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The Moral and Religious Thought of Yi Hwang (Toegye): A Study of Korean Neo-Confucian Ethics and Spirituality. By Edward Y.J. Chung. 李黄(退溪)的道德与宗教思想:韩国新儒家伦理与灵性研究。爱德华·y·j·钟著。
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.011
C. Lee
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引用次数: 0
Pyongyang, the Center of Socialism: North Korea’s Initiative to Translate Korean Texts into Foreign Languages 社会主义中心平壤:朝鲜主动将朝鲜文本翻译成外语
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.007
Sunghee Kim
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引用次数: 0
The Sea as a Literary Metaphor and its Representation in the Suijŏn 海作为文学隐喻及其在Suijŏn中的表现
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.006
R. Maurizio
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引用次数: 0
Balancing Communities: Nation, State, and Protestant Christianity in Korea, 1884–1942. By Paul S. Cha 平衡社区:民族、国家和新教在朝鲜,1884-1942。文/保罗·s·查
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.013
Timothy S. Lee
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引用次数: 0
The Earliest Koreanic Words for ‘Child’, ‘East’, ‘Mountain’, ‘River’, and ‘Shore’: A Comparative-Historical Linguistic Study of Several Kara (Kaya) Toponyms in the Samguk sagi 最早的韩语“孩子”、“东”、“山”、“河”、“岸”等词:三国志中几个喀拉(喀拉)地名的比较历史语言学研究
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.004
Shimunek Andrew
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引用次数: 0
Korean National Identity under Japanese Colonial Rule: Yi Ghwangsu and the March First Movement of 1919 (Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia). By Michael Shin. 日本殖民统治下的朝鲜民族认同:李光洙与三一运动(劳特利奇亚洲近代史研究)。Michael Shin著。
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.012
Kyu Hyun Kim
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引用次数: 0
Salvation Reimagined: Sweet Dew Paintings in Wartime Colonial Korea 重新想象的救赎:战时朝鲜殖民时期的甘露画
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.002
Seunghye Lee
Abstract:Sweet dew paintings, which emerged in the sixteenth century, served as altarpieces for the low ritual altars where ceremonies for the disembodied were conducted in the three-altar configuration of the Korean Buddhist liturgy. Through their complex iconography, these paintings conveyed the message that all souls suffering from the misfortune and wrongdoings of previous lives could be saved through the salvific power of the divine and thus attain a better rebirth in their next life. Although this uniquely Korean genre of Buddhist paintings flourished throughout the Chosŏn period, it appears to have received heightened interest from the late 1930s to early 1940s with the onset of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). However, this phenomenon has yet to be contextualized within the rich history of the genre and the convoluted history of modern Korean Buddhism. This paper explores the restructuring of this genre through a close examination of works produced in late colonial Korea by Poŭng Munsŏng 普應文性 (1867–1954) and Namsan Pyŏngmun 南山秉文 (d. 1950), and Kŭmyong Ilsŏp 金蓉日燮 (1901–1975)—three monk painters who reformulated the well-established iconography of sweet dew paintings at a time when the need to deliver the deceased and provide solace to the living was most urgent. This study examines the dual role that these paintings performed amidst the wartime mobilization of Koreans by the Japanese colonial authorities: While Munsŏng and Pyŏngmun’s collaborative work aimed to deliver the souls of fallen Japanese soldiers, Ilsŏp’s compositions from the 1940s intended to help Koreans counter the trauma of colonial mobilization. This article both reveals the multi-faceted function of modern Korean Buddhist paintings and contributes to our understanding of the war experiences of colonial subjects through the medium of religious visual culture.
