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Operation Gukurahundi: A Policy of Genocidal Rape and Sexual Violence in Zimbabwe 1983–1984 Gukurahundi行动:1983-1984年津巴布韦种族灭绝强奸和性暴力政策
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.2.0001
Hazel M. G. Cameron
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s historic judgment in the Akayesu Judgment established that rape and other forms of sexual violence can be an actus reus of genocide as defined by the United Nations Convention on Genocide Article II. The Akayesu Judgment therefore provides a logical framework to analyze a hidden episode of extreme post-colonial state violence in the newly independent Zimbabwe, namely a state policy of mass atrocities in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands, targeting the minority Ndebele ethnic group during Operation Gukurahundi. The specific foci of this study are the patterns of mass rape and sexual violence in the military operation between 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland. Drawing on 36 in-depth interviews with survivors from throughout Matabeleland, this study provides a critical new lens on Operation Gukurahundi through its identification of uniform systematic patterns of rape and other forms of sexual violence across Matabeleland. The article concludes that the patterns of rape and other forms of sexual violence identified in this study are indicative of a state policy of systematic genocidal rape between 1983 and 1984, deployed with the intent and effect to destroy, in part, a specific ethnic group, namely the minority Ndebele of Zimbabwe, thereby fulfilling every condition of the Genocide Convention principles of genocide.
卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭在《阿卡耶苏判决书》中作出的历史性判决确定,强奸和其他形式的性暴力可构成《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》第二条所界定的灭绝种族行为。因此,《阿卡耶苏判决》提供了一个逻辑框架来分析新独立的津巴布韦隐藏的极端后殖民国家暴力事件,即Gukurahundi行动期间在马塔贝莱兰和中部部分地区针对恩德贝勒少数民族的大规模暴行的国家政策。本研究的具体重点是1983年至1984年期间在马塔贝莱兰军事行动中大规模强奸和性暴力的模式。通过对来自整个马塔贝莱兰的36名幸存者的深入访谈,本研究通过对整个马塔贝莱兰强奸和其他形式性暴力的统一系统模式的识别,为Gukurahundi行动提供了一个重要的新视角。文章的结论是,本研究确定的强奸模式和其他形式的性暴力表明,在1983年至1984年期间有系统的种族灭绝强奸的国家政策,其目的和效果是部分摧毁一个特定的种族群体,即津巴布韦的恩德贝莱少数民族,从而满足《灭绝种族公约》关于种族灭绝原则的每一个条件。
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引用次数: 0
Operation Gukurahundi: A Policy of Genocidal Rape and Sexual Violence in Zimbabwe 1983–1984 Gukurahundi行动:1983-1984年津巴布韦种族灭绝强奸和性暴力政策
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-28 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.13.1.0001
Hazel Cameron
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s historic judgment in the Akayesu Judgment established that rape and other forms of sexual violence can be an actus reus of genocide as defined by the United Nations Convention on Genocide Article II. The Akayesu Judgment therefore provides a logical framework to analyze a hidden episode of extreme post-colonial state violence in the newly independent Zimbabwe, namely a state policy of mass atrocities in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands, targeting the minority Ndebele ethnic group during Operation Gukurahundi . The specific foci of this study are the patterns of mass rape and sexual violence in the military operation between 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland. Drawing on 36 in-depth interviews with survivors from throughout Matabeleland, this study provides a critical new lens on Operation Gukurahundi through its identification of uniform systematic patterns of rape and other forms of sexual violence across Matabeleland. The article concludes that the patterns of rape and other forms of sexual violence identified in this study are indicative of a state policy of systematic genocidal rape between 1983 and 1984, deployed with the intent and effect to destroy, in part, a specific ethnic group, namely the minority Ndebele of Zimbabwe, thereby fulfilling every condition of the Genocide Convention principles of genocide.
