Abstract:La narrativa contemporánea sobre la migración de Latinoamérica a los Estados Unidos es motivada por un impulso de justicia social. Interactúa con frecuencia con otras respuestas sociales a la violencia en contra de la mujer en ambos lados de la frontera entre México y los EE.UU., explorando el impacto de la violencia de género en tendencias migratorias y criticando patrones continuos de discriminación y violencia de género en ámbitos tanto culturales como políticos a través de Latinoamérica. Este artículo analiza un ejemplo clave de tal narrativa, The River Flows North (2009) de la novelista chicana Graciela Limón, enfocándose en el personaje salvadoreño Menda Fuentes para considerar cómo este texto representa el género y la marginación como un método de crítico social. Arguye que la novela saca a la luz sistemas de violencia que rodean el cuerpo femenino y migrante, así abogando por un acercamiento más comprensivo a la migración. Asimismo, el artículo orienta la novela en relación con la ficción chicana de solidaridad producida en los años 1980s y 90s, examinando la manera en que el texto continúa algunas tendencias de este género mientras que simultáneamente toma cierta distancia del canon literario para problematizar la representación popular de la migrante centroamericana. La evolución y trayectoria de Menda Fuentes como personaje funciona, por consiguiente, como un modelo revisado de activismo social, que toma en cuenta los desafíos enfrentados por [mujeres] inmigrantes e interactúa con una nueva ola de la cultura transnacional de solidaridad en torno a la migración centroamericana.
{"title":"La rebelde con una causa activista: Una nueva perspectiva de la migrante centroamericana Y la solidaridad chicana en The River Flows North de Graciela Limón","authors":"Adrienne Erazo","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:La narrativa contemporánea sobre la migración de Latinoamérica a los Estados Unidos es motivada por un impulso de justicia social. Interactúa con frecuencia con otras respuestas sociales a la violencia en contra de la mujer en ambos lados de la frontera entre México y los EE.UU., explorando el impacto de la violencia de género en tendencias migratorias y criticando patrones continuos de discriminación y violencia de género en ámbitos tanto culturales como políticos a través de Latinoamérica. Este artículo analiza un ejemplo clave de tal narrativa, The River Flows North (2009) de la novelista chicana Graciela Limón, enfocándose en el personaje salvadoreño Menda Fuentes para considerar cómo este texto representa el género y la marginación como un método de crítico social. Arguye que la novela saca a la luz sistemas de violencia que rodean el cuerpo femenino y migrante, así abogando por un acercamiento más comprensivo a la migración. Asimismo, el artículo orienta la novela en relación con la ficción chicana de solidaridad producida en los años 1980s y 90s, examinando la manera en que el texto continúa algunas tendencias de este género mientras que simultáneamente toma cierta distancia del canon literario para problematizar la representación popular de la migrante centroamericana. La evolución y trayectoria de Menda Fuentes como personaje funciona, por consiguiente, como un modelo revisado de activismo social, que toma en cuenta los desafíos enfrentados por [mujeres] inmigrantes e interactúa con una nueva ola de la cultura transnacional de solidaridad en torno a la migración centroamericana.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"170 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48501414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Agrotropolis: Youth, Street, and Nation in the New Urban Guatemala by J.T. Way (review)","authors":"Gaye Ozpinar","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"237 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46027066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Citizens of Scandal: Journalism, Secrecy, and the Politics of Reckoning in Mexico by Vanessa Freije (review)","authors":"Stephen D. Morris","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"234 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43969745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In “The ‘Mexican’ Sor Juana” (2007), Stephanie Merrim presents a very compelling approach to Sor Juana’s writings in which the reader traces the “Mexican” texts the nun used as the basis for her writings, a collection of texts Merrim identifies as “the Mexican archive” (78). Even though I find this approach to reading Sor Juana’s texts very appealing, my main contention with this approach is not considering the non-written sources Sor Juana uses and references in her writings and forgetting that Sor Juana wrote for a diverse audience, not only the learned and erudite Spanish and Creole community. As scholars such as Yolanda Martínez San Miguel and Alfred Arteaga have pointed out, Sor Juana also wrote for the “common people,” that is, for the multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-lingual, and multi-cultural society of late 17th Century Spanish America. Hence, I propose to expand Merrim’s notion of Sor Juana’s “Mexican archive” to include the multiple dialects, languages, cultures, and subjectivities of marginalized groups. Sor Juana’s ensaladillas to various villancicos illustrates this “living archive” the nun uses in her writings while making a critique of Spanish American society. In this article I focus on the ensaladilla which closes the series of villancicos in honor of San Pedro Nolasco, founder of the Order of Mercy. Thus, the ensaladillas and villancicos Sor Juana wrote for public performances reveal an “Other” Sor Juana, a Sor Juana who writes for the common people and presents a critical vision of the dialects, languages, cultures and subjectivities of a diverse multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-lingual and multi-cultural society.
