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Book Review 书评
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2018.050211
Anna-Mara Schön
Kevin Olson, Imagined Sovereignties: The Power of the People and OtherMyths of the Modern Age (Cambridge University Press, 2016), 230 pp.,ISBN: 9781107113237
凯文·奥尔森,《想象中的主权:人民的力量和现代其他思想》(剑桥大学出版社,2016),230页,国际标准书号:9781107113237
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引用次数: 0
What is populism? Who is the populist? 什么是民粹主义?谁是民粹主义者?
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050201
J. Gagnon, E. Beausoleil, Kyong-Min Son, C. Arguelles, Pierrick Chalaye, Callum N. Johnston
Both “populism” and “populist” have long been considered ill-definedterms, and therefore are regularly misapplied in both scholarly andpopular discourses.1 This definitional difficulty is exacerbated by the Babelianconfusion of voices on populism, where the term’s meaning differswithin and between global regions (e.g. Latin America versus Western Europe);time periods (e.g. 1930s versus the present), and classifications (e.g. left/right, authoritarian/libertarian, pluralist/antipluralist, as well as strainsthat muddy these distinctions such as homonationalism, xenophobicfeminism and multicultural neonationalism). While useful efforts havebeen made to navigate the vast and heterogeneous conceptual terrainof populism,2 they rarely engage with each other. The result is a dizzyingproliferation of different definitions unaccompanied by an understandingas to how they might speak to each other. And this conceptualfragmentation reinforces, and is reinforced by, diverging assessments ofpopulism which tend to cast it as either “good” or “bad” for democracy(e.g. Dzur and Hendriks 2018; Müller 2015).
长期以来,“民粹主义”和“民粹主义”都被认为是定义不清的术语,因此在学术和政治话语中经常被误用。1民粹主义声音的巴贝尔式混乱加剧了这种定义困难,在全球地区内部和之间(如拉丁美洲和西欧),这个术语的含义不同;时间段(例如20世纪30年代与现在)和分类(例如左/右、威权主义/自由主义、多元主义/反诱惑主义,以及混淆这些区别的限制,如同民族主义、仇外女权主义和多元文化新民族主义)。尽管已经做出了有益的努力来驾驭民粹主义的巨大而异质的概念领域,2但他们很少相互接触。其结果是,不同的定义令人眼花缭乱地激增,而对它们如何相互交流却一无所知。这种概念碎片化强化了对民粹主义的不同评估,并被这些评估所强化,这些评估往往将其视为对民主的“好”或“坏”(例如,Dzur和Hendriks,2018;穆勒,2015年)。
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引用次数: 16
The Populism/Anti-Populism Divide in Western Europe 西欧的民粹主义/反民粹主义之分
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050202
B. Moffitt
While the rise of populism in Western Europe over the pastthree decades has received a great deal of attention in the academic andpopular literature, less attention has been paid to the rise of its opposite—anti-populism. This short article examines the discursive and stylistic dimensionsof the construction and maintenance of the populism/anti-populismdivide in Western Europe, paying particular attention to how anti-populistsseek to discredit populist leaders, parties and followers. It argues that thisdivide is increasingly antagonistic, with both sides of the divide putting forwardextremely different conceptions of how democracy should operatein the Western European political landscape: one radical and popular, theother liberal. It closes by suggesting that what is subsumed and feared underthe label of the “populist threat” to democracy in Western Europe today isless about populism than nationalism and nativism.
尽管民粹主义在过去三十年中在西欧的兴起在学术和公共文学中受到了极大的关注,但对其反面——反民粹主义的兴起却关注较少。这篇短文考察了西欧民粹主义/反民粹主义分歧的构建和维持的话语和风格维度,特别关注反民粹主义者如何抹黑民粹主义领导人、政党和追随者。它认为,这种分歧越来越具有对抗性,分歧双方对民主在西欧政治格局中应该如何运作提出了截然不同的概念:一个是激进的、受欢迎的,另一个是自由的。最后,它暗示,今天西欧民主面临的“民粹主义威胁”标签下所包含和令人恐惧的,与其说是民粹主义,不如说是民族主义和本土主义。
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引用次数: 59
Unambivalent about Ambivalence in the Politics of Mourning 哀悼政治中的歧义
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2018.050210
G. Snyder
What does a democratically-productive form of mourninglook like in America? David McIvor’s Mourning in America and Simon Stow’sAmerican Mourning argue that it entails the embrace of ambivalence aboutself and other. Democratically-productive mourning pushes against the tendenciestoward idealization and demonization. Embracing ambivalence enablesus to move to more effective political engagement in the context ofboth collaboration and conflict. It allows us to understand that the processof mourning must be ongoing both to protect us from political excesses towhich we are prone and to push society toward justice.
在美国,一种民主生产的哀悼形式是什么样子的?大卫·麦克伊沃的《美国的哀悼》和西蒙·斯托的《美国哀悼》认为,它包含了对自我和他人的矛盾心理。民主的富有成效的哀悼反对倾向性的理想化和妖魔化。接受矛盾心理使我们能够在合作和冲突的背景下进行更有效的政治参与。它让我们明白,哀悼的过程必须持续下去,既要保护我们免受我们所倾向的政治过度,又要推动社会走向正义。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Social and the Political 在社会与政治之间
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050207
Pia Rowe, D. Marsh
While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope ofwhat counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventionaltheory, it skirts an important relationship between society, theprotopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that thelanguage of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensionsare particularly observable online, and that this language can constitutethe beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical andshould, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what countsas political participation.