摘要:甘露画出现于16世纪,在朝鲜佛教的三坛仪式中,甘露画是为无体者举行仪式的低坛祭坛。通过这些复杂的图像,这些画作传达了这样的信息:所有前世遭受不幸和错误的灵魂都可以通过神的救赎力量得到拯救,从而在他们的下辈子获得更好的重生。虽然这种独特的韩国佛教绘画流派在Chosŏn时期蓬勃发展,但随着第二次中日战争(1937-1945)的爆发,它似乎在20世纪30年代末至40年代初受到了极大的关注。然而,这一现象尚未在丰富的流派历史和复杂的现代韩国佛教历史中得到语境化。本文通过仔细研究Poŭng Munsŏng(1867-1954)和Namsan (Pyŏngmun)(1950年)和Kŭmyong Ilsŏp(1901-1975年)三位僧侣画家的作品,探讨了这一流派的重组。三位僧侣画家在最迫切需要传递死者和为生者提供安慰的时候,重新制定了甘露画的成熟图像。本研究考察了这些画作在日本殖民当局战时动员韩国人期间所扮演的双重角色:Munsŏng和Pyŏngmun的合作作品旨在传递阵亡日本士兵的灵魂,Ilsŏp的作品则旨在帮助韩国人对抗殖民动员的创伤。本文既揭示了现代韩国佛教绘画的多方面功能,又有助于我们通过宗教视觉文化的媒介来理解殖民主体的战争经历。
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引用次数: 0
Competing Discourses on Three Ming Emperors and the Significance of Their Canonization in Late Chosŏn Korea 明三帝之争及其后期封圣的意义Chosŏn韩国
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.003
Seunghyun Han
Abstract:In 1749, King Yŏngjo and his courtiers began to venerate the Ming emperors Hongwu and Chongzhen at Taebodan in the courtyard of Ch’angdŏk Palace. This was in addition to Wanli, who had been honored since 1704. During the late Chosŏn period, the court regularly held rituals to worship these emperors. This study examines court discussions to assess the impact of this veneration on the image of the emperors. These show that prior to 1749, Chosŏn monarchs and ministers often viewed the emperors negatively, while at the same time lauding their virtues. The study also explores the process through which the court constructed orthodox narratives on the emperors, a process which bestowed the emperors with certain merits and virtues. These images became the only legitimate means through which to view them and were reinforced by regular state rituals. After 1749, the emperors became objects of supreme veneration rather than objective evaluation. Ming loyalism discouraged voices critical of the Ming or disrespectful to the emperors, an approach that supplanted a more critical Confucian interpretation.
摘要:1749年,Yŏngjo国王及其朝臣开始在'angdŏk宫太保坛朝拜明朝洪武皇帝和崇祯皇帝。除此之外,万历自1704年起就被授予荣誉。在Chosŏn后期,朝廷定期举行仪式来崇拜这些皇帝。本研究考察了宫廷讨论,以评估这种崇拜对皇帝形象的影响。这些资料表明,在1749年之前,Chosŏn君主和大臣们经常对皇帝持否定态度,同时又称赞他们的美德。研究还探讨了朝廷建构皇帝正统叙事的过程,这一过程赋予了皇帝一定的功德。这些图像成为观看他们的唯一合法手段,并通过定期的国家仪式得到加强。1749年以后,皇帝成为至高无上的崇拜对象,而不是客观评价的对象。对明朝的忠诚阻止了批评明朝或不尊重皇帝的声音,这种方法取代了更具批判性的儒家解释。
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引用次数: 0
Changing Symbolic Landscapes of Buddhist Temples in Sabi, the Royal Capital of the Paekche Kingdom 百济王国都城萨比的佛教寺庙象征性景观的变化
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.001
Byongho Lee
Abstract:In 538, the Paekche Kingdom moved its capital to Sabi (present-day Puyŏ) and thereafter established over twenty-five Buddhist temples in the area. These temples served not just as sacred spaces, but as political and symbolic landscapes and a national ceremonial area within the new capital. This paper analyzes the spatial and temporal distribution of the temples in the Puyŏ region and elucidates the changes in their construction in relation to both the landscape of the city and to royal authority. The sites selected for these important temples were near royal palaces, defensive installations, and communication routes, and reflect the trend toward engagement with the Buddhist world. Examining the distribution of these temples and their locational changes allows a more dynamic understanding of the visual transformation of Sabi, Buddhist temples as national and religious institutions, and their relationship to royal authority.