摘要：斯蒂芬妮·梅里姆（Stephanie Merrim）在《墨西哥的索尔·胡安娜》（The‘Mexican’Sor Juana）（2007）一书中，对索尔·胡娜的作品提出了一种非常引人注目的方法，读者在其中追溯了这位修女用作其作品基础的“墨西哥”文本，梅里姆将这些文本集认定为“墨西哥档案”（78）。尽管我觉得这种阅读索尔·胡安娜文本的方法非常有吸引力，但我对这种方法的主要论点是没有考虑索尔·胡安娜在她的作品中使用和引用的非书面来源，忘记了索尔·胡阿纳是为不同的受众而写的，而不仅仅是博学的西班牙语和克里奥尔语社区。正如Yolanda Martínez San Miguel和Alfred Arteaga等学者所指出的那样，Sor Juana也为“普通人”写作，也就是说，为17世纪末西班牙美洲的多民族、多种族、多语言和多文化社会写作。因此，我建议将梅里姆对索尔·胡安娜的“墨西哥档案”的概念扩展到包括边缘化群体的多种方言、语言、文化和主体性。索尔·胡安娜（Sor Juana）对各种别墅的描述说明了这位修女在批评西班牙裔美国社会时在写作中使用的“活档案”。在这篇文章中，我关注的是ensaladilla，它结束了维兰西科系列，以纪念圣佩德罗·诺拉斯科，仁慈骑士团的创始人。因此，索尔·胡安娜为公共表演而写的ensaladillas和vilancicos揭示了一个“他者”索尔·胡安娜·胡安娜，一个为普通人写作的索尔·胡阿纳，他对一个多民族、多种族、多语言和多文化社会的方言、语言、文化和主体性提出了批判性的看法。
{"title":"The “Other” Sor Juana: Racialized Subjectivities, Languages, and Cultures in the Ensaladilla to the Villancico Series in Honor of San Pedro Nolasco (1677)","authors":"Carlos Macías Prieto","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In “The ‘Mexican’ Sor Juana” (2007), Stephanie Merrim presents a very compelling approach to Sor Juana’s writings in which the reader traces the “Mexican” texts the nun used as the basis for her writings, a collection of texts Merrim identifies as “the Mexican archive” (78). Even though I find this approach to reading Sor Juana’s texts very appealing, my main contention with this approach is not considering the non-written sources Sor Juana uses and references in her writings and forgetting that Sor Juana wrote for a diverse audience, not only the learned and erudite Spanish and Creole community. As scholars such as Yolanda Martínez San Miguel and Alfred Arteaga have pointed out, Sor Juana also wrote for the “common people,” that is, for the multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-lingual, and multi-cultural society of late 17th Century Spanish America. Hence, I propose to expand Merrim’s notion of Sor Juana’s “Mexican archive” to include the multiple dialects, languages, cultures, and subjectivities of marginalized groups. Sor Juana’s ensaladillas to various villancicos illustrates this “living archive” the nun uses in her writings while making a critique of Spanish American society. In this article I focus on the ensaladilla which closes the series of villancicos in honor of San Pedro Nolasco, founder of the Order of Mercy. Thus, the ensaladillas and villancicos Sor Juana wrote for public performances reveal an “Other” Sor Juana, a Sor Juana who writes for the common people and presents a critical vision of the dialects, languages, cultures and subjectivities of a diverse multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-lingual and multi-cultural society.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"109 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48854177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:For fifty years, Afro Ecuadorian intellectual and activist Juan García Salazar (1948–2017) documented the collective wisdom inscribed in the oral tradition of African descent peoples in Ecuador. This archive emerges in the region’s intellectual realm as a political intervention that seeks to vindicate afro Ecuadorian historical demands while protecting and transmitting ancestral knowledge. It is an expression of the guardians of tradition and a community that defies the Ecuadorian state’s whitemestizo hegemony.In Abuelo Zenón, Juan Garcia’s compiles the Afro Pacific region’s collective wisdom through a dialogical character in his writings. In Zenón’s reflections, it is possible to read the arch