虽然Wood和Flinders拓宽政治学中“政治”的范围是对传统理论的必要调整,但它回避了社会、公共政治领域和舞台政治之间的重要关系。我们特别认为,普通人的语言表达了社会的紧张关系,这种紧张关系在网上特别明显,这种语言可以构成政治行动的开始。语言可以是原政治性的,因此,应该被纳入作者关于政治参与的修正理论中。
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引用次数: 0
Practitioner’s Note
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050209
Spencer McKay, P. Macleod
Deliberative forums, such as citizens’ assemblies or referencepanels, are one institutionalization of deliberative democracy that has becomeincreasingly commonplace in recent years. MASS LBP is a pioneer indesigning and facilitating such long-form deliberative processes in Canada.This article provides an overview of the company’s civic lottery and referencepanel process, notes several distinctive features of MASS LBP that arerelevant to addressing challenges to democratic deliberation, and outlinespossible areas for future research in deliberative democracy applied in bothprivate and public settings.
公民大会或公民投票委员会等协商论坛是协商民主的一种制度化,近年来越来越普遍。MASS LBP是加拿大设计和促进这种长期审议程序的先驱。本文概述了该公司的公民彩票和公民投票委员会程序,指出了MASS LBP的几个显著特征,这些特征与应对民主审议的挑战有关,展望了未来在私人和公共环境中应用的协商民主研究的可能领域。
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引用次数: 1
On Intentionality and Motivation in Digital Spaces 论数字空间中的意向性与动机
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050206
Max Halupka
Wood and Flinders posit that intentionality and motivationare critical sites of analysis when determining whether an act is, or shouldbe made out to be, political or apolitical. I agree with this assertion—boththe intention behind an actor’s act, for example, what motivates the action,must be taken into consideration before such classifications are made. Yet,intentionality and motivation are more complicated and problematic thanthe authors make them out to be—especially online.
伍德和弗林德斯认为,在决定一项行为是或应该是政治性的还是非政治性的时候,意旨和动机是分析的关键场所。我同意这个断言——例如,在进行分类之前,必须考虑演员行为背后的意图,以及行为的动机。然而,意向性和动机比作者描述的更复杂、更有问题——尤其是在网上。
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引用次数: 1
Epistocracy and Democratic Participation in a Post-Truth World 后真相世界中的君主政体与民主参与
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/DT.2018.050102
Peter Standbrink
This article investigates civic-political and cognitive participationas they play out in democratic theory. Its core purpose is to developa conceptual-normative critique of the presupposition in liberal democratictheory that these logics are mutually reinforcing and complementary. Thismisunderstanding of a theoretical ambivalence contributes to inhibiting constructiveassessment of epistocratic*technocratic frameworks of democraticinterpretation and theory. I demonstrate that these logics circulate contrastingviews of democratic power and legitimacy and should be disentangledto make sense of liberal democratic theoretical and political spaces. This critiqueis then fed into a political-epistemological interrogation of post-truthand alt-facts rhetorical registers in contemporary liberal democratic life, concludingthat neither logic of participation can harbor this unanticipated andfundamentally nonaligned way of doing liberal democratic democracy.
本文研究了公民政治参与和认知参与在民主理论中的作用。其核心目的是对自由民主理论中这些逻辑是相互加强和互补的前提进行概念规范批判。这种对理论矛盾心理的误解有助于抑制对民主解释和理论的官僚*技术官僚框架的建设性评估。我证明了这些逻辑循环着民主权力和合法性的对立观点,应该被解开,以理解自由民主的理论和政治空间。这一批评随后被纳入对当代自由民主生活中的后真相和另类事实修辞的政治认识论质疑,得出的结论是,参与的逻辑都不能容纳这种意想不到的、从根本上不结盟的自由民主民主方式。
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引用次数: 2
War without Citizens 没有公民的战争
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2018.050103
Stephen J. Rosow
Contestation over war memorialization can help democratictheory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberaldemocratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advancedtechnologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to warchanges. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguringthe relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing warin contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs tojustify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenshipfrom participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization thatseeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars withfew citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiersand an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leadsto more active and critical democratic citizenship.
关于战争纪念的争论可以帮助民主理论回应当前自由民主国家(尤其是美国)在战争中公民身份的衰减。随着战争涉及更多的先进技术和更少的士兵,公民与战争的关系发生了变化。在这种背景下,战争纪念在重塑这种关系方面起着特殊的作用。在当代新自由主义国家中,当前的记忆和纪念战争的做法回应了一个困境:国家需要为持续的战争辩护并获得支持,同时使公民远离参与。其结果是一种纪念性的消费文化,这种文化寻求政治团体的团结,而它在几乎没有公民的情况下进行战争,并贬低了公众。新自由主义战争以很少的士兵和经济逻辑进行,揭示了对他人的脆弱性,这导致了更积极和批判性的民主公民。
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引用次数: 0
Online Supplement B 在线增补B
IF 2.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/dt.2018.050107sb
J. Gagnon
SUPPLEMENT B2,234 Descriptions of Democracy:An Update to Democracy’sOntological Pluralism
B2234民主的描述:对民主本体论多元主义的更新
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Democratic Theory-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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