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Korean Clothing and the Emperor of Japan in the 1682 Korean Embassy to Japan 1682年韩国驻日大使馆中的朝鲜服饰与日本天皇
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2010.13.1.003
E. Jung, Kenneth R. Robinson
Abstract:During the Edo period in Japan, the Emperor held authority in Kyoto, but the Shogun held power in Edo. This paper considers how the government of Chosŏn Korea responded to this situation by examining the roles of clothing in the 1682 Communication Embassy to Japan. Close examination of both literary and visual sources reveals that before entering the emperor’s capital of Kyoto, the Envoy and other Korean officials of high-ranking posts changed into formal clothing for entering the capital. Wearing formal clothing as a sign of respect, they displayed courtesy to the Emperor, and thus expressed propriety as foreign envoys. The formal clothing of the Envoy and the Vice Envoy were prepared by the Bureau of Wardrobe, which also demonstrates that the Korean government expressed goodwill through clothing and that the King of Chosŏn and his officials took propriety seriously.
摘要:日本江户时代,天皇在京都掌权,而幕府将军在江户掌权。本文通过考察服装在1682年驻日通信使馆中的作用,考察Chosŏn韩国政府是如何应对这种情况的。对文字和视觉资料的仔细研究表明,在进入皇帝的首都京都之前,特使和其他高级职位的朝鲜官员都换上了进入首都的正式服装。为了表示尊敬,他们穿着正式服装,向皇帝表示礼貌,从而表达了作为外国使节的得体。使节和副使节的正装是由服装局准备的,这也表明韩国政府通过服装表达了善意,同时也表明了Chosŏn国王及其官员对礼仪的重视。
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引用次数: 0
Troubled Tiger: Businessmen, Bureaucrats, and Generals in South Korea by Mark L. Clifford (review) 《麻烦缠身的老虎:韩国的商人、官僚和将军》马克·l·克利福德著(书评)
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.5860/choice.36-0441
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引用次数: 0
Translating Lives: Moving Beyond State-Centered Translations 翻译生活:超越以国家为中心的翻译
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.18399/ACTA.2008.11.1.001
Don Baker
Abstract:Korean Studies in the English-speaking world has reached a significant turning point in this first decade of the twenty-first century. If we make the correct turn, it will continue to advance, promoting greater understanding of Korean history and culture in academia as well as a heightened recognition of the distinctiveness of Korean culture in the wider world. However, if we make the wrong turn, Korean Studies could stagnate and grow less, not more, productive.What is the right direction for Korean Studies in the English-speaking world? We have already made a lot of progress in providing material in translation to help our students and others gain access to Korea history and culture through the words of Koreans themselves. However, most of that material has been state-centered, focusing on politics and the cultural productions of the wealthy and well-educated governing elite. We need to move beyond state-centered documents and translate more material on daily life, especially the Eves on the non-elite, to give those who can’t read that material in the original a better sense of what it was like to Eve in Korea a thousand, five hundred, or even just fifty years ago. In this article, I will make some specific suggestions for the type of material we should think about translating.