in the work of a collection of materials developed by García, the political proposal of the Gran Comarca of northern Esmeraldas as a strategy for protecting the ancestral land of afro descendants in the region, and the pedagogic efforts to promote the sense of identity within the communities.This paper engages in a dialogue with the aesthetic proposals inscribed in the teachings of Abuelo Zenón. Doing so exemplifies the different stages of a historical process that has adopted different vehicles to document, protect, and strategically share knowledge with concrete political objectives.
摘要：五十年来，非裔厄瓜多尔知识分子和活动家Juan García Salazar（1948–2017）记录了厄瓜多尔非裔人民口头传统中的集体智慧。该档案作为一种政治干预出现在该地区的知识领域，旨在维护非裔厄瓜多尔人的历史要求，同时保护和传播祖先的知识。它表达了传统的守护者和一个反抗厄瓜多尔白人霸权的社区。在《阿不埃洛·岑翁》一书中，胡安·加西亚通过其作品中的对话性编纂了非洲-太平洋地区的集体智慧。在Zenón的思考中，可以阅读García开发的一系列材料中的拱门，埃斯梅拉达斯北部Gran Comarca的政治提案，作为保护该地区非洲后裔祖先土地的战略，以及促进社区内认同感的教育努力。本文与阿不埃罗·禅宗教义中的美学建议进行了对话。这样做体现了历史进程的不同阶段，历史进程采用了不同的工具来记录、保护和战略性地分享具有具体政治目标的知识。
{"title":"Abuelo-palenque: estética, pedagogía, y lucha política en las enseñanzas del Abuelo Zenón/Abuelo-Palenque: aesthetics, pedagogy, and political struggle in the teachings of Abuelo Zenón","authors":"Javier Eduardo Pabón","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:For fifty years, Afro Ecuadorian intellectual and activist Juan García Salazar (1948–2017) documented the collective wisdom inscribed in the oral tradition of African descent peoples in Ecuador. This archive emerges in the region’s intellectual realm as a political intervention that seeks to vindicate afro Ecuadorian historical demands while protecting and transmitting ancestral knowledge. It is an expression of the guardians of tradition and a community that defies the Ecuadorian state’s whitemestizo hegemony.In Abuelo Zenón, Juan Garcia’s compiles the Afro Pacific region’s collective wisdom through a dialogical character in his writings. In Zenón’s reflections, it is possible to read the arch in the work of a collection of materials developed by García, the political proposal of the Gran Comarca of northern Esmeraldas as a strategy for protecting the ancestral land of afro descendants in the region, and the pedagogic efforts to promote the sense of identity within the communities.This paper engages in a dialogue with the aesthetic proposals inscribed in the teachings of Abuelo Zenón. Doing so exemplifies the different stages of a historical process that has adopted different vehicles to document, protect, and strategically share knowledge with concrete political objectives.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"108 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48924077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Fernando Pérez’s José Martí: El ojo del canario (2010) is a foray into Martí’s childhood and adolescence on the big screen that perpetuates the hagiographic narrative of José Martí as white savior for what is ostensibly a self-fashioned mestizo national ideal. To that end, Fernando Pérez minimizes Afro-Cuban agency and offers a whitewashed version of the revolutionary milieu in which Martí came of age. Through the analysis of black representation, historical revisionism, and symbolism, I show how the story of Martí and colonial Cuba envisioned by Fernando Pérez enshrines the notion that the burgeoning nationalism and radical politics of mid-nineteenth-century Cuba were a whites-only enterprise, a move that turns the film into a Cuban minstrel show for the new millennium.
