuan' (Female Muslim woman clerics) use religious sources particularly, Qur’an, in their expression of moral movement as seen in media. It also contends that they try to make identity and sense of belonging by inviting themselves and others to participate in improving the wellbeing and cohesion of Indonesia as the nation. Using a descriptiveanalytic method, the study questions about the factors that have made it possible for some Indonesian ulama perempuan to propose a different view, and what do their movement represent in terms of nationalism? In answering them, the study relies its data on their recommendations both at KUPI (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia), April 25-27, 2017, Cirebon, West Java, and press release presented at Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta on March 1, 2018, as well as two other recommendations that follow. The study finds that 'ulama perempuan' have made an alternative voice using some of religious sources (the Qur’an) and secular ones through their moral movements in improving the status and role of women, the well beings of children, and environment sustainability. Their movement attracts other agents particularly that of media to magnify the voice and make the movement gear as strong alternative message of soft nationalism.[Artikel ini membahas tentang bagaimana ulama perempuan di Indonesia menggunakan sumber hukum, khususnya al Qur’an dalam aktifitas gerakan moral yang terlihat dalam media massa. Mereka juga mencoba menunjukkan identitas dan perasaan kepedulian dengan melibatkan diri dalam perbaikan keadaan dan kesatuan bangsa. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif analitis, tulisan ini mencoba menjawab pertanyaan mengenai factor-faktor yang membuat gerakan mereka memungkinkan untuk mengajukan pandangan alternatif dan merepresentasikan diri dalam wacana nasionalisme. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, studi ini mendasarkan pada hasil rekomendasi mereka pada Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia (KUPI) pertama di Cirebon tahun 2017 dan press release mereka di Masjid Istiqlal pada tanggal 1 Maret 2018, termasuk dua rekomendasi lain berikutnya. Artikel ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa ulama perempuan mampu membuat pandangan alternatif dengan menggunakan sumber hukum Islam (al Qur’an) dan sumber lain melalui gerakan moral dalam mengangkat status dan peran perempuan, kesejahteraan anak-anak dan isu lingkungan yang berkelanjutan. Gerakan mereka juga menarik perhatian media untuk menguatkan pendapat dan gerakan mereka sebagai pesan alternatif dalam nasionalisme moderat.]
本文讨论了“乌拉玛perempuan”(穆斯林女性神职人员)如何使用宗教资源,特别是古兰经,在媒体上表达道德运动。它还认为,他们试图通过邀请自己和他人参与改善印度尼西亚作为一个国家的福祉和凝聚力来建立身份和归属感。运用描述性分析的方法,研究了一些印尼乌拉玛·帕隆普恩提出不同观点的因素,以及他们的运动在民族主义方面代表了什么?在回答这些问题时,该研究的数据依赖于他们在2017年4月25日至27日在西爪哇省Cirebon举行的KUPI (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia)会议上提出的建议,以及2018年3月1日在雅加达Istiqlal清真寺发布的新闻稿,以及随后提出的另外两项建议。研究发现,“乌拉玛perempuan”利用一些宗教资源(古兰经)和世俗资源,通过他们的道德运动,在提高妇女的地位和作用、儿童的福祉和环境可持续性方面发出了另一种声音。他们的运动吸引了其他代理人,特别是媒体,放大声音,使运动成为软民族主义的强烈替代信息。[Artikel ini membahas tentang bagaimana例如perempuan di印尼menggunakan sumber hukum, khususnya al古兰经dalam aktifitas gerakan道德杨terlihat dalam媒体马萨。Mereka juga menunjukkan identitas dan perasaan kepedulian dengan melibatkan diri dalam perbaikan keadaan dan kesatuan bangsa。ini Dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif analitis,颜色mencoba menjawab pertanyaan mengenai factor-faktor杨membuat gerakan mereka memungkinkan为她mengajukan pandangan alternatif丹merepresentasikan diri dalam wacana nasionalisme。Untuk menjelaskan haltersebut, studi ini mendasarkan pada hasil rekomendasi mereka pada Kongres Ulama Perempuan印度尼西亚(KUPI) pertama di Cirebon tahun 2017年新闻稿mereka di Masjid Istiqlal pada tanggal 1市场2018年,termasuk dua rekomendasi lain berikutnya。阿蒂克尔尼成员,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人,阿蒂克尔尼人。民粹党是一个民族主义的中庸,民粹党是民族主义的中庸。
