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Garry Rodan, Participation Without Democracy 加里·罗丹,《没有民主的参与
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2019.060109
Matthew David D. Ordoñez
Garry Rodan, Participation Without Democracy: Containing Conflict in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2018), 281pp., ISBN: 9781501720109.
加里·罗丹,《没有民主的参与:遏制东南亚的冲突》(伊萨卡和伦敦:康奈尔大学出版社,2018年),281页。, isbn: 9781501720109。
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引用次数: 0
Sectarianism and Recognition in Iraq 伊拉克的宗派主义和承认
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2019.060104
Nicolas Pirsoul
This article uses the theory of recognition to analyze sectarian conflicts in Iraq. After describing the sectarian and historical background of contemporary Iraqi politics, the article critiques the implementation of consociationalism and policies influenced by liberal multiculturalism in deeply divided societies. It argues that these policies lead to a dangerous reification of identities. The article argues that a progressive implementation of deliberative democracy practices could improve identity-related issues in Iraq and explains how democratic practices are legitimized by the most influential Islamic religious figure in Iraq.
本文运用承认理论对伊拉克的教派冲突进行分析。在描述了当代伊拉克政治的宗派和历史背景之后,文章批评了在严重分裂的社会中实施的联合主义和受自由多元文化主义影响的政策。它认为,这些政策导致了一种危险的身份具体化。文章认为,逐步实施协商民主实践可以改善伊拉克与身份有关的问题,并解释了民主实践如何被伊拉克最有影响力的伊斯兰宗教人物合法化。
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引用次数: 1
Belonging to Spontaneous Order 属于自发秩序
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2019.060102
Stephanie Erev
Reading Friedrich Hayek’s late work as a neoliberal myth of the state of nature, this article finds neoliberalism’s hostilities to democracy to be animated in part by a romantic demand for belonging. Hayek’s theory of spontaneous order expresses this desire for belonging as it pretends the market is capable of harmonizing differences so long as the state is prevented from interfering. Approaching Hayek’s work in this way helps to explain why his conceptions of both pluralism and democracy are so thin. It also suggests that neoliberalism’s assaults upon democracy are intimately linked to its relentless extractivism. Yet the romantic elements in Hayek’s work might have led him toward a more radical democratic project and ecological politics had he affirmed plurality for what it enables. I conclude with the suggestion that democratic theory can benefit from learning to listen to what Hayek heard but failed to affirm: nature’s active voice.
本文将弗里德里希·哈耶克的晚期作品解读为一个关于自然状态的新自由主义神话,发现新自由主义对民主的敌意在一定程度上是由对归属的浪漫需求所激发的。哈耶克的自发秩序理论表达了这种归属感,因为它假装只要国家不干预,市场就有能力调和分歧。以这种方式看待哈耶克的作品有助于解释为什么他对多元主义和民主的概念如此单薄。它还表明,新自由主义对民主的攻击与其无情的榨取主义密切相关。然而,哈耶克作品中的浪漫元素可能会让他走向一个更激进的民主项目和生态政治,如果他肯定了多元性的话。最后,我提出,民主理论可以从学习倾听哈耶克所听到但未能肯定的东西中受益:大自然的积极声音。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Citizenship as Uruguayan Cultural Heritage 民主公民权是乌拉圭的文化遗产
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2019.060103
Robin Rodd
Amidst a global turn towards authoritarianism and populism, there are few contemporary examples of state-led democratization. This article discusses how Uruguay’s Frente Amplio (FA) party has drawn on a unique national democratic cultural heritage to encourage a coupling of participatory and representative institutions in “a politics of closeness.” The FA has reinvigorated Batllismo, a discourse associated with social justice, civic republicanism, and the rise of Uruguayan social democracy in the early twentieth century. At the same time, the FA’s emphasis on egalitarian participation is inspired by the thought of Uruguay’s independence hero José Artigas. I argue that the cross-weave of party and movement, and of democratic citizenship and national heritage, encourages the emergence of new figures of the citizen and new permutations for connecting citizens with representative institutions. The FA’s “politics of closeness” is an example of how state-driven democratization remains possible in an age described by some as “post-democratic.”
