Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0005
Monish Bhatia, R. Lenṭin
At least 27 people lost their lives [in English Channel drownings] . . . Yes, people should come here legally and the system must be fair, but the main issue is this: crossing the Channel in small boats is extremely dangerous and yesterday was the moment that many of us had feared for many years . . . What happened yesterday was a dreadful shock. It was not a surprise but it is also a reminder of how vulnerable people are put at peril when in the hands of criminal gangs . . . This requires co-ordinated international effort and I have been in constant contact with my counterparts from France, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Italy, and Greece . . .The government’s New Plan for Immigration, which will be put into law through the Nationality and Borders Bill is a longer-term solution that will address many of these underlying factors to deterring illegal migration and addressing underlying pull factors into the UK’s asylum system.
{"title":"Migration and Racist State Violence: Introduction","authors":"Monish Bhatia, R. Lenṭin","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0005","url":null,"abstract":"At least 27 people lost their lives [in English Channel drownings] . . . Yes, people should come here legally and the system must be fair, but the main issue is this: crossing the Channel in small boats is extremely dangerous and yesterday was the moment that many of us had feared for many years . . . What happened yesterday was a dreadful shock. It was not a surprise but it is also a reminder of how vulnerable people are put at peril when in the hands of criminal gangs . . . This requires co-ordinated international effort and I have been in constant contact with my counterparts from France, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Italy, and Greece . . .The government’s New Plan for Immigration, which will be put into law through the Nationality and Borders Bill is a longer-term solution that will address many of these underlying factors to deterring illegal migration and addressing underlying pull factors into the UK’s asylum system.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0033
Monish Bhatia, Jon Burnett
This article develops an analysis of contemporary immigration raids in Britain, arguing that they operate ideologically as well as institutionally to sustain the material and political conditions of what is a vastly unequal form of social order (that is also a form of racial order). It suggests that immigration raids are located within and develop understandings of a racial state in contemporary Britain. Drawing on ethnographic work at a migrant charity organization, it explains the raid process and its impact on individuals and families. Raids are rationalized as facilitating removal and more broadly operate as part of attempts to generate fear and encourage people to leave “voluntarily.” However, this is not achieved in many cases, and this article suggests that the real purpose of raids is to dominate and oppress illegalized migrants and those who may be vulnerable to immigration control, as well as reproducing the justification for immigration enforcement. Raids can be understood as inflicting harms and as a form of state-sanctioned racist violence which is utilized to try severing solidarities between communities. Enforcement leads to resistance and the conclusion reflects on resistance to raids, demonstrated for example by the 2021 Kenmure Street protest in Glasgow, and the solidarities such resistance ferments and sustains.
{"title":"Immigration Raids and Racist State Violence","authors":"Monish Bhatia, Jon Burnett","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0033","url":null,"abstract":"This article develops an analysis of contemporary immigration raids in Britain, arguing that they operate ideologically as well as institutionally to sustain the material and political conditions of what is a vastly unequal form of social order (that is also a form of racial order). It suggests that immigration raids are located within and develop understandings of a racial state in contemporary Britain. Drawing on ethnographic work at a migrant charity organization, it explains the raid process and its impact on individuals and families. Raids are rationalized as facilitating removal and more broadly operate as part of attempts to generate fear and encourage people to leave “voluntarily.” However, this is not achieved in many cases, and this article suggests that the real purpose of raids is to dominate and oppress illegalized migrants and those who may be vulnerable to immigration control, as well as reproducing the justification for immigration enforcement. Raids can be understood as inflicting harms and as a form of state-sanctioned racist violence which is utilized to try severing solidarities between communities. Enforcement leads to resistance and the conclusion reflects on resistance to raids, demonstrated for example by the 2021 Kenmure Street protest in Glasgow, and the solidarities such resistance ferments and sustains.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0237
Clayton D. Peoples, Samantha M. Both
Although the current campaign finance system in the US allows private donations to campaigns, an increasing body of evidence suggests that these contributions influence policy and could potentially lead to social injury. This leads to an important question: Do campaign contributions constitute crime? The present article takes up this question. After an overview of the famous debate between Tappan and Sutherland on the role of social injury in determining whether something is a crime—and a concise summary of different types of political crime (e.g. corruption, bribery, state crime, and state-corporate crime)—an analysis is conducted to assess the connection, if any, between campaign contributions and two types of social injury: economic harm/inequality and environmental harm. Findings from the analysis show that campaign contributions can, indeed, cause social injury. It is therefore concluded that campaign contributions sometimes constitute crime under Sutherland’s framework. Numerous campaign finance reform options are discussed—all with the intent of limiting the social injury created by campaign contributions.