摘要:公元538年,百济王国迁都沙比(今普义),并在此建立了25座佛教寺庙。这些寺庙不仅是神圣的空间,而且是政治和象征性的景观,也是新首都的国家仪式场所。本文分析了濮阳地区寺庙的时空分布,并阐述了它们的建造变化与城市景观和王权的关系。这些重要寺庙的选址靠近皇宫、防御设施和交通路线,反映了与佛教世界接触的趋势。考察这些寺庙的分布和它们的位置变化,可以更动态地理解萨比,佛教寺庙作为国家和宗教机构的视觉转变,以及它们与王权的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Homogeneity of Sŏktok kugyŏl 釋讀口訣 and Hyangch’al 鄕札 and the Principle of Hyangch’al Composition Sŏktok kugyŏl与香椿核的同质性及香椿核组成原理
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.18399/acta.2023.26.1.005
Jinhee Kim, Jaemin Park

Abstract:

This study compares the hyangch’al 鄕札 of the Silla 新羅 Kingdom (57 BCE–935 CE) and the sŏktok kugyŏl 釋讀口訣 of the Koryŏ 高麗 (918–1392) dynasty. Both hyangch’al and kugyŏl incorporated borrowed characters (ch’aja 借字) from Chinese to phrase the Korean vernacular. Although hyangch’al is older than kugyŏl, materials written in hyangch’al demonstrate a similar usage of borrowed sinographs and analogous syntactic structures. This affinity between the two systems implies they were created in similar cultural contexts by a similar social class. Based on this, the paper reexamines a well-known principle of hyangch’al, called hunju ŭmjong 訓主音從, wherein word segments in hyangch’al consist of hunch’a 訓借 (sinographs borrowed as semantograms) and ŭmch’a 音借 (sinographs borrowed for their sound), which together comprise ch’aja 借字 or borrowed sinographs. However, the complications inherent to the differentiation of hunch’a and ŭmch’a have led to another crucial division between ch’aja and normal Sinitic being neglected, resulting in a misleading interpretation of hyangch’al. In kugyŏl, a word segment comprises normal Sinitic first followed by sinographs, a rule that also applies to hyangch’al. We call this hanju ch’ajong 漢主借從 (Sinitic leads, borrowed usage follows). This paper reclassifies the four categories of hyangch’al characters and applies this reclassification to the reading of hyangga 鄕歌 songs recorded in hyangch’al. This approach to utilizing findings from research into kugyŏl allows for a more accurate translation of hyangga songs.

摘要:本研究比较了新罗王朝(公元前57年-公元935年)和高丽王朝(918-1392年)的sŏktok kugyŏl。hyangchal和kugyŏl都从汉语中借用了汉字(chaja)来表达韩国方言。虽然香江比kugyŏl更古老,但用香江写的材料显示出类似的借用汉字和类似的句法结构的用法。这两种制度之间的亲缘关系意味着它们是由相似的社会阶层在相似的文化背景下创造的。在此基础上,本文透过一个众所周知的原则hyangch 'al,叫做hunjuŭmjong訓主音從,其中词段hyangch 'al由直觉萨那訓借(sinographs借semantograms)和ŭ妇幼保健音借(sinographs借来的声音),合起来构成ch 'aja借字或借来的sinographs。然而,对hunch 'a和ŭmch 'a的区分所固有的复杂性导致了chaja和正常汉语之间的另一个重要区分被忽视,从而导致了对hyangch 'al的误导性解释。在kugyŏl中,一个词首先由正常的汉字组成,然后是汉字,这一规则也适用于香江。我们把这叫做“汉词”(汉语引申,外来语接)。本文对香房字的四类进行了重新分类,并将这种重新分类应用于香房歌的诵读。利用kugyŏl的研究结果,可以更准确地翻译香歌。
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Acta Koreana
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