Abstract:This article explores the recent history of the Ni una menos movement in Argentina as well as investigating two specific methods of activism employed by the feminist collective. The collective, in seeking to cast feminicide as a human rights abuse, actively positions it as a public crime through the employment of escraches (public shaming of public officials) and memorialisation. The article investigates how using social media to archive feminicide produces a new public recognition and awareness of feminicide as a crime against women because they are women. Furthermore, it closely explores how the collective revises the tactics of memorialization and escrache employed by activists in Argentina's post-dictatorship period to create spaces for activism on social media and within public spaces."La víctima no necesita ser buena y pura para ser comprendida como víctima, sólo necesita ser persona. Entender la diferencia es dar el giro político que la Sociedad necesita para que este tipo de cosa no vuelva a nadie" (Rita Laura Segato, "El problema de la violencia sexual es político, no moral").
摘要：本文探讨了阿根廷女权运动的近代史，并探讨了女权主义集体所采用的两种具体的激进主义方法。该团体试图将杀害女性行为定性为侵犯人权，并通过雇佣escraches（公开羞辱公职人员）和纪念活动，积极将其定位为公共犯罪。这篇文章调查了利用社交媒体记录杀害女性行为如何使公众对杀害女性行为产生新的认识和认识，因为她们是女性。此外，它还密切探讨了集体如何修改阿根廷后独裁时期活动人士使用的纪念和escrache策略，为社交媒体和公共空间内的活动创造空间。“La víctima没有必要，也没有必要成为一个完整的人，这是一个必要的人。社会中的政治分歧是必要的”（Rita Laura Segato，“性暴力问题是政治问题，没有道德问题”）。
{"title":"Memorialization and Escraches: Ni una Menos and the documentation of Feminicidio in Argentina","authors":"I. Popescu","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0024","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article explores the recent history of the Ni una menos movement in Argentina as well as investigating two specific methods of activism employed by the feminist collective. The collective, in seeking to cast feminicide as a human rights abuse, actively positions it as a public crime through the employment of escraches (public shaming of public officials) and memorialisation. The article investigates how using social media to archive feminicide produces a new public recognition and awareness of feminicide as a crime against women because they are women. Furthermore, it closely explores how the collective revises the tactics of memorialization and escrache employed by activists in Argentina's post-dictatorship period to create spaces for activism on social media and within public spaces.\"La víctima no necesita ser buena y pura para ser comprendida como víctima, sólo necesita ser persona. Entender la diferencia es dar el giro político que la Sociedad necesita para que este tipo de cosa no vuelva a nadie\" (Rita Laura Segato, \"El problema de la violencia sexual es político, no moral\").","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"367 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42260138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This essay analyses Indigenous language expressions of authority in the highlands of Guatemala during the early colonial period. It centers on the concept of ajawarem (lordship, señorío) and what I argue are two of its main components: military and political might and legitimacy for leadership and the ability to collect tribute. I explore these two aspects via analysis of the couplets pus nawal and q'aq'al tepewal, as well as the concept of patan or tribute. In studying their use in three important ethnohistorical documents from the region, I trace the notion of ajawarem during the Postclassic period in the highlands and argue that it is wielded in the face of colonial imposition. After discussing the relationship between alphabetic writing and the evangelization process in the highlands, I provide analyses of these concepts as they appear in the Memorial de Sololá (Kaqchikel), the Popol Wuj (K'iche'), and the Título de Totonicapán (K'iche). Each text reveals both general and specific ways in which ajawarem was wielded and represented in alphabetic texts in the highlands.
