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Theorizing Democracy in a Pandemic 大流行病中的民主理论化
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2020.070216
P. Levine
The COVID-19 pandemic raises questions about the future of democracy and civil society. Some recent predictions seem to use the suffering to score points in ongoing political arguments. As a better example of how to describe the future during a crisis, I cite the prophetic voice of Martin Luther King, Jr. King does not merely predict: he calls for action, joins the action, and makes himself responsible for its success or failure. With these cautions about prediction in mind, I venture two that may guide immediate responses. First, communities may erect or strengthen unjustifiable barriers to outsiders, because boundaries enhance collective action. Second, although the pandemic may not directly change civic behavior, an economic recession will bankrupt some organizations through which people engage.
2019冠状病毒病大流行引发了对民主和民间社会未来的质疑。最近的一些预测似乎是在利用这些苦难为正在进行的政治争论加分。为了更好地说明如何在危机中描述未来,我引用了马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King Jr.)的预言之声。金不仅仅是预测:他呼吁行动,参与行动,并让自己对行动的成败负责。考虑到这些关于预测的警告,我冒昧地提出两点,可能会指导人们立即做出反应。首先,社区可能会对外人设置或加强不合理的障碍,因为边界会促进集体行动。第二,尽管疫情可能不会直接改变公民行为,但经济衰退会使一些人们参与的组织破产。
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引用次数: 1
COVID Revolution COVID革命
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070206
J. Dean
Revolution only occurs when people are willing to die for it. The last few days of May 2020 showed that thousands of people were willing to risk their lives in the struggle against the racist capitalist system. Rage at four hundred years of oppression, exploitation, and denigration, at the systemic murder of black, brown, and indigenous people, and at wanton, visible, and permissible police violence could no longer be contained. Between the virus and the economy, there was nothing left to lose.
革命只有在人们愿意为之牺牲的时候才会发生。2020年5月的最后几天表明,成千上万的人愿意冒着生命危险与种族主义资本主义制度作斗争。四百年来的压迫、剥削和诋毁,对黑人、棕色人种和土著人的系统性谋杀,以及对肆意、可见和允许的警察暴力的愤怒再也无法遏制。在病毒和经济之间,没有什么可以失去的。
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引用次数: 3
How Will the COVID-19 Pandemic Affect Democracy? COVID-19大流行将如何影响民主?
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2020.070204
Lauri Rapeli, I. Saikkonen
In this commentary, we discuss some possible effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in both established and newer democracies. We expect that the pandemic will not have grave long-term effects on established democracies. We assess the future of democracy after COVID-19 in terms of immediate effects on current democratic leaders, and speculate on the long-term effects on support for democratic institutions and principles. We also discuss possible implications of the COVID-19 pandemic on the global trends in democratic backsliding. We predict that, in the short term, the repercussions of the pandemic can aggravate the situation in countries that are already experiencing democratic erosion. However, the long term economic effects of the pandemic may be more detrimental to non-democratic governance.
在这篇评论中,我们讨论了COVID-19大流行对老牌民主国家和新兴民主国家可能产生的一些影响。我们期望这一流行病不会对老牌民主国家产生严重的长期影响。我们根据疫情对当前民主领导人的直接影响来评估疫情后民主的未来,并推测疫情对支持民主制度和原则的长期影响。我们还讨论了2019冠状病毒病大流行对全球民主倒退趋势的可能影响。我们预测,在短期内,这一流行病的影响可能会使已经遭受民主侵蚀的国家的局势恶化。然而,这一大流行病的长期经济影响可能对非民主治理更为不利。
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引用次数: 29
Rethinking Democratic Theories of Justice in the Economy after COVID-19 对新冠肺炎后经济中民主正义理论的反思
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2020.070214
L. Haagh
This article argues that the COVID-19 crisis has brought to light the importance of state democratic capacities linked with humanist governance. This requires securing individuals’ silent freedoms as embedded in the way “developmental” institutions that constitute social relations and well-being are governed. I argue health and well-being inequalities brought out by the crisis are but a manifestation of the way, in the context of the competition paradigm in global governance, states have become relatedly more punitive and dis-embedded from society. The answer lies in providing a more explicit defence of the features of a human development democratic state. An implication is to move democratic theory beyond the concern with redistributive and participatory features of democracy to consider foundational institutional properties of democratic deepening and freedom in society.