摘要:21世纪的头十年,英语世界的韩国学迎来了一个重要的转折点。如果我们做出正确的转变,它将继续向前发展,促进学术界对韩国历史和文化的进一步了解,并提高世界对韩国文化独特性的认识。然而,如果我们走错了路,韩国学可能会停滞不前,生产力会下降,而不是提高。英语世界韩国学的正确方向是什么?我们已经在提供翻译材料方面取得了很大进展,帮助我们的学生和其他人通过韩国人自己的语言了解韩国的历史和文化。然而,这些材料大多以国家为中心,关注政治和富有、受过良好教育的统治精英的文化产物。我们需要超越以国家为中心的文件,翻译更多关于日常生活的材料,尤其是关于非精英阶层的《夏娃》,让那些看不懂原著的人更好地了解一千年、五百年前,甚至仅仅五十年前的《夏娃》在韩国是什么样子。在这篇文章中,我将对我们在翻译时应该考虑的材料类型提出一些具体的建议。
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引用次数: 1
Editor’s Note Editor’s音符
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.5070/bs327161272
Don Baker, Ahn Seohyun, Bruce Fulton, Djuna, Larisa McNeil, Seung-Ah Lee, Michael C. E. Finch, James H. Grayson, Serk-Bae Suh, Janet L. Poole, Jesse D. Sloane, Barry Welsh, Jeong Eun Annabel We, Charles Montgomery, A. Muller, Andrew Jackson, Richard D. McBride, Sem Vermeersch, Michael C. Kalton, Nae-Hyun Kwon, Jin-Kyung Park, Fyodor Tertitskiy, Young-Jun Lee
Abstract:Wŏnhyo (617–686) is known to the world as Korea’s leading Buddhist thinker and scriptural commentator, mainly due to his numerous exegeses and treatises that attempted to sort out the plethora of new Buddhist ideas generated in the fifth through seventh centuries in East Asia—ideas produced both through the continued influx of newly translated Indian texts, as well as the rapid appearance of fresh East Asian interpretations of the Buddhist doctrine. Wŏnhyo is especially noted for being the only scholar among the great East Asian commentators who had neither sectarian affiliation nor took a sectarian-based approach in the interpretation of Buddhist doctrines. Thus, the privileging of a specific sectarian approach was for Wŏnhyo impossible, since he saw each of the various doctrinal streams of Buddhism as representing a distinct but valid piece of the vast Mahāyāna system—as true as any other piece, but not to be seen as some kind of “ultimate” doctrine. Wonhyo’s method—known as hwajaeng 和諍 (“harmonization”)—is characterized by the juxtaposing of two or more divergent theoretical positions, comparing them, and clarifying their distinctive assumptions and aims. Once these assumptions are properly apprehended, what on the surface appear to be contradictory opinions are shown to be commensurate with each other from a deeper perspective. This article examines in detail the range of motivations, methodologies, and approaches seen in Wonhyo’s hwajaeng project. Wonhyo’s approach will be examined in terms of three general aspects, which straddle the range of doctrinal/ scholastic, logical/philosophical, and religious, with the religious showing at least three levels of profundity.
摘要:Wŏnhyo(617-686)是韩国著名的佛教思想家和经书评论家,这主要是因为他撰写了大量的注释和论著,试图整理出5世纪至7世纪东亚地区产生的大量新佛教思想——这些思想是通过不断涌入的新翻译的印度文本和迅速出现的东亚对佛教教义的新解释而产生的。Wŏnhyo尤其以他是东亚伟大的评论家中唯一一位既没有宗派关系,也没有以宗派为基础来解释佛教教义的学者而闻名。因此,对于Wŏnhyo来说,特殊的宗派方法的特权是不可能的,因为他认为佛教的每一个不同的教义流都代表了庞大的Mahāyāna系统的一个独特而有效的部分——与其他部分一样真实,但不被视为某种“终极”教义。元孝的方法被称为“和谐”諍(“harmonization”),其特点是将两个或多个不同的理论立场并置,比较它们,并澄清它们独特的假设和目标。一旦这些假设被正确理解,表面上看似矛盾的观点从更深的角度来看是相称的。本文详细研究了Wonhyo 's wajaeng项目中的各种动机、方法和方法。元孝的方法将从三个方面来考察,这三个方面跨越了教义/学术、逻辑/哲学和宗教的范围,其中宗教至少表现出三个层次的深度。
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引用次数: 0
Hyperrealism in Korea in the Late 1970s 70年代末韩国的超现实主义
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-05 DOI: 10.18399/ACTA.2020.23.2.005
C. F. Synn
Abstract:Korean hyperrealism, a style that transfers photographic imagery and conventions to the medium of painting, is one of the few art forms of the late 1970s that has yet to receive substantive re-evaluation. Contrary to some critics’ derogatory dismissals, the style raises issues of cultural identity central to the aesthetics and critical theory of art after the Korean War. This study investigates how the hybrid forms and iconographical attention paid by Korean hyperrealism to common objects of everyday life reflect Korean society at a time when sophisticated encounters of opposing socio-political identities were taking place. After reviewing the history of this little known art form, especially of its critical discourse with prevalent social currents in the Korea of the period, the present study proceeds to define its iconography in relation to its “cultural other,” American hyperrealism. Many works of Korean hyperrealism engage some of the most pressing issues of Korea in the 1970s. In terms of subject matter, the works show complicated views of the character of the urbanization policies under President Park Chunghee (Pak Chŏnghŭi 朴正熙). Formally, the works present photographic details with a monochromatic tendency, a minimal surface infused with a sense of real-time theatricality, and an image of actual objects confluent with the illusionistic details. Juxtaposing and combining many antithetical concepts in an attempt to maintain a fragile balance, Korean artists struggled to create a culturally relevant mode of modernist expression and representation, and thereby translate their experience into a distinctive artistic language that is unique to their time period.