摘要:本文分析了早期殖民时期危地马拉高地土著语言的权威表达。它以ajawarem(王权，señorío)的概念为中心，我认为这是它的两个主要组成部分:军事和政治力量、领导的合法性和收取贡品的能力。我通过对春联和对联的分析，以及对进贡概念的分析，来探讨这两个方面。在研究该地区三份重要的民族历史文献中ajawarem的使用时，我追溯了后古典时期高原地区ajawarem的概念，并认为它是在面对殖民强加时使用的。在讨论了字母书写与高地传福音过程之间的关系之后，我对这些概念进行了分析，因为它们出现在Memorial de solol (Kaqchikel)， Popol Wuj (K'iche)和Título de Totonicapán (K'iche)中。每一篇文字都揭示了ajawarem在高原地区被运用和用字母文字表示的一般和具体方式。
{"title":"Writing Ajawarem: Establishing Authority over People and Territory in Three Sixteenth-Century Texts in the Highlands of Guatemala","authors":"Ignacio Carvajal Regidor","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0022","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay analyses Indigenous language expressions of authority in the highlands of Guatemala during the early colonial period. It centers on the concept of ajawarem (lordship, señorío) and what I argue are two of its main components: military and political might and legitimacy for leadership and the ability to collect tribute. I explore these two aspects via analysis of the couplets pus nawal and q'aq'al tepewal, as well as the concept of patan or tribute. In studying their use in three important ethnohistorical documents from the region, I trace the notion of ajawarem during the Postclassic period in the highlands and argue that it is wielded in the face of colonial imposition. After discussing the relationship between alphabetic writing and the evangelization process in the highlands, I provide analyses of these concepts as they appear in the Memorial de Sololá (Kaqchikel), the Popol Wuj (K'iche'), and the Título de Totonicapán (K'iche). Each text reveals both general and specific ways in which ajawarem was wielded and represented in alphabetic texts in the highlands.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"321 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66431766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Buchenau, Ignacio Carvajal Regidor, W. T. Fischer, I. Popescu, Ricardo Pelegrin Taboada, E. Manley, Travis Knoll
Abstract:This essay analyses Indigenous language expressions of authority in the highlands of Guatemala during the early colonial period. It centers on the concept of ajawarem (lordship, señorío) and what I argue are two of its main components: military and political might and legitimacy for leadership and the ability to collect tribute. I explore these two aspects via analysis of the couplets pus nawal and q'aq'al tepewal, as well as the concept of patan or tribute. In studying their use in three important ethnohistorical documents from the region, I trace the notion of ajawarem during the Postclassic period in the highlands and argue that it is wielded in the face of colonial imposition. After discussing the relationship between alphabetic writing and the evangelization process in the highlands, I provide analyses of these concepts as they appear in the Memorial de Sololá (Kaqchikel), the Popol Wuj (K'iche'), and the Título de Totonicapán (K'iche). Each text reveals both general and specific ways in which ajawarem was wielded and represented in alphabetic texts in the highlands.
摘要:本文分析了早期殖民时期危地马拉高地土著语言的权威表达。它以ajawarem(王权，señorío)的概念为中心，我认为这是它的两个主要组成部分:军事和政治力量、领导的合法性和收取贡品的能力。我通过对春联和对联的分析，以及对进贡概念的分析，来探讨这两个方面。在研究该地区三份重要的民族历史文献中ajawarem的使用时，我追溯了后古典时期高原地区ajawarem的概念，并认为它是在面对殖民强加时使用的。在讨论了字母书写与高地传福音过程之间的关系之后，我对这些概念进行了分析，因为它们出现在Memorial de solol (Kaqchikel)， Popol Wuj (K'iche)和Título de Totonicapán (K'iche)中。每一篇文字都揭示了ajawarem在高原地区被运用和用字母文字表示的一般和具体方式。
{"title":"Contributors Page","authors":"J. Buchenau, Ignacio Carvajal Regidor, W. T. Fischer, I. Popescu, Ricardo Pelegrin Taboada, E. Manley, Travis Knoll","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay analyses Indigenous language expressions of authority in the highlands of Guatemala during the early colonial period. It centers on the concept of ajawarem (lordship, señorío) and what I argue are two of its main components: military and political might and legitimacy for leadership and the ability to collect tribute. I explore these two aspects via analysis of the couplets pus nawal and q'aq'al tepewal, as well as the concept of patan or tribute. In studying their use in three important ethnohistorical documents from the region, I trace the notion of ajawarem during the Postclassic period in the highlands and argue that it is wielded in the face of colonial imposition. After discussing the relationship between alphabetic writing and the evangelization process in the highlands, I provide analyses of these concepts as they appear in the Memorial de Sololá (Kaqchikel), the Popol Wuj (K'iche'), and the Título de Totonicapán (K'iche). Each text reveals both general and specific ways in which ajawarem was wielded and represented in alphabetic texts in the highlands.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"317 - 318 - 319 - 320 - 321 - 346 - 347 - 366 - 367 - 392 - 393 - 416 - 417 - 419 - 420 - 423"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48853117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article analyzes Chile's prolonged transition to democracy, the nature of democracy between 1990 and 2019, and the appearance of multiple social movements geared to expand this "democracy of agreement or democracy of consensus". The article argues that both in its origins and its performance, the political system became illegitimate and provided the space for the action of multiple social movements. This process culminated with the massive protests of October 2019, known as the October 18 movement. The paper concludes with an analysis of the demands made by the protesters and the government responses to the October 18 movement and the pandemic.