本文认为,2019冠状病毒病危机凸显了与人道主义治理相关的国家民主能力的重要性。这需要确保个人的沉默自由,这是构成社会关系和福祉的“发展”机构的管理方式所包含的。我认为,危机带来的健康和福祉不平等,不过是在全球治理竞争范式的背景下,国家变得相对更具惩罚性和脱离社会的一种表现。答案在于为人类发展民主国家的特征提供更明确的辩护。其含义是使民主理论超越对民主的再分配和参与特征的关注,而考虑民主深化和社会自由的基本制度属性。
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引用次数: 7
COVID-19, Democracies, and (De)Colonialities 新冠肺炎、民主政体和殖民地
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2020.070211
Marcos S. Scauso, Garrett FitzGerald, A. Tickner, N. Behera, Chengxin Pan, C. Shih, K. Shimizu
Liberal democracies often include rights of participation, guarantees of protection, and policies that privilege model citizens within a bounded territory. Notwithstanding claims of universal equality for “humanity,” they achieve these goals by epistemically elevating certain traits of identity above “others,” sustaining colonial biases that continue to favor whoever is regarded more “human.” The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these fault lines, unveiling once more the often-hidden prevalence of inequalities that are based on race, gender, class, ethnicity, and other axes of power and their overlaps. Decolonial theories and practices analyze these othering tendencies and inequalities while also highlighting how sites of suffering sometimes become locations of solidarity and agency, which uncover often-erased alternatives and lessons.
自由民主通常包括参与权、保护保障和在有限领土内对模范公民给予特权的政策。尽管声称“人类”享有普遍平等,但他们通过在认识上将某些身份特征提升到“其他”之上,维持殖民偏见来实现这些目标,这些偏见继续有利于被视为更“人性”的人。新冠肺炎大流行加剧了这些断层线,再次揭示了基于种族的不平等现象的普遍性,性别、阶级、种族和其他权力轴心及其重叠。非殖民化理论和实践分析了这些其他趋势和不平等,同时也强调了痛苦的地方有时是如何成为团结和代理的地方,这揭示了往往被抹去的替代方案和教训。
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引用次数: 6
The Limits of Liberal Democracy 自由民主的局限性
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070105
Viviana Asara
This critical commentary discusses Stephan Lessenich’s recent work on democracy. It argues that—to understand the structural boundaries of welfare capitalist democracy—we must critically unearth the limits of liberal democracy. This article first maintains that the absence of an economic democratization dimension is an outcome of liberal democracy’s shrinking of the meaning of the political. It next claims that defining democracy in terms of rights does not duly consider how these unfolded historically and recently, nor clarifies their relation with negative freedom. The article then contends that the environmentally destructive dialectic of democracy and the belittlement of reproductive work stem from the constitution of a narrowly defined economic sphere, from which “reproductive activities” are excluded. Finally, the text reflects on what “democratizing democracy” should entail.
这篇批判性评论讨论了斯蒂芬·莱西尼奇最近关于民主的研究。它认为,为了理解福利资本主义民主的结构边界,我们必须批判性地发掘自由民主的局限性。本文首先认为,经济民主化维度的缺失是自由民主政治意义萎缩的结果。接下来,它声称,从权利的角度来定义民主,并没有适当地考虑到这些权利在历史上和最近是如何展开的,也没有澄清它们与消极自由的关系。文章接着争辩说,破坏环境的民主辩证法和对生殖工作的轻视源于一个狭义经济领域的构成,“生殖活动”被排除在外。最后,本文反思了“民主化民主”的内涵。
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引用次数: 2
Neoliberalism, the Left and the Rise of the Far Right 新自由主义、左翼和极右翼的崛起
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070104
C. Panayotakis
After analyzing the tension between capitalism and liberal democracy, this article explores two ways that the political left has tried to navigate this tension. Both these strategies prevent parties of the left and the center-left from exposing capitalism’s undemocratic implications, while also helping to discredit political democracy. Unable to unify working people and ordinary citizens against the suffering that capitalism inflicts on them, the left inadvertently makes it possible for the far right to channel people’s discontent in ways that attack liberal democracy and turn working people against each other. Last but not least, the discrediting of democracy that results from these processes gives rise to a vicious cycle by also encouraging the adoption of neoliberal policies, which further intensify the subordination of democratically elected governments to capitalist interests.
