Pub Date : 2017-05-18DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701001
Angeliki Alvanoudi
The present study is an in-depth investigation of the Greek language spoken by immigrants in Far North Queensland, Australia. The study focuses on contact-induced changes in the language, such as borrowing of lexemes and discourse patterns, and on code switching. The data analyzed derive from participant observation and some 23 hours of audio and video-recorded conversations with first- and second-generation Greek immigrants that were collected during fieldwork in 2013 in Far North Queensland. The study contributes to the investigation of the structure and use of Greek in the diaspora by integrating perspectives from contact linguistics and interactional approaches to code switching.
{"title":"Language contact, borrowing and code switching: a case study of Australian Greek","authors":"Angeliki Alvanoudi","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701001","url":null,"abstract":"The present study is an in-depth investigation of the Greek language spoken by immigrants in Far North Queensland, Australia. The study focuses on contact-induced changes in the language, such as borrowing of lexemes and discourse patterns, and on code switching. The data analyzed derive from participant observation and some 23 hours of audio and video-recorded conversations with first- and second-generation Greek immigrants that were collected during fieldwork in 2013 in Far North Queensland. The study contributes to the investigation of the structure and use of Greek in the diaspora by integrating perspectives from contact linguistics and interactional approaches to code switching.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":"3-44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45675667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702002
Georg F. K. Höhn, Giuseppina Silvestri, M. O. Squillaci
The term ‘unagreement’ describes configurations with an apparent person-mismatch between a typically definite plural subject and non-third person verbal agreement found in several null subject languages. Previous works have suggested that languages which have an obligatory definite article in adnominal pronoun constructions (APCs) allow unagreement (cf. standard modern Greek emeis oi glossologoi “we (the) linguists”), while languages that rule out definite articles in APCs do not allow unagreement constructions (cf. standard Italian noi (*i) linguisti). This article presents new evidence from Calabrian Greek (Greko), which corresponds to the predictions for other varieties of Greek, and two southern Italian Romance varieties (northern and southern Calabrese): these varieties exhibit Italian-type APCs but still allow unagreement, contrary to expectations. We discuss how the Romance data may be accommodated by extending a previous account of unagreement and propose that the hybrid pattern observed in the Italo-Romance varieties is a result of historical contact with local Greek varieties.
术语“不一致”描述了在几种空主语语言中发现的典型的确定复数主语和非第三人称口头一致之间明显的人称不匹配的配置。先前的研究表明，在副词代词结构(apc)中有强制性定冠词的语言允许不一致(参见标准现代希腊语emeis oi glossologoi“我们(语言学家)”)，而在apc中排除定冠词的语言不允许不一致结构(参见标准意大利语noi (*i) linguisti)。本文提出了来自卡拉布里亚希腊语(Greko)的新证据，这与对其他希腊语品种的预测相对应，以及两个意大利南部罗曼语系品种(北部和南部卡拉布雷斯):这些品种表现出意大利式apc，但仍然存在不一致，与预期相反。我们讨论了罗曼语数据如何通过扩展先前的不一致的解释来适应，并提出在意大利-罗曼语品种中观察到的杂交模式是与当地希腊品种的历史接触的结果。
{"title":"Greek and Romance unagreement in Calabria","authors":"Georg F. K. Höhn, Giuseppina Silvestri, M. O. Squillaci","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01702002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702002","url":null,"abstract":"The term ‘unagreement’ describes configurations with an apparent person-mismatch between a typically definite plural subject and non-third person verbal agreement found in several null subject languages. Previous works have suggested that languages which have an obligatory definite article in adnominal pronoun constructions (APCs) allow unagreement (cf. standard modern Greek emeis oi glossologoi “we (the) linguists”), while languages that rule out definite articles in APCs do not allow unagreement constructions (cf. standard Italian noi (*i) linguisti). This article presents new evidence from Calabrian Greek (Greko), which corresponds to the predictions for other varieties of Greek, and two southern Italian Romance varieties (northern and southern Calabrese): these varieties exhibit Italian-type APCs but still allow unagreement, contrary to expectations. We discuss how the Romance data may be accommodated by extending a previous account of unagreement and propose that the hybrid pattern observed in the Italo-Romance varieties is a result of historical contact with local Greek varieties.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"12 1","pages":"263-292"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01702002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64391563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702003
M. Lekakou
This introduction lays out the issues in the study of morphosyntactic variation in Modern Greek dialects and summarizes the contents of the papers included herein.
本引言部分提出了现代希腊方言形态句法变异研究中存在的问题，并对本文所收录论文的内容进行了总结。
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Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701005
K. Thijs
The paper examines the various usages of the Attic particle μήν and proposes a unified analysis of its main function. I argue that the prevalent analysis of Wakker (1997) needs some important reconsideration when instances of μήν in Platonic dialogue are concerned. First, the particle can target not only the propositional content of a discourse act, but also its illocution (felicity conditions). Second, I propose ‘countering expectations or assumptions of the addressee’ as the basic value of the particle. Functions in terms of commitment are better seen as secondary side effects. Third, I argue that differences in the origin of the countered assumptions or expectations are a natural basis for distinguishing between attitudinal μήν (extra-linguistic context and/or previous words of the addressee) and discourse connective μήν (previous words of the same speaker). It follows from my analysis that strict categorical boundaries between these usages are not to be expected.
