Pub Date : 2022-04-26DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02201003
F. Logozzo, Liana Tronci
This paper deals with Biblical Greek multiverb constructions in which two verbs, inflected in the same mood, person and number, are either coordinated by καί or asyndetically juxtaposed and relate to a single event. The first verb is semantically constrained (verb of motion), and does not govern any complement. In typological studies, these constructions are known as pseudo-coordinated and serialised constructions, depending on the presence of the coordinator or not. We suggest here a unified view of the two patterns, called Pseudo-Coordinated Constructions (PCC s) lato sensu. Data for this research were collected from the Septuagint and the New Testament, which, despite the several differences concerning the times of composition and the type of text, are both characterised by a conspicuous number of PCC s. It was found that serialisation occurred exclusively with imperatives, which is in line with some serialised occurrences of motion verbs in previous stages of Greek, as well as with typological evidence. Conversely, pseudo-coordination occurred with both imperatives and other moods; in the latter case, and especially with past indicatives in narrative contexts, it is not easily distinguishable from plain coordination. Two results emerge from our analysis. First, the greater incidence of PCC s in the Septuagint than in the New Testament can be explained as a direct influence of Biblical Hebrew. Second, the data of the New Testament appear to be relevant for Greek diachrony since the verb ὑπάγω ‘go’, which behaves as the unmarked verb in the PCC s of the New Testament, developed into Modern Greek πηγαίνω ‘go’, which occurs in both serialised and pseudo-coordinated constructions.
摘要圣经希腊multiverb两个动词结构,变形在相同的心情,人,数量,要么是协调καί或asyndetically并列和与一个单一的事件。第一个动词在语义上是受限的(运动动词)，不支配任何补语。在类型学研究中，这些结构被称为伪协调和序列化结构，取决于协调者是否存在。我们在这里提出了一种统一的观点，即伪协调结构(PCC s)。本研究的数据是从七十士译本和新约圣经中收集的，尽管在组成时间和文本类型方面存在一些差异，但两者的特点都是显著数量的PCC 。研究发现，序列化只发生在祈使句中，这与希腊语早期运动动词的一些序列化现象以及类型学证据是一致的。相反，祈使句和其他语气都出现了伪协调;在后一种情况下，尤其是叙事性语境中的过去指示语，它很难与普通的协调区分开来。我们的分析得出两个结果。首先，《七十士译本》中PCC 比《新约》中发病率更高，这可以解释为《圣经》希伯来语的直接影响。其次，新约圣经的资料似乎与希腊语历时性有关，因为在新约圣经的PCC s中作为未标记动词的动词，π π ω ' go '发展成为现代希腊语π π γα末梢νω ' go '，它以串联和伪协调的形式出现。
{"title":"Pseudo-coordination and serial verbs in Hellenistic Greek?","authors":"F. Logozzo, Liana Tronci","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02201003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02201003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper deals with Biblical Greek multiverb constructions in which two verbs, inflected in the same mood, person and number, are either coordinated by καί or asyndetically juxtaposed and relate to a single event. The first verb is semantically constrained (verb of motion), and does not govern any complement. In typological studies, these constructions are known as pseudo-coordinated and serialised constructions, depending on the presence of the coordinator or not. We suggest here a unified view of the two patterns, called Pseudo-Coordinated Constructions (PCC s) lato sensu. Data for this research were collected from the Septuagint and the New Testament, which, despite the several differences concerning the times of composition and the type of text, are both characterised by a conspicuous number of PCC s. It was found that serialisation occurred exclusively with imperatives, which is in line with some serialised occurrences of motion verbs in previous stages of Greek, as well as with typological evidence. Conversely, pseudo-coordination occurred with both imperatives and other moods; in the latter case, and especially with past indicatives in narrative contexts, it is not easily distinguishable from plain coordination. Two results emerge from our analysis. First, the greater incidence of PCC s in the Septuagint than in the New Testament can be explained as a direct influence of Biblical Hebrew. Second, the data of the New Testament appear to be relevant for Greek diachrony since the verb ὑπάγω ‘go’, which behaves as the unmarked verb in the PCC s of the New Testament, developed into Modern Greek πηγαίνω ‘go’, which occurs in both serialised and pseudo-coordinated constructions.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48957431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02102004
Evgenia Mouresioti, Marina Terkourafi
Although language attitudes are frequently investigated, how these attitudes change over time is studied less frequently, despite providing an interesting window into the link between attitudes and ideologies. Conducted some twenty years since the first studies on this topic, the current study provides an updated perspective into language attitudes toward the use of Roman-alphabeted Greek (henceforth, Greeklish) in emails and SMS messages exchanged between Greek native speakers. Adapting the matched guise methodology commonly used in language attitude research to visual stimuli, we collected data from 60 participants of different ages and genders. Overall, their attitudes toward Greeklish were markedly negative, confirming negative attitudes already expressed twenty years prior but also extending them. We propose that technological and demographic but also ideological factors underlie the negative attitudes toward Greeklish expressed by Greek native speakers today.