在全球转向威权主义和民粹主义的背景下,当代很少有国家主导的民主化的例子。本文讨论乌拉圭的自由阵线党(FA)如何利用独特的民族民主文化遗产,在“亲密政治”中鼓励参与性和代议制机构的结合。英足总重新激活了“战斗主义”,这是一种与社会正义、公民共和主义和20世纪初乌拉圭社会民主主义兴起有关的话语。与此同时,英足总对平等参与的强调受到了乌拉圭独立英雄何塞•阿蒂加斯思想的启发。我认为,政党与运动、民主公民与国家遗产的交织,鼓励了公民新形象的出现,以及将公民与代议制机构联系起来的新排列。足协的“亲密政治”是一个例子,说明在一个被一些人描述为“后民主”的时代,国家驱动的民主化仍然是可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Little Phil 小菲尔
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2019.060108
Joshua Murchie, J. Gagnon
This Practitioner’s Note considers the disruptive function of Little Phil, a mobile app that seeks to democratize philanthropic giving. Although many of the cultural aspects of philanthropy – such as increased control over donation, tracking the impact of one’s giving, and building interpersonal relationships with receivers – can be opened to any person with an app-hosting device and internet access, it cannot supplant the role of big philanthropy and solve Rob Reich’s problem: how to domesticate private wealth so that it serves democratic purposes? Little Phil’s disruption has in concept gotten us halfway to legitimizing philanthropy. Perhaps the uptake of citizens’ panels by large philanthropic foundations will cover the remainingdistance.
《从业者笔记》考虑了Little Phil的颠覆性功能,这是一款旨在实现慈善捐赠民主化的移动应用程序。尽管慈善事业的许多文化方面——如加强对捐赠的控制、跟踪捐赠的影响以及与接受者建立人际关系——可以向任何拥有应用程序托管设备和互联网接入的人开放,它不能取代大型慈善机构的作用,也不能解决Rob Reich的问题:如何将私人财富本土化,从而为民主目的服务?小菲尔的破坏让我们在慈善事业合法化的道路上走了一半。也许大型慈善基金会对公民小组的接纳将弥补剩余的阻力。
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引用次数: 0
Powerlessness and Unfairness 无能为力和不公平
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2019.060107
H. Vogt
Jan Zielonka’s Counter-Revolution: Liberal Europe in Retreat (Oxford University Press, 2018) is a furious, worried pamphlet on the challenges that European democracies are currently facing, on the apparent rise of illiberalism. This article critically reviews the book and seeks to offer a somewhat different and perhaps more optimistic picture of the current predicaments of European politics. The main point of reference in this respect is Finland, a country whose political institutions have managed, by and large, to uphold a sense of coherence in society. A commitment to participatory, equality-based, and freedom-generating institutions can indeed be seen as a primary means to counter the decline of liberalism.
Jan Zielonka的《反革命:撤退中的自由欧洲》(牛津大学出版社,2018)是一本愤怒而担忧的小册子,讲述了欧洲民主国家目前面临的挑战,以及反自由主义的明显抬头。这篇文章批判性地回顾了这本书,并试图对当前欧洲政治的困境提供一幅不同的、也许更乐观的画面。这方面的主要参考点是芬兰,该国的政治机构大体上维护了社会的一致性。对参与性、基于平等和产生自由的机构的承诺确实可以被视为对抗自由主义衰落的主要手段。
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引用次数: 0
Deliberative Democracy 协商民主
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2019.060106
Selen A. Ercan, André Bächtiger
Deliberative democracy is a growing branch of democratic theory. It suggests understanding and assessing democracy in terms of the quality of communication among citizens, politicians, as well as between citizens and politicians. In this interview, drawing on his extensive research on deliberative practice within and beyond parliaments, André Bächtiger reflects on the development of the field over the last two decades, the relationship between normative theory and empirical research, and the prospects for practicing deliberation in populist times.
协商民主是民主理论的一个不断发展的分支。它建议从公民与政治家之间以及公民与政治家之间的沟通质量的角度来理解和评估民主。在这次采访中,安德烈·Bächtiger借鉴了他对议会内外审议实践的广泛研究,反思了过去二十年来该领域的发展、规范理论与实证研究之间的关系,以及民粹主义时代实践审议的前景。
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引用次数: 4
In Praise of Democratic Ambivalence 赞扬民主的矛盾心理
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050203
Adele Webb
Public ambivalence towards democracy has come under increasingscrutiny. It is a mood registered perhaps most clearly in the factpopulist figures, from Trump to Orbàn to Duterte, appear to carry strongappeal despite the fact, or perhaps because of the fact, they pose a threatto democratic institutions and processes of governance. Are ambivalent citizensthe grave threat to democracy they are often portrayed to be in mediaand academic discourse on populism? In this article, I contend that citizens’ambivalence about democracy is a more complex, spirited and volitionalidea than is acknowledged in the current discussion of populism. Drawingon psychoanalysis and critical social thought, I embrace a conception of citizens’ambivalence in a democracy as both immanent and desirable. I argueambivalence can be a form of participation in democracy that is crucial tosafeguarding its future.