{"title":"The Qur’an, Woman and Nationalism In Indonesia: Ulama Perempuan’s Moral Movement","authors":"K. Kusmana","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.83-116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.83-116","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses how 'ulama perempuan' (Female Muslim woman clerics) use religious sources particularly, Qur’an, in their expression of moral movement as seen in media. It also contends that they try to make identity and sense of belonging by inviting themselves and others to participate in improving the wellbeing and cohesion of Indonesia as the nation. Using a descriptiveanalytic method, the study questions about the factors that have made it possible for some Indonesian ulama perempuan to propose a different view, and what do their movement represent in terms of nationalism? In answering them, the study relies its data on their recommendations both at KUPI (Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia), April 25-27, 2017, Cirebon, West Java, and press release presented at Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta on March 1, 2018, as well as two other recommendations that follow. The study finds that 'ulama perempuan' have made an alternative voice using some of religious sources (the Qur’an) and secular ones through their moral movements in improving the status and role of women, the well beings of children, and environment sustainability. Their movement attracts other agents particularly that of media to magnify the voice and make the movement gear as strong alternative message of soft nationalism.[Artikel ini membahas tentang bagaimana ulama perempuan di Indonesia menggunakan sumber hukum, khususnya al Qur’an dalam aktifitas gerakan moral yang terlihat dalam media massa. Mereka juga mencoba menunjukkan identitas dan perasaan kepedulian dengan melibatkan diri dalam perbaikan keadaan dan kesatuan bangsa. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif analitis, tulisan ini mencoba menjawab pertanyaan mengenai factor-faktor yang membuat gerakan mereka memungkinkan untuk mengajukan pandangan alternatif dan merepresentasikan diri dalam wacana nasionalisme. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, studi ini mendasarkan pada hasil rekomendasi mereka pada Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia (KUPI) pertama di Cirebon tahun 2017 dan press release mereka di Masjid Istiqlal pada tanggal 1 Maret 2018, termasuk dua rekomendasi lain berikutnya. Artikel ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa ulama perempuan mampu membuat pandangan alternatif dengan menggunakan sumber hukum Islam (al Qur’an) dan sumber lain melalui gerakan moral dalam mengangkat status dan peran perempuan, kesejahteraan anak-anak dan isu lingkungan yang berkelanjutan. Gerakan mereka juga menarik perhatian media untuk menguatkan pendapat dan gerakan mereka sebagai pesan alternatif dalam nasionalisme moderat.] ","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42860226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2019.571.231-256
Muhamad Firdaus Ab Rahman, H. A. A. Thaidi, A. S. Baharuddin, Azman Ab. Rahman, Siti Farahiyah Ab Rahim