{"title":"Καλημέρα, kalimera or kalhmera?","authors":"Evgenia Mouresioti, Marina Terkourafi","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02102004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02102004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Although language attitudes are frequently investigated, how these attitudes change over time is studied less frequently, despite providing an interesting window into the link between attitudes and ideologies. Conducted some twenty years since the first studies on this topic, the current study provides an updated perspective into language attitudes toward the use of Roman-alphabeted Greek (henceforth, Greeklish) in emails and SMS messages exchanged between Greek native speakers. Adapting the matched guise methodology commonly used in language attitude research to visual stimuli, we collected data from 60 participants of different ages and genders. Overall, their attitudes toward Greeklish were markedly negative, confirming negative attitudes already expressed twenty years prior but also extending them. We propose that technological and demographic but also ideological factors underlie the negative attitudes toward Greeklish expressed by Greek native speakers today.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45812764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02102002
C. Zanchi
This paper presents the Homeric Dependency Lexicon (HoDeL), a new resource with a user-friendly interface facilitating the study of Homeric verbs and dependents. HoDeL was induced from the analytical layer of AGDT 2.0, extracting all dependents tagged as SBJ, OBJ, PNOM, and OCOMP with a set of SQL queries. The paper illustrates HoDeL functionalities and shows how they can be employed by researchers to answer specific research questions about the Homeric language. Introducing the uses of HoDeL offers the opportunity to reexamine some crucial, though frequently underestimated, methodological challenges concerning annotated corpora and resources derived from them that relate to the linguistic theories underlying annotations and error propagation. It is argued that the careful documentation of how linguistic resources were created, what data they contain, and how they can be queried through their dedicated interfaces is essential to lay the groundwork for users’ investigations.
{"title":"The Homeric Dependency Lexicon","authors":"C. Zanchi","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02102002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02102002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents the Homeric Dependency Lexicon (HoDeL), a new resource with a user-friendly interface facilitating the study of Homeric verbs and dependents. HoDeL was induced from the analytical layer of AGDT 2.0, extracting all dependents tagged as SBJ, OBJ, PNOM, and OCOMP with a set of SQL queries. The paper illustrates HoDeL functionalities and shows how they can be employed by researchers to answer specific research questions about the Homeric language. Introducing the uses of HoDeL offers the opportunity to reexamine some crucial, though frequently underestimated, methodological challenges concerning annotated corpora and resources derived from them that relate to the linguistic theories underlying annotations and error propagation. It is argued that the careful documentation of how linguistic resources were created, what data they contain, and how they can be queried through their dedicated interfaces is essential to lay the groundwork for users’ investigations.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49547594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02102001
Jesse Lundquist
The Homeric hapax αἰνοπαθής ‘terribly suffering’ has been adduced as evidence for ancient processes of Indo-European word-formation. In particular, the vocalism of the root, α of -παθ-, would derive from *n̥, an ablaut grade conditioned by the accent on the ending -ής (a “hysterokinetic” s-stem adjective). I reexamine the passage where the word is found and argue the vocalism of -παθής reflects not an archaism but an innovation in Homeric Greek. Using this reanalysis as a point of departure, I review recent literature on s-stem adjectives in Greek, Vedic, and Proto-Indo-European, disputing that the evidence suffices for a hysterokinetic reconstruction. I propose that the PIE accent was borne on the first member of these exocentric compounds as we find it in earliest Old Indic, in the prehistory of Greek, and in certain Greek archaisms.