公众对民主的矛盾心理受到越来越多的审视。民粹主义人物,从特朗普到Orbàn再到杜特尔特,似乎具有强大的吸引力,尽管事实如此,或者也许正是因为事实如此,他们对民主制度和治理过程构成了威胁,这种情绪或许在事实中表现得最为明显。矛盾的公民是对民主的严重威胁吗?就像媒体和关于民粹主义的学术讨论中经常描绘的那样?在这篇文章中,我认为公民对民主的矛盾心理是一种比当前民粹主义讨论中所承认的更复杂、更有精神和更有意志的观念。在精神分析和批判社会思想的基础上,我认为民主社会中公民的矛盾心理既是内在的,也是可取的。我认为,矛盾心理可能是参与民主的一种形式,对维护民主的未来至关重要。
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引用次数: 1
Nexus Politics Nexus政治
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050205
M. Flinders, Matthew Wood
Existing research on alternative forms of political participationdoes not adequately account for why those forms of participation atan “everyday” level should be defined as political. In this article we aim tocontribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agendaby drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determiningwhether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinelydistinctive from traditional participation. Existing “everyday politics”frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues insteadfor drawing upon Michel Maffesoli’s theory of “neo-tribal” politics. ApplyingMaffesoli’s insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining“everyday” political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal politicalinstitutions, and building new political organizations from the bottomup. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally definingpolitical participation, but examining how traditional governmentalinstitutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday politicalparticipation: nexus politics.
现有的关于政治参与的替代形式的研究并没有充分解释为什么这些“日常”层面的参与形式应该被定义为政治。在这篇文章中,我们旨在通过借鉴社会学理论,为这项研究注入新的概念和理论深度,以确定非传统形式的政治参与是否可以被定义为与传统参与的本质区别。现有的“日常政治”框架在分析上是不发达的,文章认为不应该借鉴米歇尔·马费索利的“新部落”政治理论。运用Maffesoli的见解,我们为“日常”政治参与的操作定义提供了两个问题,即从正式政治机构表达自主权,以及从底层建立新的政治组织。这创造了一个实质性的研究议程,不仅在操作上定义政治参与,而且研究传统的政府机构和社会运动如何应对日常政治参与的增长:关系政治。
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引用次数: 9
Freedom from Democracy 脱离民主的自由
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050204
M. Walsh
This article examines what McKnight (2018) refers to as “progressivepopulism” and argues that the rise of progressive populism in contemporarywestern democratic societies is directly related to the emergenceof neoliberal governance regimes and the rise of global corporate power.Utilizing insights from both scholarly literature and popular commentary itoutlines the rising counter assault by global corporations and governmentssince the 1960s to reverse and impede the increase of democratic rights forpreviously marginalized sections of many western democratic societies. It iscrucial not to dismiss the power of global corporations and the rise of neoliberalismat the expense of the collective security of societies as just anotherform of elitism attacked by ordinary people. Corporations want freedomfrom democracy by usurping capitalist economic systems. They represent adisfiguration of representative democratic principles that culminates in paradoxesof liberty that progressive populists are contesting.
本文探讨了麦克奈特(2018)所说的“进步民粹主义”,并认为进步民粹主义在当代西方民主社会的兴起与新自由主义治理制度的出现和全球企业权力的崛起直接相关。利用学术文献和大众评论的见解,它概述了自20世纪60年代以来,全球公司和政府为逆转和阻碍许多西方民主社会中以前被边缘化的部分的民主权利的增长而进行的日益激烈的反击。至关重要的是,不要把全球企业的力量和新自由主义的兴起以及社会集体安全的代价视为另一种受到普通人攻击的精英主义。企业通过篡夺资本主义经济制度,想要从民主中获得自由。它们代表了代议制民主原则的变形,最终导致进步民粹主义者所反对的自由悖论。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Democratic Theory-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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