{"title":"\"It is not about the 30 pesos, it is about the 30 years\": Chile's Elitist Democracy, Social Movements, and the October 18 Protests","authors":"Silvia Borzutzky, Silvia Sarah Perry","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyzes Chile's prolonged transition to democracy, the nature of democracy between 1990 and 2019, and the appearance of multiple social movements geared to expand this \"democracy of agreement or democracy of consensus\". The article argues that both in its origins and its performance, the political system became illegitimate and provided the space for the action of multiple social movements. This process culminated with the massive protests of October 2019, known as the October 18 movement. The paper concludes with an analysis of the demands made by the protesters and the government responses to the October 18 movement and the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"207 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46684652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper assesses how a change in governmental discourse on poverty after Brazil's return to democracy in 1985 was instrumental to the implementation of the first federal cash-transfer program in Brazilian history, Bolsa Escola 2001. It argues that the end of the military dictatorship prompted the political elite to be responsive to calls for greater civic engagement from marginalized sectors of the Brazilian society that had awakened during the democratic transition, thus demanding that these actors address poverty in novel forms. Rather than reducing the implementation of cash-transfer programs to a top-down policy that came to fruition as a cognitive change within the federal government, this article maintains that the shifting social, economic, and political settings brought about by the end of the authoritarian regime played an important part in the debates addressing poverty in Brazilian society, and, as a consequence, were conducive to the idea of giving money to the poor.
摘要：本文评估了1985年巴西恢复民主后，政府对贫困问题的讨论发生了变化，这对巴西历史上第一个联邦现金转移计划Bolsa Escola 2001的实施起到了怎样的作用。它认为，军事独裁统治的结束促使政治精英对民主过渡期间觉醒的巴西社会边缘化阶层要求更多公民参与的呼吁作出回应，从而要求这些行为者以新的形式解决贫困问题。这篇文章并没有将现金转移计划的实施简化为自上而下的政策，这是联邦政府内部的一种认知变化，而是认为威权政权结束带来的社会、经济和政治环境的变化在解决巴西社会贫困问题的辩论中发挥了重要作用，因此，有利于向穷人捐钱的想法。
{"title":"The Poor Need Money-Rethinking Poverty in Brazil's Post-Military Dictatorship","authors":"João Batista Nascimento Gregoire","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper assesses how a change in governmental discourse on poverty after Brazil's return to democracy in 1985 was instrumental to the implementation of the first federal cash-transfer program in Brazilian history, Bolsa Escola 2001. It argues that the end of the military dictatorship prompted the political elite to be responsive to calls for greater civic engagement from marginalized sectors of the Brazilian society that had awakened during the democratic transition, thus demanding that these actors address poverty in novel forms. Rather than reducing the implementation of cash-transfer programs to a top-down policy that came to fruition as a cognitive change within the federal government, this article maintains that the shifting social, economic, and political settings brought about by the end of the authoritarian regime played an important part in the debates addressing poverty in Brazilian society, and, as a consequence, were conducive to the idea of giving money to the poor.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"187 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42044742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper is a comparative exercise about the points of contention between successive Chilean governments and teachers' unions during the last two teachers' strikes which took place in 2015 and 2019. It aims to show the developments in the debate educational issues.In recent years, dissatisfaction with the state of the education system has increased and teachers have organized different strikes in order to voice their complaints and demands. It has resulted in a conflictive relationship between successive governments and teachers with different protest events, negotiations and agreements influencing Chilean teacher polices.Since the 1980s, the Chilean education system has undergone a process of privatization. This has changed the relationships within the education system, between its actors and within the society as a whole. Teachers have been particularly adversely affected during this process, due to their loss of bargaining and earning power, as well as social status. Nevertheless, they have maintained strong unions which have participated in the debates surrounding education.
{"title":"Teachers' Strikes in 2015 and 2019 and the Debate Surrounding the Education System in Chile","authors":"José M. Morales Valdés","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper is a comparative exercise about the points of contention between successive Chilean governments and teachers' unions during the last two teachers' strikes which took place in 2015 and 2019. It aims to show the developments in the debate educational issues.In recent years, dissatisfaction with the state of the education system has increased and teachers have organized different strikes in order to voice their complaints and demands. It has resulted in a conflictive relationship between successive governments and teachers with different protest events, negotiations and agreements influencing Chilean teacher polices.Since the 1980s, the Chilean education system has undergone a process of privatization. This has changed the relationships within the education system, between its actors and within the society as a whole. Teachers have been particularly adversely affected during this process, due to their loss of bargaining and earning power, as well as social status. Nevertheless, they have maintained strong unions which have participated in the debates surrounding education.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"264 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0018","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44748353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gregory B. Weeks, João Batista Nascimento Gregoire, Silvia Borzutzky, Sarah Perry, Leonardo Di Bonaventura Altuve, José M. Morales Valdés, Gianncarlo Muschi
Abstract:This paper assesses how a change in governmental discourse on poverty after Brazil's return to democracy in 1985 was instrumental to the implementation of the first federal cash-transfer program in Brazilian history, Bolsa Escola 2001. It argues that the end of the military dictatorship prompted the political elite to be responsive to calls for greater civic engagement from marginalized sectors of the Brazilian society that had awakened during the democratic transition, thus demanding that these actors address poverty in novel forms. Rather than reducing the implementation of cash-transfer programs to a top-down policy that came to fruition as a cognitive change within the federal government, this article maintains that the shifting social, economic, and political settings brought about by the end of the authoritarian regime played an important part in the debates addressing poverty in Brazilian society, and, as a consequence, were conducive to the idea of giving money to the poor.