摘要：费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）的《何塞·马蒂：卡纳里奥》（JoséMartí：El ojo del canario）（2010）在大银幕上对马蒂的童年和青春期进行了一次突袭，延续了何塞·马蒂作为白人救世主的圣徒叙事，表面上是一种自我塑造的混血民族理想。为此，费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）最小化了非裔古巴人的代理权，并为马蒂（Martí）成长的革命环境提供了一个粉饰版。通过对黑人形象、历史修正主义和象征主义的分析，我展示了费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）所设想的马蒂（Martí。
{"title":"The Whitewash of Blackface in Fernando Pérez’s José Martí: El ojo del Canario (2010)","authors":"J. Batista","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Fernando Pérez’s José Martí: El ojo del canario (2010) is a foray into Martí’s childhood and adolescence on the big screen that perpetuates the hagiographic narrative of José Martí as white savior for what is ostensibly a self-fashioned mestizo national ideal. To that end, Fernando Pérez minimizes Afro-Cuban agency and offers a whitewashed version of the revolutionary milieu in which Martí came of age. Through the analysis of black representation, historical revisionism, and symbolism, I show how the story of Martí and colonial Cuba envisioned by Fernando Pérez enshrines the notion that the burgeoning nationalism and radical politics of mid-nineteenth-century Cuba were a whites-only enterprise, a move that turns the film into a Cuban minstrel show for the new millennium.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"24 - 9"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41660763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:La emigración otomana hacia América se inició a partir de la década de 1860 y empezó a intensificarse después de mediados de 1880. Hacia finales de dicha década en los documentos otomanos se habla, por la primera vez, de la necesidad de establecer un consulado otomano en Buenos Aires. Cierto es que esta necesidad surgió como consecuencia natural de la creciente emigración hacia América del Sur. Dicha emigración se observó y reportó por las misiones diplomáticas del Imperio Otomano en algunas ciudades europeas. Así es, el cónsul otomano en Barcelona fue el primer oficial otomano que propuso el establecimiento de un consulado otomano en Argentina, debido al notable aumento de la emigración por vía de este puerto hacia allí. A pesar del hecho de que se estableció el primer contacto y la primera iniciativa de firmar un tratado consular entre ambos países en 1870, hubo que esperar hasta 1910 para ver concluido el proceso. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar, desde el punto de vista otomano, la historia del proceso del establecimiento del Consulado General del Imperio Otomano en Buenos Aires y las causas de la larga demora para implementarlo. Para ello, se va a hacer referencia, mayoritariamente, a las fuentes primarias otomanas, pues, en su casi totalidad no se han consultado hasta ahora.
