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Conceptualizing Difference 概念化差异
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100106
Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann, T. Stark, Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach
This article formulates the concept of democracy as a configuration to overcome the rigid universalist, liberal-proceduralist dominated conceptions of democracy that define invariant core elements and combine them with culturally individualistic features. Instead, the approach presented here focuses on the basic principles behind democracy. Lincoln's often-criticized broad definition of democracy as “government by, of, and for the people” provides the opportunity for an open, transglobal approach that focuses on the premise of political self-efficacy for all citizens and portrays democracy not as a mechanism but as a way of life. Political self-efficacy can be institutionalized in different ways, so this contribution refers to specific models of democracy (e.g., liberal, republican, or communitarian).
本文将民主概念表述为一种配置,以克服僵化的普遍主义、自由程序主义主导的民主概念,这些概念定义了不变的核心要素,并将其与文化个人主义特征相结合。相反,这里提出的方法侧重于民主背后的基本原则。林肯经常批评的民主的广义定义是“人民政府、人民政府和为人民服务的政府”,这为一种开放的、跨全球的方法提供了机会,这种方法以所有公民的政治自我效能为前提,并将民主描绘成一种生活方式,而不是一种机制。政治自我效能可以以不同的方式制度化,因此这种贡献指的是特定的民主模式(例如,自由主义、共和主义或社群主义)。
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引用次数: 0
Democracies Across Cultures 跨文化的民主
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100107
F. Schaffer, J. Gagnon
In this discussion of democracy's conceptual pluralism(s), Frederic Schaffer holds a guiding lamp to show what researchers should take into consideration in the study of “the democracies” and their “rough equivalents” as can be found across language, culture, time, and space. This act generates a focus on practical tactics in research and knowledge dissemination. Is it, for example, best to establish an international committee of democracy's epistemic experts to gather, code, and organize the meanings of democracy and their rough equivalents as can be found in the world? And, with such a committee or something altogether different, how can we relate this information to pro-democracy institutions and activists when so many appear to be interested only in liberal conceptions of democracy? The discussion ends with considerations of an open range of research and activism in the fields of democratic theory, comparative politics, and democratization.
在这场关于民主概念多元主义的讨论中,弗雷德里克·谢弗(Frederic Schaffer)举着一盏指路明灯,展示了研究人员在研究语言、文化、时间和空间中的“民主”及其“粗略等价物”时应考虑的因素。该法案将重点放在研究和知识传播方面的实用策略上。例如,最好成立一个由民主认识专家组成的国际委员会来收集、编码和组织民主的含义及其在世界上的大致等价物吗?而且,有了这样一个委员会或完全不同的东西,当这么多人似乎只对自由主义的民主概念感兴趣时,我们如何将这些信息与民主机构和活动家联系起来?讨论结束时,考虑到在民主理论、比较政治和民主化领域进行广泛的研究和行动主义。
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引用次数: 0
West By Not West 非西方之西方
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100101
J. Gagnon, E. Beausoleil
In 2020, Alexander Weiss introduced the idea of “comparative democratic theory” (CDT). For it to work, argues Weiss, a comparativist must first: “(1) identify relevant cases of non-Western democratic thought” (such as socialist democracy, Hungarian-style up to 1989, see Milan Pap in this issue for more); “(2) interpret the [text/s on that or those cases] from a globally comparative perspective; and (3) play back conceptual insight from the [text/s] to [a global, pluralist, body] of democratic theory” (2020, 32). Weiss’ proposal is novel but, as Bernd Reiter would almost certainly express, it could do more to demonstrate how earlier proposals for the decolonization of knowledge precede it.
2020年,亚历山大·韦斯提出了“比较民主理论”(CDT)的概念。韦斯认为,要使比较主义起作用,比较主义者必须首先:“(1)找出非西方民主思想的相关案例”(如社会主义民主,匈牙利式的民主,直到1989年,详见本期《米兰行动》);“(2)从全球比较的角度来解释[关于那个或那些案例的文本];(3)回顾从[文本]到[全球的,多元的,整体的]民主理论的概念洞察力”(2020,32)。Weiss的建议是新颖的,但正如Bernd Reiter几乎肯定会表达的那样,它可以做更多的事情来证明早期关于知识非殖民化的建议是如何先于它的。
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引用次数: 0
Nyerere and the African Theory of Democracy 尼雷尔与非洲民主理论
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100104
Conrad John Masabo
Statecraft, under democratic principles in Tanzania in particular, is often considered as a total heritage from former colonial masters. Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922–1999) disputed this by advancing an African theory of democracy, articulated to inform modern statecraft in Tanzania. His theory advances a form of democracy characterized by a merger of some practices from the African past and others from the western world. In this way, he articulated the centrality of democracy in organizing public affairs without compromising its African origin but also acknowledging the influence of other democratic cultures in the modern organization of a polity. This article articulates Nyerere's contribution to African democratic discourse and the extent to which his theory of democracy is relevant in the organization of contemporary politics and democratic trajectories in Tanzania and Africa in particular.