{"title":"Campaign Contributions as Crime: The Case of Contribution Influence on US Economic and Environmental Policy","authors":"Clayton D. Peoples, Samantha M. Both","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0237","url":null,"abstract":"Although the current campaign finance system in the US allows private donations to campaigns, an increasing body of evidence suggests that these contributions influence policy and could potentially lead to social injury. This leads to an important question: Do campaign contributions constitute crime? The present article takes up this question. After an overview of the famous debate between Tappan and Sutherland on the role of social injury in determining whether something is a crime—and a concise summary of different types of political crime (e.g. corruption, bribery, state crime, and state-corporate crime)—an analysis is conducted to assess the connection, if any, between campaign contributions and two types of social injury: economic harm/inequality and environmental harm. Findings from the analysis show that campaign contributions can, indeed, cause social injury. It is therefore concluded that campaign contributions sometimes constitute crime under Sutherland’s framework. Numerous campaign finance reform options are discussed—all with the intent of limiting the social injury created by campaign contributions.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0152
Hanno Brankamp
{"title":"N. Sharma, Home Rule: National Sovereignty and the Separation of Natives and Migrants, reviewed by Hanno Brankamp","authors":"Hanno Brankamp","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0152","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0156
Anne M. Mulhall
{"title":"H. Walia, Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism, reviewed by Anne Mulhull","authors":"Anne M. Mulhall","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0156","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0156","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0188
Kaziwa Salih
The Iraqi state-directed demographic engineering of the oil-rich Kurdish districts of Kirkuk and Khanaqin was launched in the early 1920s and has continued to the present day. The history and use of Arabization as a geopolitical strategy for controlling oil revenue in the region has been investigated (Talabany 2008; 2011). The issue of genocide within these various demographic and ethnic constructions remains understudied. This article, informed by interdisciplinary perspectives, examines certain government documents, and follows John McGarry (1998) and Paul Morland (2016) in deploying the term “demographic engineering” to describe the control of population size, territorial changes, and the confiscation of Kurdish properties in Iraq. First, it highlights the question of genocide and its nexuses with demographic and ethnic construction in the Kurdish provinces. Second, it argues that the Kurds experienced both hard and soft forms of demographic engineering from the time of the Ottoman Empire to the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003. Morland (2016) defines hard demographic engineering as the deliberate modification of a territory’s demographics by increasing or decreasing its population. The indirect soft approach shifts the identities of ethnic groups or alters territorial borders. The article concludes by reiterating that the demographic engineering of Kurds in Iraq was not only “a technique of conflict regulation” (McGarry 1998: 613) but also a means of producing geopolitical and ethnic identity shifts.
{"title":"Demographic Engineering, the Forcible Deportation of the Kurds in Iraq, and the Question of Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide\u00001","authors":"Kaziwa Salih","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0188","url":null,"abstract":"The Iraqi state-directed demographic engineering of the oil-rich Kurdish districts of Kirkuk and Khanaqin was launched in the early 1920s and has continued to the present day. The history and use of Arabization as a geopolitical strategy for controlling oil revenue in the region has been investigated (Talabany 2008; 2011). The issue of genocide within these various demographic and ethnic constructions remains understudied. This article, informed by interdisciplinary perspectives, examines certain government documents, and follows John McGarry (1998) and Paul Morland (2016) in deploying the term “demographic engineering” to describe the control of population size, territorial changes, and the confiscation of Kurdish properties in Iraq. First, it highlights the question of genocide and its nexuses with demographic and ethnic construction in the Kurdish provinces. Second, it argues that the Kurds experienced both hard and soft forms of demographic engineering from the time of the Ottoman Empire to the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003. Morland (2016) defines hard demographic engineering as the deliberate modification of a territory’s demographics by increasing or decreasing its population. The indirect soft approach shifts the identities of ethnic groups or alters territorial borders. The article concludes by reiterating that the demographic engineering of Kurds in Iraq was not only “a technique of conflict regulation” (McGarry 1998: 613) but also a means of producing geopolitical and ethnic identity shifts.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0209
Sanya Karakas
This article explores the long-lasting effects of impunity on victims’ everyday lives. Drawing on Rojas Baeza’s medico-psychiatric definition of impunity, the article discusses how impunity creates different traumatic consequences in a victim’s life and prolongs the suffering of victims and their families. The article argues that the absence of justice, the denial of truth, and non-accountability of perpetrators of state crimes, not only constitute significant components of the mechanics of impunity but also create eventual and painful effects in victims’ daily lives. The article uses primary data from my field research conducted in Turkey, and exemplifies some of the traumatic consequences of state crimes committed by the Turkish state against Kurds and their eventual effects on the victims’ lives. The article examines these long-term effects of impunity on victims to develop the concept of victimization in the context of state crimes and impunity.