{"title":"El establecimiento del Consulado General del Imperio Otomano en Buenos Aires y el papel de la emigración, según los archivos otomanos, 1870–1910","authors":"Oğuzhan Yener","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:La emigración otomana hacia América se inició a partir de la década de 1860 y empezó a intensificarse después de mediados de 1880. Hacia finales de dicha década en los documentos otomanos se habla, por la primera vez, de la necesidad de establecer un consulado otomano en Buenos Aires. Cierto es que esta necesidad surgió como consecuencia natural de la creciente emigración hacia América del Sur. Dicha emigración se observó y reportó por las misiones diplomáticas del Imperio Otomano en algunas ciudades europeas. Así es, el cónsul otomano en Barcelona fue el primer oficial otomano que propuso el establecimiento de un consulado otomano en Argentina, debido al notable aumento de la emigración por vía de este puerto hacia allí. A pesar del hecho de que se estableció el primer contacto y la primera iniciativa de firmar un tratado consular entre ambos países en 1870, hubo que esperar hasta 1910 para ver concluido el proceso. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar, desde el punto de vista otomano, la historia del proceso del establecimiento del Consulado General del Imperio Otomano en Buenos Aires y las causas de la larga demora para implementarlo. Para ello, se va a hacer referencia, mayoritariamente, a las fuentes primarias otomanas, pues, en su casi totalidad no se han consultado hasta ahora.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"121 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49173512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The author examines the little-known story of the intervention of Panama’s dictator Omar Torrijos in the internal affairs of Nicaragua during the Sandinista Revolution against the Somoza Regime in 1978–1979. Not only did Torrijos send Panamanian volunteers to fight in Nicaragua, but he also organized the supply of arms to Sandinista rebels. However, the Panamanian dictator failed in his larger effort. He wanted to organize an alliance of Costa Rica, Venezuela, and Cuba to help overthrow Somoza and, at the same time, establish a moderate reformist government in Nicaragua as an example to other Central American nations. He also attempted to involve President Jimmy Carter in his scheme.
{"title":"Omar Torrijos and the Sandinista Revolution","authors":"Jonathan A. C. Brown","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The author examines the little-known story of the intervention of Panama’s dictator Omar Torrijos in the internal affairs of Nicaragua during the Sandinista Revolution against the Somoza Regime in 1978–1979. Not only did Torrijos send Panamanian volunteers to fight in Nicaragua, but he also organized the supply of arms to Sandinista rebels. However, the Panamanian dictator failed in his larger effort. He wanted to organize an alliance of Costa Rica, Venezuela, and Cuba to help overthrow Somoza and, at the same time, establish a moderate reformist government in Nicaragua as an example to other Central American nations. He also attempted to involve President Jimmy Carter in his scheme.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"25 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48649414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper highlights key elements of Franz Boas’s field trip to Puerto Rico in 1915 as part of the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands. An outstanding, multi-disciplinary scientific field expedition organized by the New York Academy of Sciences and hosted by the Puerto Rican government, the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico provided Boas with the means to perform groundbreaking anthropological research on the island. Anthropometric documentation allowed him to explore Taíno indigenous physical traits, which he referred to as “Indian blood.” Boas followed in the footsteps of an earlier U.S. American anthropologist, Jessie Fewkes, who performed anthropological and ethnocultural fieldwork in Puerto Rico immediately after the Spanish American War of 1898. Today Boas’s anthropological field research data is essentially regarded as an afterthought mainly connected to his mapping of an indigenous area that he called “the ancient village of Capá.” Known today as Centro Ceremonial Indígena de Caguana, it is the largest surviving Taíno ceremonial and ballpark center in the Caribbean. As I conclude, although Boas seemingly ignored the socio-cultural importance of “Indian blood,” contemporary Puerto Ricans who self-identify as Taínos recall the Boasian concept of Amerindian ancestry as the basis for a rather popular and highly politicized Taíno aboriginal nation movement.Do you know what people mean when they speak of “Our New Possessions”? What are they? Where are they? Why are men, in the streets, in the shops, everywhere, talking about them? Why are the newspapers full of articles in regard to them? Why are lawmakers at the capital devoting so much time and attention to them? (George 5)