卢旺达问题国际刑事法庭在《阿卡耶苏判决书》中作出的历史性判决确定,强奸和其他形式的性暴力可构成《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》第二条所界定的灭绝种族行为。因此,《阿卡耶苏判决》提供了一个逻辑框架来分析新独立的津巴布韦隐藏的极端后殖民国家暴力事件,即Gukurahundi行动期间在马塔贝莱兰和中部部分地区针对恩德贝勒少数民族的大规模暴行的国家政策。本研究的具体重点是1983年至1984年期间在马塔贝莱兰军事行动中大规模强奸和性暴力的模式。通过对来自整个马塔贝莱兰的36名幸存者的深入访谈,本研究通过对整个马塔贝莱兰强奸和其他形式性暴力的统一系统模式的识别,为Gukurahundi行动提供了一个重要的新视角。文章的结论是,本研究确定的强奸模式和其他形式的性暴力表明,在1983年至1984年期间有系统的种族灭绝强奸的国家政策,其目的和效果是部分摧毁一个特定的种族群体,即津巴布韦的恩德贝莱少数民族,从而满足《灭绝种族公约》关于种族灭绝原则的每一个条件。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of fear and the suppression of Indigenous language activism in Asia: Prospects for the United Nations’ Decade of Indigenous Languages 恐惧政治与亚洲原住民语言运动的镇压:联合国原住民语言十年展望
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0029
G. Roche, Madoka Hammine, Jesus Federico C. Hernandez, Jess Kruk
This article discusses how state suppression of human rights activism and restrictions on civil society are likely to impact the implementation of the United Nations’ International Decade of Indigenous Languages (2022–2032, hereafter “the Decade”). We focus on China, India, and Indonesia, the three most populous and linguistically diverse countries in Asia. Drawing on a range of reports from human rights organizations and materials from academic literature, we argue that increasing attacks on human rights defenders and restrictions on civil society are likely to pose serious challenges to the implementation of the Decade in these countries. We situate this argument within broader debates about human rights advocacy and state repression, and draw on Guzel Yusupova’s arguments about the politics of fear and minority language mobilization to suggest that intensifying state repression of human rights is likely to prevent new forms of Indigenous language advocacy from emerging during the Decade.
本文讨论了国家对人权活动的压制和对公民社会的限制可能会如何影响联合国“土著语言国际十年”(2022-2032,以下简称“十年”)的实施。我们的重点是中国、印度和印度尼西亚,这三个亚洲人口最多、语言最多样化的国家。根据人权组织的一系列报告和学术文献的材料,我们认为,对人权维护者的攻击和对民间社会的限制越来越多,可能会对这些国家实施十年构成严重挑战。我们将这一论点置于更广泛的关于人权倡导和国家镇压的辩论中,并借鉴Guzel Yusupova关于恐惧政治和少数民族语言动员的论点,表明在十年期间,加强国家对人权的压制可能会阻止新形式的土著语言倡导出现。
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引用次数: 0
Ransomware through the lens of state crime 从国家犯罪的角度看勒索软件
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0001
Cybercrime and other cybersecurity harms are gaining increasing political and public attention across many countries. One of the most serious and fastest growing categories of such harms relates to ransomware attacks. Many of the groups responsible for ransomware attacks have come under political pressure in recent years as they have become more aggressive in their methods and targeting. On a geopolitical level, an area attracting increasing interest is the complex relationships between ransomware groups and states, in particular, Russia. This paper introduces the concept of state crime to ransomware groups. Starting with the concept of proxies before turning to the historical examples of privateering and piracy, we focus on the notion of “cyber privateers” to analyze two select ransomware groups — DarkSide and REvil — that are believed to be affiliated with the Russian state. We argue that approaching these ransomware groups as cyber privateers engaged in state crime has the potential to enhance our understanding of how these groups operate. We further posit that a state crime perspective also assists in identifying how ransomware may be countered, highlighting the need for policy responses that are effective even when ransomware groups may be tacitly protected by a state.