The reality concerning the agricultural zakat in Malaysia only impose the zakah on the paddy crops based solely on the opinion of Imam Shafi`i rather than an opinion of other scholars. This paper aims to critically examine the agricultural zakat in Islam based on Malaysian context and analyse the transformation of expanding the agricultural zakat based on the objective of Shariah. A qualitative methodology was employed to analyse the data through inductive, deductive, comparative and field research. As for the field research, the study has conducted semi-structured interviews with the Zakat Corporation, Islamic Religious Council and Mufti`s Department in the selected states in Malaysia, namely: Selangor, Penang, Terengganu and Sarawak. The finding demonstrated that the revenue of the agricultural-based zakat could be expanded according to the view held by Imam Hanafi and its benefit to the current agricultural economy. Thus, this paper proposes that every State’s Zakat Corporations and Islamic Religious Councils in Malaysia should reassess the existing ruling and legal framework of agricultural zakat in order to realize its revenue expansion as an effective solution for the current zakat collection. [Realitas zakat pertanian di Malaysia lebih mengutamakan qaul Imam Shafi`i dibandingkan dengan qaul-qaul mazhab lain. Pengelolaan zakat di Malaysia hanya dikenakan pada zakat pertanian dan terbatas kepada makanan pokok, yaitu padi. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara kritis zakat pertanian dalam konteks Malaysia serta mengkaji transformasi isu meluaskan zakat pertanian kepada tanaman selain padi berdasarkan maqasid syari’ah. Kajian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dimana analisis data menggunakan kaedah induktif, deskriptif, dan komparatif. Kajian lapangan juga dilakukan dalam bentuk wawancara dengan Jabatan Mufti Negeri dan Baitulmal Negeri di Malaysia; seperti Selangor, Pulau Pinang, Perlis, Terengganu dan Sarawak. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa hasil zakat pertanian dapat diperluas berdasarkan pendapat Imam Abu Hanifah yang lebih sesuai dengan maslahah ekonomi pertanian saat ini di Malaysia. Dengan demikian, studi ini mengusulkan bahwa lembaga zakat setiap negeri dan Dewan Agama Islam di Malaysia harus mengkaji kembali kerangka hukum zakat pertanian yang ada dalam rangka merealisasikan ekspansi penghasilannya sebagai solusi efektif untuk pengumpulan zakat saat ini.]
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Pub Date : 2019-06-29DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2019.571.51-82
I. Yulita, Susy Ong
This research focuses on the changing of image on Islam in Japan and the efforts of Japan’s civil society to eradicate Islam’s negative image created by Japan’s mass media. In preparation for the coming 2020 Olympic Games, the government, the local NGO, and even individual are taking initiatives to create a Muslim-friendly atmosphere. We try to look into their efforts to disseminate information, as well as to counter demagogues about Islam and Muslim. We have conducted in-depth interviews with 10 Muslims residing in Japan added with 2 respondents taken from book, and compared their stories with Japanese articles, books, and academic journals. Our conclusion is that despite the success in making Japanese society more amicable to foreign Muslims, the human relations problems within the Muslim community must take prioritize to improve the response of Japanese society. [Tulisan ini fokus pada perubahan citra Islam di Jepang dan usaha lembaga swadaya masyarakat (NGO) untuk mengurangi citra negatif Islam yang dibentuk oleh media massa Jepang. Menjelang pekan olahraga Olimpiade 2020, pemerintah, NGO lokal dan sebagian individu mengambil inisiatif menciptakan suasana yang ramah bagi muslim. Kami mengamati usaha mereka dalam merespon informasi yang menyudutkan agama Islam dan pemeluknya. Kami melakukan wawancara mendalam dengan 10 penduduk muslim di Jepang serta 2 informan literer. Kemudian kami membandingkan cerita mereka dengan berita, jurnal dan buku yang terbit di Jepang yang terkait dengan Islam. Meskipun mereka cukup berhasil meyakinkan masyarakat Jepang, tetapi persoalan hubungan antar sesama kelompok muslim perlu menjadi prioritas dalam rangka meningkatkan respon positif masyarakat Jepang.]