摘要:本文评估了1985年巴西回归民主后，政府关于贫困的话语的变化如何有助于巴西历史上第一个联邦现金转移计划(Bolsa Escola 2001)的实施。报告认为，军事独裁统治的结束促使政治精英对巴西社会边缘阶层在民主转型期间觉醒的更多公民参与的呼吁做出回应，因此要求这些行动者以新颖的形式解决贫困问题。本文并没有将现金转移支付项目的实施简化为一项自上而下的政策，最终在联邦政府内部实现了认知上的转变，而是认为，独裁政权结束所带来的社会、经济和政治环境的转变，在巴西社会解决贫困问题的辩论中发挥了重要作用，因此，有利于向穷人提供资金的想法。
{"title":"Contributors Page","authors":"Gregory B. Weeks, João Batista Nascimento Gregoire, Silvia Borzutzky, Sarah Perry, Leonardo Di Bonaventura Altuve, José M. Morales Valdés, Gianncarlo Muschi","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper assesses how a change in governmental discourse on poverty after Brazil's return to democracy in 1985 was instrumental to the implementation of the first federal cash-transfer program in Brazilian history, Bolsa Escola 2001. It argues that the end of the military dictatorship prompted the political elite to be responsive to calls for greater civic engagement from marginalized sectors of the Brazilian society that had awakened during the democratic transition, thus demanding that these actors address poverty in novel forms. Rather than reducing the implementation of cash-transfer programs to a top-down policy that came to fruition as a cognitive change within the federal government, this article maintains that the shifting social, economic, and political settings brought about by the end of the authoritarian regime played an important part in the debates addressing poverty in Brazilian society, and, as a consequence, were conducive to the idea of giving money to the poor.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"183 - 184 - 185 - 186 - 187 - 206 - 207 - 232 - 233 - 263 - 264 - 285 - 286 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42706835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Liberal institutionalist and constructivist IR scholars have emphasized the reliable role that ROs play in promoting democracy. This article finds that by examining the Organization of American States (OAS) role in recent cases of authoritarian backsliding, those theories encounter significant barriers in explaining OAS pro-democracy actions in the Americas. By evaluating authoritarian backsliding in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Honduras, I argue that authoritarian repression makes OAS members consider initially these undemocratic actions in backsliding cases. However, repression by itself falls short to induce members to promote democracy. Only when repression occurs at the same time that most members are ideologically and politically distant from autocratic countries will the OAS collectively promote democracy in backsliding cases. Consequently, because the OAS depends on this complex interaction between repression and ideological-political distance to promote democracy in the hemisphere, institutionalist and constructivist theories face important limitations in the Americas context.
{"title":"The Collective Promotion of Democracy and Authoritarian Backsliding: The Organization of American States in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Honduras","authors":"Leonardo Di Bonaventura Altuve","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Liberal institutionalist and constructivist IR scholars have emphasized the reliable role that ROs play in promoting democracy. This article finds that by examining the Organization of American States (OAS) role in recent cases of authoritarian backsliding, those theories encounter significant barriers in explaining OAS pro-democracy actions in the Americas. By evaluating authoritarian backsliding in Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Honduras, I argue that authoritarian repression makes OAS members consider initially these undemocratic actions in backsliding cases. However, repression by itself falls short to induce members to promote democracy. Only when repression occurs at the same time that most members are ideologically and politically distant from autocratic countries will the OAS collectively promote democracy in backsliding cases. Consequently, because the OAS depends on this complex interaction between repression and ideological-political distance to promote democracy in the hemisphere, institutionalist and constructivist theories face important limitations in the Americas context.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"233 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0017","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47124965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article provides the first historical account of the initiation of Peruvian migration to Paterson, New Jersey, and elucidates previous scholarly explanations about the pioneer presence of Peruvians in the area. This essay demonstrates that the origins of this migration resulted as a consequence of the process of capitalist expansion and the development of trading routes between the United States and Peru that prompted working-class Peruvian citizens to individually settle in Paterson by mid-1920s. It reveals first-hand information about the life and adaptation of this pioneer group of Peruvians, which will be of interest of scholars investigating the migration patterns of unexplored groups of Latin Americans in the United States.