在分析了资本主义和自由民主之间的紧张关系之后,本文探讨了政治左派试图驾驭这种紧张关系的两种方式。这两种策略都阻止了左翼和中左翼政党揭露资本主义的不民主含义,同时也有助于抹黑政治民主。由于无法将劳动人民和普通公民团结起来反对资本主义给他们带来的痛苦,左派不经意间让极右翼有可能以攻击自由民主的方式引导人们的不满,并使劳动人民相互对立。最后但并非最不重要的是,从这些过程中产生的对民主的不信任导致了一个恶性循环,也鼓励了新自由主义政策的采用,这进一步加剧了民主选举产生的政府对资本主义利益的从属关系。
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引用次数: 4
Against Analogy 对类比
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070102
Roberto Frega
This article asks whether the analogy between state and firm is a promising strategy for promoting workplace democracy and provides a negative answer, explaining why analogical arguments are not a good strategy for justifying workplace democracy. The article contends that the state-firm analogy is misguided for at least three reasons: (1) it is structurally inconclusive, (2) it is based on a category mistake, and (3) it leads us away from the central question we should ask, which is: What would concretely imply, and what is required, in order to democratize the workplace? I begin by offering an interpretation of the state-firm analogy which shows that use of the analogical argument in Dahl’s justification of workplace democracy engenders excessive and unnecessary theoretical costs which bear negatively on his conclusion. I then proceed to examine more recent contributions to the debate and show that supporters and critics of the state-firm analogy alike do not advance our understanding of the analogical argument. In the last part of the article I provide a general theoretical explanation of why arguments based on the state-firm analogy are not good candidates for defending workplace democracy.
本文询问国家和企业之间的类比是否是促进职场民主的一种有前途的策略,并给出了一个否定的答案,解释了为什么类比论点不是证明职场民主的好策略。这篇文章认为,国有企业的类比被误导的原因至少有三个:(1)它在结构上没有结论,(2)它基于一个类别错误,(3)它让我们偏离了我们应该问的核心问题,即:为了使工作场所民主化,具体意味着什么,需要什么?首先,我对国有企业的类比进行了解释,这表明在达尔对工作场所民主的辩护中使用类比论点会产生过度和不必要的理论成本,对他的结论产生负面影响。然后,我继续研究最近对这场辩论的贡献,并表明国家公司类比的支持者和批评者都没有促进我们对类比论点的理解。在文章的最后一部分,我提供了一个一般的理论解释,解释为什么基于国有企业类比的论点不适合捍卫职场民主。
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引用次数: 4
Comparative Democratic Theory 比较民主理论
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070103
A. Weiss
This article sketches a theoretical framework and research agenda for what is labeled as “Comparative Democratic Theory.” It is introduced as an approach to democratic theory which is informed by conceptual and methodological debates from “Comparative Political Theory” (CPT) as well as from insights from a global history of democratic thought. The inclusion of CPT perspectives into democratic theory is motivated by what is diagnosed as a conceptual blindness in Western democratic theory. When following this approach, however, the two extremes of unjustified universalism and normatively problematic relativism both must be avoided. To do so, a mode of sound abstraction is proposed, using the term “constellation,” and a discussion of aims and benefits of Comparative Democratic Theory is presented.
本文概述了被称为“比较民主理论”的理论框架和研究议程。它被介绍为一种民主理论的方法,由“比较政治理论”(CPT)的概念和方法论辩论以及全球民主思想史的见解提供信息。将CPT观点纳入民主理论的动机是西方民主理论中被诊断为概念盲的东西。然而,在遵循这种方法时,必须避免不合理的普遍主义和规范上有问题的相对主义这两个极端。为此,提出了一种声音抽象模式,使用“星座”一词,并讨论了比较民主理论的目的和好处。
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引用次数: 6
Globalizing the Intellectual History of Democracy 民主思想史的全球化
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2020.070107
Samuel Moyn, J. Gagnon
Samuel Moyn provides insight into how the history of democracy can continue its globalization. There is a growing belief that the currently acceptable fund of ideas has not served the recent past well which is why an expansion, a planetary one, of democracy’s ideas is necessary – especially now as we move deeper into the shadow of declining American/Western imperialism and ideology. Deciding which of democracy’s intellectual traditions to privilege is driven by a mix of forced necessity and choice: finding salient ground for democracy is likely only possible in poisoned traditions including European ones.
塞缪尔·莫因(Samuel Moyn)对民主历史如何继续其全球化提供了见解。人们越来越相信,目前可接受的思想基金并没有很好地服务于最近的过去,这就是为什么民主思想的扩张,一个全球性的扩张是必要的——尤其是现在,我们正更深地陷入美国/西方帝国主义和意识形态衰落的阴影中。决定哪一种民主的知识传统值得特权是由被迫的必要性和选择的混合驱动的:只有在包括欧洲传统在内的有毒传统中,才能为民主找到突出的基础。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Democratic Theory-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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