本研究的重点是日本对伊斯兰教形象的变化,以及日本公民社会为消除日本大众媒体对伊斯兰教的负面形象所做的努力。为了准备即将到来的2020年奥运会,政府、当地非政府组织,甚至个人都在主动创造一个对穆斯林友好的氛围。我们试图调查他们传播信息的努力,以及反击关于伊斯兰教和穆斯林的煽动者。我们对居住在日本的10名穆斯林进行了深度访谈,其中2名受访者来自书籍,并将他们的故事与日本的文章,书籍和学术期刊进行了比较。我们的结论是,尽管在使日本社会对外国穆斯林更加友好方面取得了成功,但必须优先考虑穆斯林社区内部的人际关系问题,以改善日本社会的反应。[Tulisan ini fokus pada perubahan citra Islam di Jepang dan usaha lembaga swadaya masyarakat](非政府组织)untuk mengurangi citra negative Islam yang dibentuk oleh media massa Jepang。Menjelang pekan olahraga 2020年奥运会,pemerintah,非政府组织,当地丹·赛巴吉亚人,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国,蒙古国。Kami mengamati usaha mereka dalam merespon informasi yang menyudutkan agama Islam dan pemeluknya。Kami melakukan wawancara mendalam dengan 10 penduduk muslim di Jepang serta 2情报员文学工作者。Kemudian kami membandingkan cerita mereka dengan berita, journal dan buku yang terbit di Jepang yang terkait dengan Islam。[中文][中文]:[中文]:[中文]:[中文]:[中文]:[中文]:
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Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2019.571.1-24
Haedar Nashir, Zuli Qodir, Achmad Nurmandi, H. Jubba, Mega Hidayati
This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]
{"title":"Muhammadiyah’s Moderation Stance in the 2019 General Election: Critical Views from Within","authors":"Haedar Nashir, Zuli Qodir, Achmad Nurmandi, H. Jubba, Mega Hidayati","doi":"10.14421/ajis.2019.571.1-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2019.571.1-24","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44935168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-30DOI: 10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.367-394
Ermi Suhasti, Siti Djazimah, H. Hartini
The Indonesian rules on marriage manage that a marriage is required to be one faith marriage, i.e., a man and woman to embrace the same religion, and prohibits interfaith marriage. However, in practice interfaith marriage is concluded and the couple of such marriage struggled to conduct the marriage and to have the marriage legitimized. One of the ways is to propose a designation or decree from the civil court to officially allow them to marry and to mandate the Civil Marriage Registrar to register their marriages. This article discusses the practice of interfaith marriages based on the permission from the civil courts’ judges in Surakarta. Deploying the socio-legal approach and based on interviews with some relevant persons and on the observation on a number of civil courts’ decrees, this article finds that there are interfaith marriages in Indonesia and interfaith couple struggled to get their marriages officially admitted and legalized by taking the advantage of the legal gap on the issue. This article also argues that there has been divergent legal interpretation within Indonesians which led to legal uncertainty regarding the rules of interfaith marriage in Indonesia.[Peraturan tentang perkawinan di Indonesia mengatur pernikahan satu agama. Pernikahan harus antara wanita dan laki-laki Muslim dan larangan pernikahan beda agama. Banyak praktik pernikahan melakukan ikatan beda agama. Pernikahan ini diilakukan para pasangan dengan berupaya keras dengan cara apapun untuk dapat menikah secara formal. Salah satu cara dengan memohon ijin melalui putusan Pengadilan Negeri. Pengadilan memberikan ijin pernikahan beda agama dan mandat kepada pegawai Pencatat Sipil untuk dicatatankan sebagai pernikahan. Artikel ini mengkaji praktik pernikahan beda agama melalui penetapan Pengadilan Negeri di Surakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi hukum dengan wawancara dan analisa terhadap beberapa penetapan dalam penyusunan paper. Artikel ini membahas pernikahan beda agama yang dilakukan masyarakat Indonesia yang mengalami kesulitan dan mengupayakan secara keras cara dalam pernikahan beda agama. Argumen lain artikel ini adalah pola penafsiran hukum yang beragam dari pasal-pasal Kompilasi Hukum Islam dan Undang-Undang Perkawinan. Tafsir ini membawa pada ketidakmapanan dan ketidakpastian hukum terkait dengan ketentuan pernikahan beda agama di Indonesia.]
