Abstract:From the 1590s to 1650s, the Spanish Crown tried different approaches to control the Florida ambergris trade. They were unable, however, to prevent various Florida governors, other local officials, and other peoples from Florida, Cuba, and beyond from profiting by an illicit trade in this maritime commodity. The Crown first tried establishing procedures and punishments, including requiring ships to stop and get a license from the Florida governor or face a fine. With the trade in ambergris continuing unabated, the Crown then tried ameliorating the penalty and offering financial reward to the governor and informants for information on the illicit trade. With these enticements not working, the Crown returned to the earlier higher punishments, but again to no avail. The central role of the governors in controlling the ambergris trade meant that despite repeated attention to the trade by the Crown, they were not able to gain regular payment of the quinto real, i.e., the royal fifth. The Florida ambergris trade thus revealed a combination of partially concealed pilfering by local officials and the limits of the Crown’s reach in the North American borderlands.
{"title":"“Recovered Amber… at the cost of my royal estate”: Ambergris, Florida Governors, and the Spanish Crown, 1592–16571","authors":"Peter J. Ferdinando","doi":"10.1353/tla.2022.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2022.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:From the 1590s to 1650s, the Spanish Crown tried different approaches to control the Florida ambergris trade. They were unable, however, to prevent various Florida governors, other local officials, and other peoples from Florida, Cuba, and beyond from profiting by an illicit trade in this maritime commodity. The Crown first tried establishing procedures and punishments, including requiring ships to stop and get a license from the Florida governor or face a fine. With the trade in ambergris continuing unabated, the Crown then tried ameliorating the penalty and offering financial reward to the governor and informants for information on the illicit trade. With these enticements not working, the Crown returned to the earlier higher punishments, but again to no avail. The central role of the governors in controlling the ambergris trade meant that despite repeated attention to the trade by the Crown, they were not able to gain regular payment of the quinto real, i.e., the royal fifth. The Florida ambergris trade thus revealed a combination of partially concealed pilfering by local officials and the limits of the Crown’s reach in the North American borderlands.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"66 1","pages":"65 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46393943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Critical or not of the United States, this scholarship has generally cast non-state actors, extra-hemispheric concerns (apart from Soviet ones), and even non-Cold War issues as secondary.1 Since the end of the Cold War, historians have begun to de-center the role of Washington and to consider alternative actors, timelines, and issues.2 One of the richest veins of research in the last generation has turned out to be in non-state actors' impact on international relations, and interAmerican relations has been no exception.3 Graydon Dennison most explicitly mines this non-state ore with his research on U.S.-based non-state actors and the Alliance for Progress, arguably the most prominent ever U.S. aid program to Latin America. Cambridge University Press, 2015);Jonathan C. Brown, Cuba's Revolutionary World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017);Vanessa Walker, Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of Human Rights Diplomacy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2020);Thomas C. Field, Stella Krepp, and Vanni Pettina, eds., Latin America and the Global Cold War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020);and Eriz Zolov, The Last Good Neighbor: Mexico in the Global Sixties (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2020). 3 Jason Colby, The Business of Empire: United Fruit, Race, and U.S. Expansion in Central America (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 2011);Patrick Iber, Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015);Teishan Latner, Cuban Revolution in America: Havana and the Making of a United States Left, 1968-1992 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2018);Alan McPherson, "Letelier Diplomacy: Non-State Actors and U.S.Chilean Relations," Diplomatic History 43: 3 (June 2019): 445-468;and James P. Woodward, Brazil's Revolution in Commerce: Creating Consumer Capitalism in the American Century (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020).
{"title":"Introduction: Branching Out: New Research on the History of U.S.-Latin American Relations","authors":"Alan McPherson","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0030","url":null,"abstract":"Critical or not of the United States, this scholarship has generally cast non-state actors, extra-hemispheric concerns (apart from Soviet ones), and even non-Cold War issues as secondary.1 Since the end of the Cold War, historians have begun to de-center the role of Washington and to consider alternative actors, timelines, and issues.2 One of the richest veins of research in the last generation has turned out to be in non-state actors' impact on international relations, and interAmerican relations has been no exception.3 Graydon Dennison most explicitly mines this non-state ore with his research on U.S.-based non-state actors and the Alliance for Progress, arguably the most prominent ever U.S. aid program to Latin America. Cambridge University Press, 2015);Jonathan C. Brown, Cuba's Revolutionary World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017);Vanessa Walker, Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of Human Rights Diplomacy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2020);Thomas C. Field, Stella Krepp, and Vanni Pettina, eds., Latin America and the Global Cold War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020);and Eriz Zolov, The Last Good Neighbor: Mexico in the Global Sixties (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2020). 3 Jason Colby, The Business of Empire: United Fruit, Race, and U.S. Expansion in Central America (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 2011);Patrick Iber, Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015);Teishan Latner, Cuban Revolution in America: Havana and the Making of a United States Left, 1968-1992 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2018);Alan McPherson, \"Letelier Diplomacy: Non-State Actors and U.S.Chilean Relations,\" Diplomatic History 43: 3 (June 2019): 445-468;and James P. Woodward, Brazil's Revolution in Commerce: Creating Consumer Capitalism in the American Century (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2020).","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"456 - 459"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49143557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:From 1968 to 1981, Omar Torrijos led Panama's military government. Unlike many Cold War military regimes in Latin America, Torrijos embraced a heterodox policy program that sought to increase Panamanian autonomy from United States foreign relations priorities. His stances were characteristic of contemporaneous rosa-golpista ("pink-coupist") military governments in states such as Bolivia and Peru. While he is best known for securing the Panama Canal from the United States, Torrijos also embraced Third World and non-aligned solidarity efforts over other matters. Likewise, he involved Panama in Central American crises in Belize/Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. However, Torrijos's perceived susceptibility to communist manipulation concerned activists, intellectuals, and policymakers in the United States, primarily those who came to be aligned with President Ronald Reagan. Torrijos's other external initiatives were at least as upsetting to proto-Reaganite segments of United States society as were his "Canal diplomacy" endeavors. Sources ranging from Panamanian and US diplomatic accounts to articles and commentaries in neoconservative publications such as Human Events demonstrate that Torrijos's rosa-golpista foreign policies were important in influencing the emergence of the Reagan Doctrine. However, while Torrijos was more active in counter-hegemonic Cold War geopolitics than he is usually given credit for, proto-Reaganite suspicions of him were generally overblown.