网络犯罪和其他网络安全危害正在许多国家引起越来越多的政治和公众关注。这类危害中最严重、增长最快的一类与勒索软件攻击有关。近年来,许多负责勒索软件攻击的组织都面临着政治压力,因为它们在方法和目标方面变得更加激进。在地缘政治层面上,一个越来越吸引人兴趣的领域是勒索软件组织与国家(尤其是俄罗斯)之间的复杂关系。本文将国家犯罪的概念引入勒索软件组织。从代理的概念开始,然后转向私掠和海盗的历史例子,我们专注于“网络私掠者”的概念来分析两个被认为与俄罗斯政府有关的勒索软件组织——DarkSide和REvil。我们认为,将这些勒索软件组织视为参与国家犯罪的网络海盗,有可能增强我们对这些组织运作方式的理解。我们进一步假设,从国家犯罪的角度来看,也有助于确定如何应对勒索软件,强调即使在勒索软件组织可能受到国家默认保护的情况下,也需要有效的政策反应。
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引用次数: 0
Vasja Badalič, The War Against Civilians: Victims of the “War on Terror” in Afghanistan and Pakistan, reviewed by Victoria Canning 《针对平民的战争:阿富汗和巴基斯坦“反恐战争”的受害者》,维多利亚·坎宁评论
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0100
V. Canning
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引用次数: 0
It was the anarchists: The quest for the truth about Italy’s bombs 那是无政府主义者:对意大利炸弹真相的追寻
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0051
Vincenzo Scalia
On 12 December 1969 a bomb exploded in Piazza Fontana, in Milan, killing 17 people and wounding 84. This paper uses critical and activist criminology, and explores, through a resistance lens, the struggle for truth that followed. On the one hand, denial through a strategy of manipulation was carried out by both the Italian government and mainstream media, which placed the blame on the anarchist movement, laying the groundwork for an authoritarian upheaval. On the other hand, the mobilization of both the old and the new left solidified to counter this denial by illuminating state responsibility for the Piazza Fontana bombing. This paper models the specific species of state crime denial used by a transnational coalition of far-right forces operating in and around the Italian state, and the forms of resistance within left civil society that helped counter denial and stall the authoritarian drift. It also looks to expand the literature on resistance to state crime, by documenting a still poorly understood episode in Italian history where civic opposition to state violence helped abort the further institutionalization of authoritarian politics. This paper will shed a light on the dialectical process between state crime and resistance, as theorized by Green and Ward. Moreover, an analysis of resistance stages through the use of Stanley and McCulloch’s work, will allow me to carry out an in-depth analysis of the mobilization process that took place after the Piazza Fontana bombing.
1969年12月12日,一枚炸弹在米兰丰塔纳广场爆炸,炸死17人,炸伤84人。本文采用批判和激进的犯罪学,并通过抵抗的镜头,探讨了随之而来的真相斗争。一方面,意大利政府和主流媒体通过操纵策略进行否认,将责任归咎于无政府主义运动,为威权主义剧变奠定了基础。另一方面,旧左派和新左派都动员起来,通过阐明国家对丰塔纳广场爆炸事件的责任来反驳这种否认。本文模拟了在意大利国内及其周边活动的极右翼势力跨国联盟所使用的特定种类的国家犯罪否认,以及左翼公民社会内部帮助反击否认和阻止威权主义漂移的抵抗形式。它还希望通过记录意大利历史上一段尚不为人所知的事件,扩大对国家犯罪的抵抗文献,在这段历史上,公民对国家暴力的反对帮助阻止了威权政治的进一步制度化。本文将揭示国家犯罪与抵抗之间的辩证过程,正如格林和沃德的理论。此外,通过使用斯坦利和麦卡洛克的工作对抵抗阶段的分析,将使我能够对丰塔纳广场爆炸后发生的动员过程进行深入分析。
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引用次数: 0
Josephine Beoku-Betts and Fredline A. M’Cormack-Hale eds. War, Women, and Post-Conflict Empowerment: Lessons from Sierra Leone, reviewed by Jillian LaBranche Josephine Beoku-Betts和Fredline A. M 'Cormack-Hale编。《战争、妇女和冲突后赋权:塞拉利昂的经验教训》,作者:吉利安·拉布兰彻
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0108
Jillian LaBranche
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引用次数: 0
Ransomware through the lens of state crime: Conceptualizing ransomware groups as cyber proxies, pirates, and privateers 国家犯罪视角下的勒索软件:将勒索软件组织概念化为网络代理、海盗和私掠者
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0004
James Martin, C. Whelan
Cybercrime and other cybersecurity harms are gaining increasing political and public attention across many countries. One of the most serious and fastest growing categories of such harms relates to ransomware attacks. Many of the groups responsible for ransomware attacks have come under political pressure in recent years as they have become more aggressive in their methods and targeting. On a geopolitical level, an area attracting increasing interest is the complex relationships between ransomware groups and states, in particular, Russia. This paper introduces the concept of state crime to ransomware groups. Starting with the concept of proxies before turning to the historical examples of privateering and piracy, we focus on the notion of “cyber privateers” to analyze two select ransomware groups—DarkSide and REvil—that are believed to be affiliated with the Russian state. We argue that approaching these ransomware groups as cyber privateers engaged in state crime has the potential to enhance our understanding of how these groups operate. We further posit that a state crime perspective also assists in identifying how ransomware may be countered, highlighting the need for policy responses that are effective even when ransomware groups may be tacitly protected by a state.