{"title":"Penelope’s αἰνοπαθῆ (σ 201)","authors":"Jesse Lundquist","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02102001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02102001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Homeric hapax αἰνοπαθής ‘terribly suffering’ has been adduced as evidence for ancient processes of Indo-European word-formation. In particular, the vocalism of the root, α of -παθ-, would derive from *n̥, an ablaut grade conditioned by the accent on the ending -ής (a “hysterokinetic” s-stem adjective). I reexamine the passage where the word is found and argue the vocalism of -παθής reflects not an archaism but an innovation in Homeric Greek. Using this reanalysis as a point of departure, I review recent literature on s-stem adjectives in Greek, Vedic, and Proto-Indo-European, disputing that the evidence suffices for a hysterokinetic reconstruction. I propose that the PIE accent was borne on the first member of these exocentric compounds as we find it in earliest Old Indic, in the prehistory of Greek, and in certain Greek archaisms.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47132625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02102003
Carla Bruno
{"title":"Papers on Ancient Greek Linguistics. Proceedings of the Ninth International Colloquium on Ancient Greek Linguistics, by Martti Leiwo, Marja Vierros & Sonja Dahlgren (eds.)","authors":"Carla Bruno","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02102003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02102003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49533869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-23DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02101003
Ian Hollenbaugh
This article seeks to combine the viewpoints of formal semantics and pragmatics, typology, historical linguistics, and philology, in order to give a diachronic overview of the semantic and pragmatic changes observable for the Imperfect indicative within the recorded history Greek. Since its development does not adhere to typologically expected stages of semantic change, I provide a pragmatic account by taking into consideration not only the Imperfect but also the rest of the past-tense system of Greek, namely the Aorist and Perfect. With this holistic approach, I am able to motivate a development that is otherwise typologically anomalous.
{"title":"The development of the Imperfect in Ancient Greek from simple past to imperfective as a blocking phenomenon","authors":"Ian Hollenbaugh","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02101003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02101003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article seeks to combine the viewpoints of formal semantics and pragmatics, typology, historical linguistics, and philology, in order to give a diachronic overview of the semantic and pragmatic changes observable for the Imperfect indicative within the recorded history Greek. Since its development does not adhere to typologically expected stages of semantic change, I provide a pragmatic account by taking into consideration not only the Imperfect but also the rest of the past-tense system of Greek, namely the Aorist and Perfect. With this holistic approach, I am able to motivate a development that is otherwise typologically anomalous.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48838078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-23DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02101002
D. Goldstein
Passive agents in ancient Greek exhibit a well-known alternation between dative case and prepositional phrase. It has long been recognized that grammatical aspect plays a crucial role in this alternation: dative agents preponderate among aspectually perfect predicates, prepositional phrase agents elsewhere. Although the importance of grammatical aspect is undeniable, it is not the only factor that determines the realization of passive agents. The identification of other factors has proven challenging, however, not least because previous researchers have lacked methods for assessing the relative importance of the determinants that influence the realization of agent phrases. In this paper, I use Bayesian mixed-effects logistic regression to provide a multifactorial account of differential agent marking in Herodotus, according to which the realization of passive agent phrases is conditioned by the relationship between semantic role and referential prominence (Haspelmath 2021). Dative agents are favored in clauses where semantic role and referential prominence are aligned (i.e., the agent is referentially prominent or the patient is referentially non-prominent). By contrast, prepositional phrase agents are more likely when semantic role and referential prominence are at odds (i.e., the patient is referentially prominent or the agent is referentially non-prominent).