{"title":"Reaganites and Rosa-golpistas: Omar Torrijos, Panama-United States Relations, and the Rise of the Reagan Doctrine","authors":"Casey VanSise","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0034","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:From 1968 to 1981, Omar Torrijos led Panama's military government. Unlike many Cold War military regimes in Latin America, Torrijos embraced a heterodox policy program that sought to increase Panamanian autonomy from United States foreign relations priorities. His stances were characteristic of contemporaneous rosa-golpista (\"pink-coupist\") military governments in states such as Bolivia and Peru. While he is best known for securing the Panama Canal from the United States, Torrijos also embraced Third World and non-aligned solidarity efforts over other matters. Likewise, he involved Panama in Central American crises in Belize/Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. However, Torrijos's perceived susceptibility to communist manipulation concerned activists, intellectuals, and policymakers in the United States, primarily those who came to be aligned with President Ronald Reagan. Torrijos's other external initiatives were at least as upsetting to proto-Reaganite segments of United States society as were his \"Canal diplomacy\" endeavors. Sources ranging from Panamanian and US diplomatic accounts to articles and commentaries in neoconservative publications such as Human Events demonstrate that Torrijos's rosa-golpista foreign policies were important in influencing the emergence of the Reagan Doctrine. However, while Torrijos was more active in counter-hegemonic Cold War geopolitics than he is usually given credit for, proto-Reaganite suspicions of him were generally overblown.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"539 - 569"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43602579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines US labor intervention in Latin America during the first half of the Cold War and historicizes a primary institutional vehicle of said intervention: the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD). Through US labor ambassador's and union officials' teaching of "free trade unionism,"—a more "developed" form of unionism that stressed a politics of class harmony between workers and management—AIFLD teachers and administrators imagined themselves as Cold War protectors of democracy in a region of rising communist sympathies. Although publicized as strictly a worker-to-worker educational exchange program, the AIFLD was funded and intimately tied to the US State Department. AIFLD leadership in Washington and station chiefs in several Latin American countries surveilled working-class enclaves, gathering economic and political information to share with US embassies and the AFL-CIO International Affairs Department. I argue, the AIFLD exemplified a unique form of US intervention in Latin America with the goal of splitting left labor movements and thereby thwarting the growing threat of independent economic and social programs in the region, often portrayed by US foreign policy officials as communist inspired and directed. By analyzing the educational curricula of AIFLD classes, correspondence, memoranda, and the public rhetoric of its officials, one can reveal the internal logic of free trade unionism as a form of anti-communist containment as well as its incorporation into the US hegemonic project of postwar modernization in the global south. The Chilean case study included in this paper demonstrates the precise mechanisms of intervention and its relative success.