网络犯罪和其他网络安全危害正在许多国家引起越来越多的政治和公众关注。这类危害中最严重、增长最快的一类与勒索软件攻击有关。近年来,许多负责勒索软件攻击的组织都面临着政治压力,因为它们在方法和目标方面变得更加激进。在地缘政治层面上,一个越来越吸引人兴趣的领域是勒索软件组织与国家(尤其是俄罗斯)之间的复杂关系。本文将国家犯罪的概念引入勒索软件组织。从代理的概念开始,然后再转向私掠和海盗的历史例子,我们将重点放在“网络私掠者”的概念上,以分析两个被认为与俄罗斯政府有关的勒索软件组织——darkside和reve。我们认为,将这些勒索软件组织视为参与国家犯罪的网络海盗,有可能增强我们对这些组织运作方式的理解。我们进一步假设,从国家犯罪的角度来看,也有助于确定如何应对勒索软件,强调即使在勒索软件组织可能受到国家默认保护的情况下,也需要有效的政策反应。
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引用次数: 4
Monish Bhatia and Victoria Canning eds. Stealing Time: Migration,Temporalities and State Violence, reviewed by Scott Poynting Monish Bhatia和Victoria Canning需要。《偷走时间:移民、时间性和国家暴力》,斯科特·波因廷(Scott Poynting)评论
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0096
S. Poynting
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引用次数: 0
“We will give our blood, but not our land!”—Repertoires of resistance and state-organized land-grabbing at a Bangladeshi tea plantation “我们可以献出我们的鲜血,但不能献出我们的土地!”——孟加拉国一个茶园发生的抵抗和国家组织的土地掠夺
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0068
Ashrafuzzaman Khan, K. Lasslett
Land-grabbing is an international issue closely associated with conflict and violence, as communities confront, through prolonged struggles, powerful elite networks involved in the illicit transformation of space. Resistance to land confiscations can be a life-and-death struggle especially for poor rural and urban communities whose livelihoods are tied to the targeted land. Because these struggles are often marked by corruption, state violence, and the persecution of already marginalized populations, they have become an area of emerging interest for state crime and state-corporate crime scholars. However, there is only introductory data mapping how communities resist land-grabs engineered through illegitimate state-corporate activity. Against this backdrop the following paper analyses a case of community resistance to land-grabs in Bangladesh using a contentious politics framework and the concept of land-laundering. The structure and activity of this resistance has been mapped through interviews with stakeholders involved in this struggle, complemented by documentary research.
掠夺土地是一个与冲突和暴力密切相关的国际问题,因为社区通过长期斗争,面对参与非法改造空间的强大精英网络。对没收土地的抵制可能是一场生死攸关的斗争,特别是对生计与被没收土地息息相关的贫穷农村和城市社区而言。由于这些斗争往往以腐败、国家暴力和对已经被边缘化的人群的迫害为特征,它们已经成为国家犯罪和国家-公司犯罪学者新兴的兴趣领域。然而,只有介绍性的数据描绘了社区如何抵制通过非法的国有企业活动策划的土地掠夺。在此背景下,下面的论文使用有争议的政治框架和洗地概念分析了孟加拉国社区抵制土地掠夺的一个案例。通过对参与这场斗争的利益相关者的采访,并辅以文献研究,我们绘制了这场抵抗的结构和活动。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
State Crime
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