{"title":"Franz Boas’s trip to Puerto Rico (1915) and the Contemporary Boriken Nation","authors":"R. Ocasio","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper highlights key elements of Franz Boas’s field trip to Puerto Rico in 1915 as part of the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands. An outstanding, multi-disciplinary scientific field expedition organized by the New York Academy of Sciences and hosted by the Puerto Rican government, the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico provided Boas with the means to perform groundbreaking anthropological research on the island. Anthropometric documentation allowed him to explore Taíno indigenous physical traits, which he referred to as “Indian blood.” Boas followed in the footsteps of an earlier U.S. American anthropologist, Jessie Fewkes, who performed anthropological and ethnocultural fieldwork in Puerto Rico immediately after the Spanish American War of 1898. Today Boas’s anthropological field research data is essentially regarded as an afterthought mainly connected to his mapping of an indigenous area that he called “the ancient village of Capá.” Known today as Centro Ceremonial Indígena de Caguana, it is the largest surviving Taíno ceremonial and ballpark center in the Caribbean. As I conclude, although Boas seemingly ignored the socio-cultural importance of “Indian blood,” contemporary Puerto Ricans who self-identify as Taínos recall the Boasian concept of Amerindian ancestry as the basis for a rather popular and highly politicized Taíno aboriginal nation movement.Do you know what people mean when they speak of “Our New Possessions”? What are they? Where are they? Why are men, in the streets, in the shops, everywhere, talking about them? Why are the newspapers full of articles in regard to them? Why are lawmakers at the capital devoting so much time and attention to them? (George 5)","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"81 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47482506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
G. Crider, J. Batista, Jonathan A. C. Brown, Gabrielle Esparza, Peter J. Ferdinando, R. Ocasio, Javier Eduardo Pabón, Carlos Macías Prieto, Oğuzhan Yener
Abstract:Fernando Pérez’s José Martí: El ojo del canario (2010) is a foray into Martí’s childhood and adolescence on the big screen that perpetuates the hagiographic narrative of José Martí as white savior for what is ostensibly a self-fashioned mestizo national ideal. To that end, Fernando Pérez minimizes Afro-Cuban agency and offers a whitewashed version of the revolutionary milieu in which Martí came of age. Through the analysis of black representation, historical revisionism, and symbolism, I show how the story of Martí and colonial Cuba envisioned by Fernando Pérez enshrines the notion that the burgeoning nationalism and radical politics of mid-nineteenth-century Cuba were a whites-only enterprise, a move that turns the film into a Cuban minstrel show for the new millennium.
摘要：费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）的《何塞·马蒂：卡纳里奥》（JoséMartí：El ojo del canario）（2010）在大银幕上对马蒂的童年和青春期进行了一次突袭，延续了何塞·马蒂作为白人救世主的圣徒叙事，表面上是一种自我塑造的混血民族理想。为此，费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）最小化了非裔古巴人的代理权，并为马蒂（Martí）成长的革命环境提供了一个粉饰版。通过对黑人形象、历史修正主义和象征主义的分析，我展示了费尔南多·佩雷斯（Fernando Pérez）所设想的马蒂（Martí。
{"title":"Contributors Page","authors":"G. Crider, J. Batista, Jonathan A. C. Brown, Gabrielle Esparza, Peter J. Ferdinando, R. Ocasio, Javier Eduardo Pabón, Carlos Macías Prieto, Oğuzhan Yener","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Fernando Pérez’s José Martí: El ojo del canario (2010) is a foray into Martí’s childhood and adolescence on the big screen that perpetuates the hagiographic narrative of José Martí as white savior for what is ostensibly a self-fashioned mestizo national ideal. To that end, Fernando Pérez minimizes Afro-Cuban agency and offers a whitewashed version of the revolutionary milieu in which Martí came of age. Through the analysis of black representation, historical revisionism, and symbolism, I show how the story of Martí and colonial Cuba envisioned by Fernando Pérez enshrines the notion that the burgeoning nationalism and radical politics of mid-nineteenth-century Cuba were a whites-only enterprise, a move that turns the film into a Cuban minstrel show for the new millennium.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"108 - 109 - 120 - 121 - 140 - 24 - 25 - 45 - 46 - 5 - 6 - 64 - 65 - 7 - 8 - 80 - 81 - 9 - 94 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46435629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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