{"title":"A multifactorial analysis of differential agent marking in Herodotus","authors":"D. Goldstein","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02101002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02101002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Passive agents in ancient Greek exhibit a well-known alternation between dative case and prepositional phrase. It has long been recognized that grammatical aspect plays a crucial role in this alternation: dative agents preponderate among aspectually perfect predicates, prepositional phrase agents elsewhere. Although the importance of grammatical aspect is undeniable, it is not the only factor that determines the realization of passive agents. The identification of other factors has proven challenging, however, not least because previous researchers have lacked methods for assessing the relative importance of the determinants that influence the realization of agent phrases. In this paper, I use Bayesian mixed-effects logistic regression to provide a multifactorial account of differential agent marking in Herodotus, according to which the realization of passive agent phrases is conditioned by the relationship between semantic role and referential prominence (Haspelmath 2021). Dative agents are favored in clauses where semantic role and referential prominence are aligned (i.e., the agent is referentially prominent or the patient is referentially non-prominent). By contrast, prepositional phrase agents are more likely when semantic role and referential prominence are at odds (i.e., the patient is referentially prominent or the agent is referentially non-prominent).","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46431154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-23DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02101001
Evripidis Tsiakmakis, Joan Borràs-Comes, M. Espinal
This article focuses on the interpretation of the adjectives that appear in Greek polydefinite DP s. It provides empirical support to the established position that restrictive modifiers are preferred in polydefinite environments (Kolliakou 1995). At the same time, it shows that non-restrictively modified polydefinites are not excluded by grammar (Manolessou 2000). To reconcile the facts, a novel syntactic analysis of polydefiniteness as involving modification by either restrictive or non-restrictive reduced relative clauses is formulated. We extend Alexopoulou’s (2006) analysis of resumption in full relatives to polydefinites and defend that what looks like a preadjectival definite article is a resumptive clitic pronoun that values the unvalued definiteness feature of a null relative complementizer. We further defend that, while the prenominal definite article is interpreted as d-linked, the resumptive clitic is a dependent expression that is interpreted as a referentially bound anaphora.
{"title":"Greek polydefinites revisited","authors":"Evripidis Tsiakmakis, Joan Borràs-Comes, M. Espinal","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02101001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02101001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article focuses on the interpretation of the adjectives that appear in Greek polydefinite DP s. It provides empirical support to the established position that restrictive modifiers are preferred in polydefinite environments (Kolliakou 1995). At the same time, it shows that non-restrictively modified polydefinites are not excluded by grammar (Manolessou 2000). To reconcile the facts, a novel syntactic analysis of polydefiniteness as involving modification by either restrictive or non-restrictive reduced relative clauses is formulated. We extend Alexopoulou’s (2006) analysis of resumption in full relatives to polydefinites and defend that what looks like a preadjectival definite article is a resumptive clitic pronoun that values the unvalued definiteness feature of a null relative complementizer. We further defend that, while the prenominal definite article is interpreted as d-linked, the resumptive clitic is a dependent expression that is interpreted as a referentially bound anaphora.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43463181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-12DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02002003
M. Benedetti
This paper offers new insights into the much-debated topic of double accusatives, taking διδάσκειν as a case study. By focussing on the different syntactic and semantic properties of the two accusatives in expressions such as διδάσκω σε σωφροσύνην ‘I teach you moderation’, it is shown that the mere reference to distinct semantic roles (Recipient vs Theme) does not provide a satisfactory account of some crucial properties of these constructions. As emerges from textual evidence, the so-called “Theme” may alternate with an infinitival complement (e.g. διδάσκω σε σωφρονεῖν ‘I teach you (how) to exert moderation’). Both the infinitival and the nominal complements are bound to the object of διδάσκω through a relationship which may be defined by the notion of control. This finding reveals the predicative function performed here by the “Theme”, thus supporting a multi-predicative approach to the double accusative construction of διδάσκειν. This hypothesis has relevance to the analysis of other double accusatives of Ancient Greek, and opens a new path for the analysis of comparable data offered by modern languages.