{"title":"US Labor Intervention in Latin America: The Politics of Class Harmony and the American Institute for Free Labor Development","authors":"Joshua Stern","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines US labor intervention in Latin America during the first half of the Cold War and historicizes a primary institutional vehicle of said intervention: the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD). Through US labor ambassador's and union officials' teaching of \"free trade unionism,\"—a more \"developed\" form of unionism that stressed a politics of class harmony between workers and management—AIFLD teachers and administrators imagined themselves as Cold War protectors of democracy in a region of rising communist sympathies. Although publicized as strictly a worker-to-worker educational exchange program, the AIFLD was funded and intimately tied to the US State Department. AIFLD leadership in Washington and station chiefs in several Latin American countries surveilled working-class enclaves, gathering economic and political information to share with US embassies and the AFL-CIO International Affairs Department. I argue, the AIFLD exemplified a unique form of US intervention in Latin America with the goal of splitting left labor movements and thereby thwarting the growing threat of independent economic and social programs in the region, often portrayed by US foreign policy officials as communist inspired and directed. By analyzing the educational curricula of AIFLD classes, correspondence, memoranda, and the public rhetoric of its officials, one can reveal the internal logic of free trade unionism as a form of anti-communist containment as well as its incorporation into the US hegemonic project of postwar modernization in the global south. The Chilean case study included in this paper demonstrates the precise mechanisms of intervention and its relative success.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"511 - 538"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48618799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shifting the Meaning of Democracy: Race, Politics, and Culture in the United States and Brazil by Jessica Lynn Graham (review)","authors":"Travis Knoll","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0041","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"583 - 585"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42682832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Museo del universo: los juegos olímpicos y el movimiento estudiantil de 1968 by Ariel Rodríguez Kuri (review)","authors":"J. Rebolledo","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0036","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"572 - 574"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41963537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ghosts of Sheridan Circle: How a Washington Assassination Brought Pinochet's Terror State to Justice by Alan McPherson (review)","authors":"J. Barefoot","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0042","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"586 - 589"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44714218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The purpose of this paper is to expose how US non-state actors played a critical role in the implementation of the Alliance for Progress in Brazil. By mid-1962, President Kennedy's idealism waned in the face of João Goulart's recalcitrance. The Brazilian president saw US aid for what it was – intervention – and encouraged his supporters to resist Alliance measures at all costs. To help mitigate this resistance and grow support for the program at home, the Kennedy administration called on the wider American public. The public answered the call. Three groups stand out in their involvement with the Alliance for Progress in Brazil – American labor unions, the Catholic Church, and universities affiliated with the newly created Partners of the Alliance program. These non-state actors worked with the State Department's Agency for International Development to steer sectors of Brazilian society away from Communist influence and into the orbit of US foreign aid policy. In so doing, these public actors became the "chosen instrument" of the US government in their mission to politically reorient Brazil. Unfortunately, for Brazil, groups of US citizens became vectors for right-wing politics that aided the rise of the Castello Branco military regime. For the Alliance was officially a state-to-state program, scholars tend to overlook the role of non-state actors in its history. By weaving labor unions, the Catholic Church, and American universities into the narrative, the US public's active involvement becomes clearer than ever.
摘要:本文旨在揭示美国非国家行为体如何在巴西实施“进步联盟”中发挥关键作用。到1962年年中，肯尼迪总统的理想主义在约翰·奥·古拉特的反抗下逐渐消退。巴西总统看到了美国援助的本质——干预——并鼓励他的支持者不惜一切代价抵制联盟的措施。为了减轻这种阻力，增加国内对该计划的支持，肯尼迪政府呼吁更广泛的美国公众。公众响应了号召。在参与巴西进步联盟的过程中，有三个团体脱颖而出——美国工会、天主教会和隶属于新成立的联盟伙伴项目的大学。这些非国家行为体与美国国务院国际开发署(Agency for International Development)合作，引导巴西社会的各个部门远离共产主义的影响，进入美国对外援助政策的轨道。在这样做的过程中，这些公共行为者成为美国政府在政治上重新定位巴西的使命中“选择的工具”。不幸的是，对巴西来说，美国公民群体成为右翼政治的载体，帮助了卡斯特罗·布兰科(Castello Branco)军事政权的崛起。由于该联盟在官方上是一个国家对国家的项目，学者们往往忽视了非国家行为体在其历史上的作用。通过将工会、天主教会和美国大学纳入叙事，美国公众的积极参与变得比以往任何时候都更加清晰。
{"title":"Army of the Alliance: Non-State Actors of the Alliance for Progress in Brazil","authors":"Graydon Dennison","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The purpose of this paper is to expose how US non-state actors played a critical role in the implementation of the Alliance for Progress in Brazil. By mid-1962, President Kennedy's idealism waned in the face of João Goulart's recalcitrance. The Brazilian president saw US aid for what it was – intervention – and encouraged his supporters to resist Alliance measures at all costs. To help mitigate this resistance and grow support for the program at home, the Kennedy administration called on the wider American public. The public answered the call. Three groups stand out in their involvement with the Alliance for Progress in Brazil – American labor unions, the Catholic Church, and universities affiliated with the newly created Partners of the Alliance program. These non-state actors worked with the State Department's Agency for International Development to steer sectors of Brazilian society away from Communist influence and into the orbit of US foreign aid policy. In so doing, these public actors became the \"chosen instrument\" of the US government in their mission to politically reorient Brazil. Unfortunately, for Brazil, groups of US citizens became vectors for right-wing politics that aided the rise of the Castello Branco military regime. For the Alliance was officially a state-to-state program, scholars tend to overlook the role of non-state actors in its history. By weaving labor unions, the Catholic Church, and American universities into the narrative, the US public's active involvement becomes clearer than ever.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"460 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41629435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Unrevolutionary Mexico: The Birth of a Strange Dictatorship by Paul Gillingham (review)","authors":"Jason H. Dormady","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0040","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"581 - 582"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48444683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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