治国之道,特别是在坦桑尼亚的民主原则下,通常被认为是前殖民宗主国的全部遗产。朱利叶斯·尼雷尔(Julius Kambarage Nyerere, 1922-1999)提出了一种非洲民主理论,对这种观点提出了异议。他的理论提出了一种民主形式,其特点是融合了非洲过去的一些做法和西方世界的其他做法。通过这种方式,他阐述了民主在组织公共事务中的中心地位,同时不损害其非洲起源,但也承认其他民主文化对现代政体组织的影响。这篇文章阐述了尼雷尔对非洲民主话语的贡献,以及他的民主理论在坦桑尼亚和非洲的当代政治组织和民主轨迹中的相关程度。
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引用次数: 0
Chinese Contemplations on Utopian and Dystopian Democratic Governance 乌托邦与反乌托邦民主治理的中国思考
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100102
Nele Noesselt
This article addresses the Chinese debates on utopian and dystopian modes of democracy. It opens the black box of the one-party state and delves below the surface of the People's Republic of China's official statements on “democracy” (e.g., “people's democracy,” “democratic centralism”) by focusing on the often-overlooked “democracy” contemplations within the highly fragmented Chinese academic communities. These reflections indirectly respond to the debates and governance practices in other world regions—with the US being referred to as the main “mirror” image. The article mainly focuses on the first two office terms of Xi Jinping. Developments since this re-appointment as head of the Chinese party-state in 2022 (and 2023), however, indicate that the “democracy” frame continues to serve as core element of the Chinese role-identity narratives.
本文论述了中国关于乌托邦式和反乌托邦式民主模式的争论。它打开了一党制国家的黑盒子,通过关注高度分散的中国学术界中经常被忽视的“民主”思考,深入挖掘中华人民共和国关于“民主”的官方声明(例如,“人民民主”、“民主集中制”)的表面之下。这些反思间接反映了世界其他地区的辩论和治理实践——美国被称为主要的“镜像”。发展以来,这个通过中国国家2022年(2023年),然而,表明“民主”框架继续作为中国角色认同叙事的核心元素。
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引用次数: 0
Socialist Democracy 社会主义民主政治
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100103
Milán Pap
Socialist democracy appeared in the theory of democracy as an eminently non-western form of democracy in the period of de-Stalinization in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The concept of socialist democracy based on the theses that can differentiate socialist democracy from liberal or parliamentarian democracy: (1) the unity of the power of the proletariat, led by its vanguard political force of the communists, and (2) the setting of the framework of democratic decision-making in the field of labor. Socialist democracy was indeed a form of directed democracy beyond that it had systemic aspirations to create an alternative socio-economic model. This article aims to trace the historical-semantic formation of socialist democracy and discuss its main institutions in the years of post-totalitarian socialist Hungary between 1956 and 1989. What is remarkable in the case of Hungary is that the development of socialist democracy was accompanied by economic reforms to the planned economy from the first half of the 1960s. Thus, socialist democracy focused on the democratization and institutional system of the workplace, mainly as factory democracy and cooperative democracy. With the liberalization and capitalization of socialist economy in the eighties, however, these forms failed to manage the problems of economic incentives and social atomization.
在苏联和东欧去斯大林化时期,社会主义民主作为一种明显的非西方民主形式出现在民主理论中。社会主义民主的概念基于可以将社会主义民主与自由民主或议会民主区分开来的论点:(1)由共产党的先锋政治力量领导的无产阶级权力的统一,以及(2)劳动领域民主决策框架的建立。社会主义民主确实是一种定向民主形式,除此之外,它还有创建替代社会经济模式的系统性愿望。本文旨在追溯1956年至1989年后极权主义时期匈牙利社会主义民主的历史语义形成,并探讨其主要制度。匈牙利值得注意的是,从20世纪60年代上半叶开始,社会主义民主的发展伴随着对计划经济的经济改革。因此,社会主义民主侧重于工作场所的民主化和制度体系,主要是工厂民主和合作民主。然而,随着80年代社会主义经济的自由化和资本化,这些形式未能解决经济激励和社会原子化的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Toward a Grounded Theory of Democracy 走向有根据的民主理论
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2023.100105
R. Frankenberger, D. Buhr
If we want to develop a comparative democratic theory, we need a methodology that is open for unusual data, suspends previous knowledge, and develops concepts inductively. We argue that Grounded Theory as a general methodology can be used to systematically develop a comparative democratic theory strictly rooted in empirical data. In this article we first present and discuss concepts of Grounded Theory and then use 17 exemplary speeches of politicians from three centuries and five continents to illustrate how such theory development, including unusual sources, proceeds. Finally, we discuss the results by focusing on promises and perils of applying Grounded Theory as a strategy for developing a comparative democratic theory.