摘要:韩国的超写实主义是一种将摄影图像和惯例转移到绘画媒介的风格,是20世纪70年代末少数尚未得到实质性重新评价的艺术形式之一。与一些评论家贬损的驳斥相反,这种风格提出了文化认同问题,这是朝鲜战争后艺术美学和批评理论的核心。本研究探讨了韩国超现实主义对日常生活中常见物体的混合形式和图像关注如何反映了韩国社会在对立的社会政治身份发生复杂遭遇时的社会。在回顾了这一鲜为人知的艺术形式的历史,特别是它与当时韩国流行的社会潮流的批评话语之后,本研究继续定义其与“文化他者”美国超现实主义的关系。韩国超现实主义的许多作品都涉及到20世纪70年代韩国最紧迫的一些问题。从题材上看,这些作品反映了朴正熙总统(朴Chŏnghŭi)时期城市化政策的复杂特征。形式上,作品呈现出单色倾向的摄影细节,一个充满实时戏剧性的最小表面,一个真实物体的图像与虚幻的细节融合在一起。韩国艺术家将许多对立的概念并置并合,试图保持脆弱的平衡,努力创造一种与文化相关的现代主义表达和表现模式,从而将他们的经验转化为独特的艺术语言,这是他们所处时代所独有的。
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引用次数: 0
Critique of the Theory of Nature (xing) and Principle (li) in the Philosophy of Zhu Xi: Matteo Ricci and Chŏng Yagyong 朱熹哲学的自然(兴)理批判:利玛窦与Chŏng Yagyong
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.18399/ACTA.2020.23.1.002
Hansang A. Kim
Abstract:Taking recourse to the Aristotelian theory of four causes and the distinction between substance and accidents, as well as to the concept of intellectual consciousness (lingjue 靈覺), Matteo Ricci (Li Madou 利瑪竇, 1552–1610) argued that the notions of taiji 太極 and li 理 as expounded by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) cannot serve as the origin of existence, as their metaphysical equivalent God, does in Catholic Christianity. Taiji and li do not have consciousness and are moreover merely “accidents.” Unlike “substance,” an “accident” is something that is not essential for something to be what it is. Tasan Chŏng Yagyong 茶山 丁若鏞 (1762–1836) follows Ricci in claiming that li is but an accident, and no more than the “formal cause” of each individual object. A “formal cause” is what something is or should be, as distinct from the “material cause” (that of which it is made), the “efficient cause” (that which gives it shape or motion), or the “final cause” (the goal for which it is intended). Ricci and Tasan did not acknowledge the role of li as the “principle, ground, cause or the reason for the existence and operation of qi 氣” (suoyi 所以) as held by Zhu Xi’s school of nature and principle. Like Ricci, Tasan also dismissed the concept of taiji as “the undifferentiated state before heaven and earth came to be divided.” However, Tasan diverged markedly from Ricci with respect to the critique of the tenet “Nature is in fact principle (Xing ji li 性卽理)”. Although Tasan and Ricci both separated xing 性 from li and deconstructed the meaning of xing from its connotation of original moral human nature, Tasan’s reconstructed xing is quite different from Ricci’s understanding “nothing other than the fundamental (ben 本) essence (ti 體) of each category of things.” Tasan’s unique contribution is his new definition of xing (K. sŏng) as the appetite or preference/proclivity [for the moral good] (K. kiho, C. shihao 嗜好), which is quite Mencian in its affirmation of the presence of an incipient tendency toward the good in human beings. That he mentions that this xing (K. sŏng), although divested of its a priori metaphysical connotations, is still mandated and bestowed by heaven as stated in the Zhongyong 中庸 [Doctrine of the Mean] further testifies to Tasan’s continued engagement with the classics.