{"title":"Turkish State Criminality against Kurds and Victimization through Impunity","authors":"Sanya Karakas","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0209","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the long-lasting effects of impunity on victims’ everyday lives. Drawing on Rojas Baeza’s medico-psychiatric definition of impunity, the article discusses how impunity creates different traumatic consequences in a victim’s life and prolongs the suffering of victims and their families. The article argues that the absence of justice, the denial of truth, and non-accountability of perpetrators of state crimes, not only constitute significant components of the mechanics of impunity but also create eventual and painful effects in victims’ daily lives. The article uses primary data from my field research conducted in Turkey, and exemplifies some of the traumatic consequences of state crimes committed by the Turkish state against Kurds and their eventual effects on the victims’ lives. The article examines these long-term effects of impunity on victims to develop the concept of victimization in the context of state crimes and impunity.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0285
Roberto Catello
Two of the most promising developments to emerge from the failed attempts to contain the spread of infectious disease outbreaks since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the outbreak of novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) a pandemic on 23 January 2020 are (i) an acceleration of the critique of neoliberalism and (ii) a reinvigoration of the state crime vocabulary. As Henry Giroux (2020) argued, the pandemic has exposed “the plague of neoliberalism” and revealed the need for a new language to make sense of the current crisis. In this article, I argue that the language of state crime has both the terminological and the conceptual capacity to inform such a sense-making endeavour and, relatedly, that the academic literature on state criminality can complement critiques of the global neoliberal order in the context of the failed governance of the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"Exposing the Crimes of the Neoliberal State in the Governance of COVID-19","authors":"Roberto Catello","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0285","url":null,"abstract":"Two of the most promising developments to emerge from the failed attempts to contain the spread of infectious disease outbreaks since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the outbreak of novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) a pandemic on 23 January 2020 are (i) an acceleration of the critique of neoliberalism and (ii) a reinvigoration of the state crime vocabulary. As Henry Giroux (2020) argued, the pandemic has exposed “the plague of neoliberalism” and revealed the need for a new language to make sense of the current crisis. In this article, I argue that the language of state crime has both the terminological and the conceptual capacity to inform such a sense-making endeavour and, relatedly, that the academic literature on state criminality can complement critiques of the global neoliberal order in the context of the failed governance of the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0070
B. Kalir
On 15 March 2018, Mame Mbaye, a 35-year-old migrant from Senegal who lived in Spain for 11 years, died on a street in the centre of Madrid. A police raid on unauthorized street vendors caused panic among illegalized migrants, who ran away trying to avoid an arrest that could have led to their detention and deportation. Mbaye ran towards his home, located a few hundred meters down the road, but he never made it. The official version, endorsed by the Spanish court, is that Mbaye suffered a fatal cardiac failure. Some eyewitnesses claim the police suffocated him to death. The article explores how the pervasive and perverse exercise of racism on different levels against illegalized migrants results in their social and in some cases literal death. To fully grasp the tenacity with which racism and racial cruelty are applied in the immigration field, we must recognize that most other arenas that have historically served as breeding grounds for advancing racialism in western societies have been legally proscribed. In contrast, the anti-immigration arena allows for acting practically, discursively and politically in racializing and racist manners against some of the most vulnerable members in society: so-called ‘irregular’ migrants, ‘failed’ asylum seekers and ‘non-real’ refugees. The immigration field thus serves as a crucial, and perhaps the last, frontier for advancing racialism more holistically in western societies. Animating racialism as an operative ideology informs—consciously or not—those who staff the state apparatus, and society more broadly, to believe in and act upon racialized categories of othered people. In so doing, racialism legitimizes the social production and justifies the social death of illegalized migrants. The ultimate goal of this vicious dynamic, of inhumane treatment and judicial impunity, is to keep operational the racist notion that the lives of some people matter less than others.
{"title":"On the Death of Mame Mbaye: Racialism as the Ultimate Goal in the “Battle against Irregular Immigration”","authors":"B. Kalir","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0070","url":null,"abstract":"On 15 March 2018, Mame Mbaye, a 35-year-old migrant from Senegal who lived in Spain for 11 years, died on a street in the centre of Madrid. A police raid on unauthorized street vendors caused panic among illegalized migrants, who ran away trying to avoid an arrest that could have led to their detention and deportation. Mbaye ran towards his home, located a few hundred meters down the road, but he never made it. The official version, endorsed by the Spanish court, is that Mbaye suffered a fatal cardiac failure. Some eyewitnesses claim the police suffocated him to death. The article explores how the pervasive and perverse exercise of racism on different levels against illegalized migrants results in their social and in some cases literal death. To fully grasp the tenacity with which racism and racial cruelty are applied in the immigration field, we must recognize that most other arenas that have historically served as breeding grounds for advancing racialism in western societies have been legally proscribed. In contrast, the anti-immigration arena allows for acting practically, discursively and politically in racializing and racist manners against some of the most vulnerable members in society: so-called ‘irregular’ migrants, ‘failed’ asylum seekers and ‘non-real’ refugees. The immigration field thus serves as a crucial, and perhaps the last, frontier for advancing racialism more holistically in western societies. Animating racialism as an operative ideology informs—consciously or not—those who staff the state apparatus, and society more broadly, to believe in and act upon racialized categories of othered people. In so doing, racialism legitimizes the social production and justifies the social death of illegalized migrants. The ultimate goal of this vicious dynamic, of inhumane treatment and judicial impunity, is to keep operational the racist notion that the lives of some people matter less than others.","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0149
Ellen Van Damme
{"title":"L. Cowan, Border Nation: A Story of Migration, reviewed by Ellen Van Damme","authors":"Ellen Van Damme","doi":"10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0149","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42457,"journal":{"name":"State Crime","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66273286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：