{"title":"The Attic particle μήν. Intersubjectivity, contrast and polysemy","authors":"K. Thijs","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701005","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the various usages of the Attic particle μήν and proposes a unified analysis of its main function. I argue that the prevalent analysis of Wakker (1997) needs some important reconsideration when instances of μήν in Platonic dialogue are concerned. First, the particle can target not only the propositional content of a discourse act, but also its illocution (felicity conditions). Second, I propose ‘countering expectations or assumptions of the addressee’ as the basic value of the particle. Functions in terms of commitment are better seen as secondary side effects. Third, I argue that differences in the origin of the countered assumptions or expectations are a natural basis for distinguishing between attitudinal μήν (extra-linguistic context and/or previous words of the addressee) and discourse connective μήν (previous words of the same speaker). It follows from my analysis that strict categorical boundaries between these usages are not to be expected.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"73-112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702004
Marios Mavrogiorgos
This paper pursues the idea, originally proposed by Landau (2007), that the Extended Projection Principle is PF related on the basis of Greek enclisis. It is argued that the complementary distribution pattern attested with Cypriot Greek finite enclisis derives from the fact that the first head H c-selecting TP has a morpho-syntactic requirement, and a related PF/prosodic requirement subject to an Economy Condition. The former derives merger of an X or XP copy at H, while the latter ensures that only one of the two copies gets spelled-out. Non-finite H triggers obligatory enclisis in both Cypriot and Standard Greek, as it contains only affixal morphemes, which is further supported by Medieval Greek non-finite enclisis. The parameterization of H along with potential implications are also discussed.
{"title":"Decomposing EPP effects in Greek enclisis","authors":"Marios Mavrogiorgos","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01702004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper pursues the idea, originally proposed by Landau (2007), that the Extended Projection Principle is PF related on the basis of Greek enclisis. It is argued that the complementary distribution pattern attested with Cypriot Greek finite enclisis derives from the fact that the first head H c-selecting TP has a morpho-syntactic requirement, and a related PF/prosodic requirement subject to an Economy Condition. The former derives merger of an X or XP copy at H, while the latter ensures that only one of the two copies gets spelled-out. Non-finite H triggers obligatory enclisis in both Cypriot and Standard Greek, as it contains only affixal morphemes, which is further supported by Medieval Greek non-finite enclisis. The parameterization of H along with potential implications are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"190-232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01702004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64391615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702005
J. Merchant, Natalia Pavlou
In Cypriot Greek, the negated future is marked by the element tha, which appears instead of the expected present tense copula and a selected subordinating element. This paper documents the distribution of this item for the first time, and presents an analysis in Distributed Morphology that analyzes tha as a portmanteau morpheme realizing two heads in the context of negation. This analysis requires that spans (or targets of Fusion) can include a verb and the head of its C complement.
{"title":"The morphosyntax of the periphrastic future under negation in Cypriot Greek","authors":"J. Merchant, Natalia Pavlou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01702005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702005","url":null,"abstract":"In Cypriot Greek, the negated future is marked by the element tha, which appears instead of the expected present tense copula and a selected subordinating element. This paper documents the distribution of this item for the first time, and presents an analysis in Distributed Morphology that analyzes tha as a portmanteau morpheme realizing two heads in the context of negation. This analysis requires that spans (or targets of Fusion) can include a verb and the head of its C complement.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"233-262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01702005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64391626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702006
D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou
{"title":"From the Editors: Briefly put","authors":"D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01702006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"125-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01702006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64391195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01702001
Metin Bagriacik
In Pharasiot Greek, an Asia Minor Greek dialect, a certain particle copied from Turkish, ki, is employed in a number of seemingly unrelated constructions. Close scrutiny, however, reveals that in each of these constructions, ki is employed as a device geared to influencing the interlocutor’s epistemic vigilance. Based on the Cartographic Approach which defends the syntactization of the interpretive domains, I propose that this unique semantics of ki should be represented in the clause structure. Following recent work which advocates the existence of a pragmatic field—Speech Act Phrase (SAP) in particular—above the CP-layer, where discourse and pragmatic roles are mapped onto syntax, I propose that ki is the overt exponent of SA 0 and is further endowed with a [+ sentience] feature indexing the speaker as the sentient mind. The apparent differences between various construction types which involve ki—hence, in which SAP projects—then reduce to whether the [+ sentience] feature on SA 0 is checked by an internally or externally merging category in Spec, SAP.
{"title":"Representing discourse in clausal syntax: The ki particle in Pharasiot Greek","authors":"Metin Bagriacik","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01702001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01702001","url":null,"abstract":"In Pharasiot Greek, an Asia Minor Greek dialect, a certain particle copied from Turkish, ki, is employed in a number of seemingly unrelated constructions. Close scrutiny, however, reveals that in each of these constructions, ki is employed as a device geared to influencing the interlocutor’s epistemic vigilance. Based on the Cartographic Approach which defends the syntactization of the interpretive domains, I propose that this unique semantics of ki should be represented in the clause structure. Following recent work which advocates the existence of a pragmatic field—Speech Act Phrase (SAP) in particular—above the CP-layer, where discourse and pragmatic roles are mapped onto syntax, I propose that ki is the overt exponent of SA 0 and is further endowed with a [+ sentience] feature indexing the speaker as the sentient mind. The apparent differences between various construction types which involve ki—hence, in which SAP projects—then reduce to whether the [+ sentience] feature on SA 0 is checked by an internally or externally merging category in Spec, SAP.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"141-189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01702001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64391511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701006
D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou
{"title":"From the editors: Among our goals","authors":"D. Haug, B. Joseph, A. Roussou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"1-2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1163/15699846-01701003
N. Lavidas
{"title":"Verbal Periphrasis in Ancient Greek. Have- and Be- Constructions , written by Klaas Bentein","authors":"N. Lavidas","doi":"10.1163/15699846-01701003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01701003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":"17 1","pages":"113-120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/15699846-01701003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65157700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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