摘要:利玛窦(李麻都,1552-1610)根据亚里士多德的四因论、物质与偶然的区别以及意识的概念,认为朱熹(1130-1200)所阐述的太极和李氏的概念不能作为存在的起源,就像天主教基督教中形而上学的上帝一样。太极和理没有意识,而且只是“偶然”。与“物质”不同,“事故”是指对某物的存在并不重要的东西。Tasan Chŏng Yagyong茶山丁若鏞(1762 - 1836)是利玛窦在李声称只是意外,和不超过每个对象的“正式的原因”。“形式原因”是指某物是什么或应该是什么,与“物质原因”(构成它的原因)、“有效原因”(赋予它形状或运动的原因)或“最终原因”(目的)截然不同。利玛窦和塔山不承认礼是朱熹天理学派所认为的“气势存在和运行的原则、依据、原因或原因”。像利玛窦一样,塔桑也摒弃了太极的概念,认为它是“天地分裂之前的无差别状态”。然而,在对“自然即是理”的批判上,他与利玛窦有明显的分歧。虽然塔桑和利玛窦都将“行”从“理”中分离出来,并将“行”的意义从“本来的道德人性”的内涵中解构出来,但塔桑对“行”的重构与利玛窦对“一切事物的本质性”的理解是截然不同的。塔桑的独特贡献在于他将“行”(K. sŏng)定义为[对道德善的]欲望或偏好/倾向(K. kiho, C. shihao),这是相当Mencian的,因为它肯定了人类对善的初步倾向的存在。他提到的“行”(K. sŏng),虽然剥夺了其先验的形而上学内涵,但仍然是《中庸》中规定的上天的授权和赐予,这进一步证明了他与经典的持续接触。
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引用次数: 0
Between Patriarchy and Neoliberalism: Cho Namju’s 82-nyŏnsaeng Kim Chiyŏng 在父权制和新自由主义之间:赵南柱的82-nyŏnsaeng Kim Chiyŏng
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.18399/ACTA.2020.23.1.003
Sarah Yoon
Abstract:Cho Namju’s 82-nyŏnsaeng Kim Chiyŏng is a 2016 bestselling Korean novel that has received international attention. Having achieved immense popularity in Korea, the novel has become a centerpiece of recent feminist discussions in Korea through its exposure of contradictions in and between the patriarchal regime and a neoliberal society. This article explores the tensions and contradictions of these two models of social organization and their uneasy alliance in this novel, particularly in the narrated experiences of young mothers.