本文以“διδ α σκειν”为例，对双宾格的研究提供了新的视角。通过对διδ α σκω σε σωφροσ σ ν ' I teach you moderation '等表达中两个宾格的不同句法和语义特征的分析，我们发现，仅仅参考不同的语义角色(接受者与主题)并不能令人满意地解释这些结构的一些关键特征。根据文本证据，所谓的“主题”可能与不定式补语交替出现(例如διδ α σκω σε σωφρονε ε ν ' I teach you (how) to施加适度')。不定式和名义补语都通过一种可以用控制概念定义的关系被绑定到διδ α σκω的对象上。这一发现揭示了“主位”在这里所起的谓语功能，从而支持了“διδ α σκειν”的双宾格结构的多谓语方法。这一假设对其他古希腊语双宾格的分析有一定的借鉴意义，并为现代语言可比数据的分析开辟了一条新的途径。
{"title":"Ditransitive ‘teach’ and the status of the Theme “argument”(?)","authors":"M. Benedetti","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02002003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper offers new insights into the much-debated topic of double accusatives, taking διδάσκειν as a case study. By focussing on the different syntactic and semantic properties of the two accusatives in expressions such as διδάσκω σε σωφροσύνην ‘I teach you moderation’, it is shown that the mere reference to distinct semantic roles (Recipient vs Theme) does not provide a satisfactory account of some crucial properties of these constructions. As emerges from textual evidence, the so-called “Theme” may alternate with an infinitival complement (e.g. διδάσκω σε σωφρονεῖν ‘I teach you (how) to exert moderation’). Both the infinitival and the nominal complements are bound to the object of διδάσκω through a relationship which may be defined by the notion of control. This finding reveals the predicative function performed here by the “Theme”, thus supporting a multi-predicative approach to the double accusative construction of διδάσκειν. This hypothesis has relevance to the analysis of other double accusatives of Ancient Greek, and opens a new path for the analysis of comparable data offered by modern languages.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41721422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-12DOI: 10.1163/15699846-02002004
M. Capano
My PhD dissertation (Università degli Studi di Napoli L’Orientale), entitled “Il greco in Sicilia fra età ellenistica e tarda antichità. Un contributo da un corpus epigrafico” (transl. “The Greek language in Sicily between the Hellenistic Period and Late Antiquity. A contribution from an epigraphic corpus”) offers a comprehensive analysis of the Greek language in post-classical Sicilian inscriptions, paying specific attention to the contact with other languages—especially Latin—and to the lexical and formulaic specificities of Christian epigraphy.
我的博士论文（那不勒斯东方研究大学），题为“Il greco in Sicilia fra etàellenistica e tarda antichità.Un contributo da Un corporatory epirafico”（转写：“希腊化时期和古代晚期西西里岛的希腊语。来自铭文语料库的贡献”）对后古典西西里铭文中的希腊语进行了全面分析，特别注意与其他语言的接触，尤其是拉丁语，以及基督教金石学的词汇和公式特征。
{"title":"The Greek language in Sicily between the Hellenistic Period and Late Antiquity: A contribution from an epigraphic corpus","authors":"M. Capano","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02002004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 My PhD dissertation (Università degli Studi di Napoli L’Orientale), entitled “Il greco in Sicilia fra età ellenistica e tarda antichità. Un contributo da un corpus epigrafico” (transl. “The Greek language in Sicily between the Hellenistic Period and Late Antiquity. A contribution from an epigraphic corpus”) offers a comprehensive analysis of the Greek language in post-classical Sicilian inscriptions, paying specific attention to the contact with other languages—especially Latin—and to the lexical and formulaic specificities of Christian epigraphy.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46307907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：