如果我们想发展一种比较民主理论,我们需要一种对不寻常的数据开放、暂停先前的知识并归纳发展概念的方法论。我们认为,扎根理论作为一种通用的方法论,可以用来系统地发展一种严格植根于经验数据的比较民主理论。在这篇文章中,我们首先提出并讨论了基础理论的概念,然后使用来自三个世纪和五大洲的政治家的17次典型演讲来说明这种理论的发展,包括不同寻常的来源,是如何进行的。最后,我们重点讨论了将扎根理论作为发展比较民主理论的战略的承诺和危险。
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引用次数: 0
Protest and the Democratic Order 抗议与民主秩序
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2022.090201
Danniel Gobbi, Laura Gorriahn, Daniel Staemmler, Christian Volk
The introduction of this special issue elaborates a research perspective on the meaning and function of political protest in the context of democratic orders. Starting from the consideration that protest and democratic orders form a close interrelationship, we ask how and to what extent democracy is imagined, negotiated, and problematized within protest, and how democratic orders and politics shape the formation of protest. To this end, we argue for a combination of Democratic Theory and Social Movement Studies. Interweaving these two traditions allows for empirically saturated and theoretically sound interpretations of recent episodes of contention. With this research perspective, we not only gain a deeper understanding of protest dynamics, but also of contemporary social and political transformations within modern democratic societies.
本特刊的引言阐述了民主秩序背景下政治抗议的意义和功能的研究视角。从抗议和民主秩序形成密切相互关系的考虑出发,我们询问民主是如何以及在多大程度上在抗议中被想象、谈判和问题化的,以及民主秩序和政治是如何形成抗议的。为此,我们主张将民主理论与社会运动研究相结合。将这两种传统交织在一起,可以对最近的争论进行经验饱和和理论上合理的解释。有了这个研究视角,我们不仅对抗议动态有了更深入的了解,而且对现代民主社会中的当代社会和政治变革也有了更深刻的了解。
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引用次数: 0
Book Symposium 图书研讨会
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2022.090208
Karuna Mantena, Adom Getachew, Sofia Näsström, J. Frank
Theorizing the Democratic Crowd: From the Who to the How of Popular AssemblyFrom the Boundaries of the People to their Enactment: A New Terrain for Democratic TheoryPopular Sovereignty, Aesthetics, and EmancipationBeyond the Age of Democratic Revolution
民主群众理论化:从人民议会的谁到如何从人民的边界到人民的立法:民主理论的新领域超越民主革命时代的人民主权、美学与解放
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引用次数: 0
Reform, Transformation, Emancipation 改革、转型、解放
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2022.090204
Christian Volk
This article outlines a theoretical framework for interpreting the meaning and function of political protest in modern democracies and develops normative criteria for assessing its democratic quality. To allow for a better understanding of how social structures, legal institutions, and political engagement interact in protest, I combine analytical perspectives from social theory and democratic theory. A useful first distinction, I argue, is between reformist and transformative forms of protest. While reformist protest does not challenge the given framework of the modern democratic order, transformative protest politicizes the basic principles of that order. Finally, I develop four criteria to identify emancipatory traits within protest movements: 1) expanding the circle of those who benefit from the fulfillment of democracy’s promises; 2) the establishment of discursive democratic spaces; 3) a balance between dramatization and exchange; and 4) a willingness to become someone else.
本文概述了一个解释政治抗议在现代民主国家中的意义和功能的理论框架,并制定了评估其民主质量的规范标准。为了更好地理解社会结构、法律制度和政治参与如何在抗议中相互作用,我结合了社会理论和民主理论的分析视角。我认为,一个有用的第一个区别是改革主义和变革性抗议形式之间的区别。虽然改革派抗议不会挑战现代民主秩序的既定框架,但变革性抗议将该秩序的基本原则政治化。最后,我制定了四个标准来识别抗议运动中的解放特征:1)扩大那些从实现民主承诺中受益的人的圈子;2) 建立话语民主空间;3) 戏剧化和交流之间的平衡;以及4)愿意成为别人。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Democratic Theory-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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