摘要:赵南柱的《82-nyŏnsaeng Kim Chiyŏng》是2016年备受国际关注的畅销韩国小说。这部小说在韩国广受欢迎,通过揭露男权制度和新自由主义社会之间的矛盾,成为最近韩国女权主义讨论的焦点。本文探讨了这两种社会组织模式的紧张和矛盾,以及它们在这部小说中令人不安的联盟,特别是在年轻母亲的叙述经历中。
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引用次数: 1
Diplomatic Priorities: Changes in the Tang Bestowal of Titles on Silla and Parhae 外交优先权:唐朝对新罗和渤海封号的变化
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.18399/ACTA.2020.23.1.001
Kim Jong-bok
Abstract:A typical model explaining pre-modern international relationships in East Asia is the tribute system in which Chinese emperors granted office titles to monarchs of surrounding states who in turn paid tribute to the Chinese throne. This model, which depends on the historical records of the state bestowing titles, cannot fully explain the international relationships centering on China for it fails to account for the internal conditions of the surrounding states. This study examines changes in the Tang bestowal of titles to determine the position and status of Silla and Parhae in the world order for which Tang hoped. The Tang bestowal of titles reflected its intended world order and its policy for implementing that order. The bestowed titles had to be changed if Tang intentions were not realized. Changes in Tang titles reflect Silla and Parhae responses to Tang policy; Tang upgraded titles when Silla and Parhae accepted Tang policies and downgraded them when they resisted.
摘要:近代前东亚国际关系的一个典型模型是朝贡制度,即中国皇帝给周边国家的君主授予官衔,而周边国家的君主则向中国的王位进贡。这种模式依赖于册封国的历史记录,不能充分解释以中国为中心的国际关系,因为它没有考虑到周边国家的内部条件。本研究考察唐朝册封的变化,以确定新罗和渤海在唐朝所希望的世界秩序中的地位和地位。唐朝的册封反映了它所期望的世界秩序和执行这一秩序的政策。如果唐的意图没有实现,就必须改变册封。唐朝称谓的变化反映了新罗和渤海对唐朝政策的反应;如果新罗和渤海接受了唐朝的政策,唐朝就提高了爵位,如果新罗和渤海反对,唐朝就降低了爵位。
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引用次数: 1
Editor’s Note Editor’s音符
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/yrev.13651
M. O’Rourke
Abstract:Many scholars have sought to find the fundamental causes of the current environmental and ecological crisis in the anthropocentric view of nature and the mechanical view of the world. In this regard, there has been a gradual increase in the number of scholars who, during the process of searching for alternative views of nature and the world, have paid attention to Asian philosophies. In particular, attention has been paid to the view of nature rooted in the unity of heaven and man, organic view of nature, and life-ismbased view of the world. Certain studies have dealt with the philosophies of Korean Confucian scholars such as Yi Hwang, Yi Yi, Hong Taeyong, and Ch’oe Han’gi from the standpoint of environmental ecology. However, the number of such studies remains limited, and the approach employed in such studies has been restricted to the general characteristics of Confucian thought. However, the claim that Confucian thought is fundamentally limited as an anthropocentric ethical philosophy is one that is difficult to refute. The analysis of the ecological discourses within Confucianism and Korean Confucianism should not be limited to the development of alternative ecological thought, but also focus on practical applications such as the establishment of ecological politics and economics, as well as the abstinence of desire.
摘要:许多学者试图在人类中心主义的自然观和机械的世界观中寻找当前环境和生态危机的根本原因。在这方面,越来越多的学者在寻找自然和世界的另类观点的过程中,开始关注亚洲哲学。特别是注重天人合一的自然观、有机自然观和生命主义世界观。一些研究从环境生态学的角度分析了李黄、李乙、洪泰镛、曹汉基等韩国儒学家的哲学。然而,此类研究的数量仍然有限,研究方法也仅限于儒家思想的一般特征。然而,儒家思想作为一种以人类为中心的伦理哲学从根本上受到限制的说法是难以反驳的。对儒家和朝鲜儒家生态话语的分析不应局限于另类生态思想的发展,而应着眼于生态政治和生态经济的建立、欲望的节制等实际应用。
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引用次数: 0
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IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-03 DOI: 10.1109/vnc57357.2023.10136323
Hyŏn Chingŏn, Ji-Yeon Sim
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引用次数: 0
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Acta Koreana
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