{"title":"U.S.-Peruvian Business Relations and Their Effects on the Pioneer Migration of Peruvians to Paterson, New Jersey 1920–1950","authors":"Gianncarlo Muschi","doi":"10.1353/tla.2021.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/tla.2021.0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article provides the first historical account of the initiation of Peruvian migration to Paterson, New Jersey, and elucidates previous scholarly explanations about the pioneer presence of Peruvians in the area. This essay demonstrates that the origins of this migration resulted as a consequence of the process of capitalist expansion and the development of trading routes between the United States and Peru that prompted working-class Peruvian citizens to individually settle in Paterson by mid-1920s. It reveals first-hand information about the life and adaptation of this pioneer group of Peruvians, which will be of interest of scholars investigating the migration patterns of unexplored groups of Latin Americans in the United States.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"286 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/tla.2021.0019","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43750503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The Mexican state of Guanajuato is better known for agriculture, manufacturing, and tourism in its colonial cities than for its archaeological heritage. This article examines the intersection of midcentury infrastructure development, tourism, and efforts to advance archaeological knowledge about the region’s precontact past. The field notes and paper drafts of Mexican archaeologist Beatriz Braniff provide one of the primary lenses for analyzing these intersections. Braniff documented findings that challenged predominant understandings of the region’s Indigenous past. In addition to providing evidence of the long history of Indigenous settlement in the region, Braniff’s notes capture contemporary political and economic concerns and reveal the power of certain historical narratives to silence others in the interest of development priorities. While Guanajuato now boasts several significant archaeological sites, including the pyramid complex La Cañada de la Virgen, the long erasure of Indigenous history and the marginalization of contemporary Indigenous peoples enabled the forms of economic development that continue to define the state in the present. Paradoxically, those very same development strategies helped uncover much of what we do know about the region’s precolonial past.
摘要：墨西哥瓜纳华托州以其殖民城市的农业、制造业和旅游业而闻名，而非其考古遗产。本文探讨了本世纪中叶基础设施发展、旅游业和提高该地区接触前历史考古知识的努力之间的交叉点。墨西哥考古学家Beatriz Braniff的田野笔记和论文草稿为分析这些交叉点提供了主要视角之一。Braniff记录的调查结果挑战了对该地区土著历史的主流理解。除了提供该地区原住民定居历史悠久的证据外，Braniff的笔记还捕捉到了当代的政治和经济关切，并揭示了某些历史叙事为了发展优先事项而压制其他人的力量。虽然瓜纳华托现在拥有几个重要的考古遗址，包括金字塔建筑群La Cañada de La Virgen，但土著历史的长期消失和当代土著人民的边缘化，使经济发展的形式在当今继续定义着这个国家。矛盾的是，同样的发展战略有助于揭示我们对该地区殖民前历史的了解。
{"title":"“Reframing Guanajuato’s Indigenous Past: Archaeological Field Notes and Development Priorities”","authors":"Lisa Pinley Covert","doi":"10.1353/TLA.2021.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/TLA.2021.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The Mexican state of Guanajuato is better known for agriculture, manufacturing, and tourism in its colonial cities than for its archaeological heritage. This article examines the intersection of midcentury infrastructure development, tourism, and efforts to advance archaeological knowledge about the region’s precontact past. The field notes and paper drafts of Mexican archaeologist Beatriz Braniff provide one of the primary lenses for analyzing these intersections. Braniff documented findings that challenged predominant understandings of the region’s Indigenous past. In addition to providing evidence of the long history of Indigenous settlement in the region, Braniff’s notes capture contemporary political and economic concerns and reveal the power of certain historical narratives to silence others in the interest of development priorities. While Guanajuato now boasts several significant archaeological sites, including the pyramid complex La Cañada de la Virgen, the long erasure of Indigenous history and the marginalization of contemporary Indigenous peoples enabled the forms of economic development that continue to define the state in the present. Paradoxically, those very same development strategies helped uncover much of what we do know about the region’s precolonial past.","PeriodicalId":42355,"journal":{"name":"Latin Americanist","volume":"65 1","pages":"35 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/TLA.2021.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46264288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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