印度尼西亚的婚姻规则规定,婚姻必须是一种信仰的婚姻,即一男一女必须信奉同一宗教,并禁止不同信仰的婚姻。然而,在实践中,跨宗教婚姻是缔结的,这种婚姻的夫妇努力进行婚姻并使婚姻合法化。其中一种方法是向民事法庭提出一项指定或法令,正式允许他们结婚,并授权民事婚姻登记员登记他们的婚姻。本文以泗水民事法院法官的许可为基础,讨论跨宗教婚姻的实践。本文运用社会法学方法,通过对一些相关人士的访谈和对一些民事法院法令的观察,发现印度尼西亚存在跨宗教婚姻,跨宗教夫妇利用这一问题上的法律空白,努力使他们的婚姻得到官方承认和合法化。本文还认为,印度尼西亚内部存在不同的法律解释,导致印度尼西亚宗教间婚姻规则的法律不确定性。[Peraturan tentang perkawinan di Indonesia]Pernikahan harus antara wanita dan laki-laki Muslim dan larangan Pernikahan beda agama。我的祖国万岁!我的祖国万岁!Pernikahan ini diilakukan para pasangan dengan berupaya keras dengan cara apapun untuk dapat menikah secara formal。萨拉赫说:“萨拉赫说:‘我希望我能有一个更好的选择。’”尼泊尔人民代表大会成员尼泊尔人民代表大会主席尼泊尔人民代表大会主席尼泊尔人民代表大会主席尼泊尔人民代表大会主席我是说,我的祖国,我的祖国,我的祖国,我的祖国,我的祖国。Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan生理学hukum dengan wawancara和ananalisa terhadap beberapa penetapan dalam penusuan论文。Artikel ini成员pernikahan beda agama yang dilakukan masyarakat印度尼西亚yang mengalami kesulitan dan mengupayakan secara keras cara dalam pernikahan beda agama。争论的焦点是,在一个国家,一个民族,一个民族,一个民族,一个民族,一个民族,一个民族,一个民族。[au:] Tafsir ini membawa pada ketidakmapanan dan ketidakpastian hukum terkait dengan ketentuan pernikahan beda agama di Indonesia。
{"title":"Polemics on Interfaith Marriage in Indonesia between Rules and Practices","authors":"Ermi Suhasti, Siti Djazimah, H. Hartini","doi":"10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.367-394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14421/AJIS.2018.562.367-394","url":null,"abstract":"The Indonesian rules on marriage manage that a marriage is required to be one faith marriage, i.e., a man and woman to embrace the same religion, and prohibits interfaith marriage. However, in practice interfaith marriage is concluded and the couple of such marriage struggled to conduct the marriage and to have the marriage legitimized. One of the ways is to propose a designation or decree from the civil court to officially allow them to marry and to mandate the Civil Marriage Registrar to register their marriages. This article discusses the practice of interfaith marriages based on the permission from the civil courts’ judges in Surakarta. Deploying the socio-legal approach and based on interviews with some relevant persons and on the observation on a number of civil courts’ decrees, this article finds that there are interfaith marriages in Indonesia and interfaith couple struggled to get their marriages officially admitted and legalized by taking the advantage of the legal gap on the issue. This article also argues that there has been divergent legal interpretation within Indonesians which led to legal uncertainty regarding the rules of interfaith marriage in Indonesia.[Peraturan tentang perkawinan di Indonesia mengatur pernikahan satu agama. Pernikahan harus antara wanita dan laki-laki Muslim dan larangan pernikahan beda agama. Banyak praktik pernikahan melakukan ikatan beda agama. Pernikahan ini diilakukan para pasangan dengan berupaya keras dengan cara apapun untuk dapat menikah secara formal. Salah satu cara dengan memohon ijin melalui putusan Pengadilan Negeri. Pengadilan memberikan ijin pernikahan beda agama dan mandat kepada pegawai Pencatat Sipil untuk dicatatankan sebagai pernikahan. Artikel ini mengkaji praktik pernikahan beda agama melalui penetapan Pengadilan Negeri di Surakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi hukum dengan wawancara dan analisa terhadap beberapa penetapan dalam penyusunan paper. Artikel ini membahas pernikahan beda agama yang dilakukan masyarakat Indonesia yang mengalami kesulitan dan mengupayakan secara keras cara dalam pernikahan beda agama. Argumen lain artikel ini adalah pola penafsiran hukum yang beragam dari pasal-pasal Kompilasi Hukum Islam dan Undang-Undang Perkawinan. Tafsir ini membawa pada ketidakmapanan dan ketidakpastian hukum terkait dengan ketentuan pernikahan beda agama di Indonesia.]","PeriodicalId":42231,"journal":{"name":"Al-Jamiah-Journal of Islamic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48527295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}