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Rebecca Adelman and David Kieran eds. Remote Warfare: New Cultures of Violence, reviewed by Rimona Afana 丽贝卡·阿德尔曼和大卫·基兰。《远程战争:新的暴力文化》,作者:Rimona Afana
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0104
Rimona Afana
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引用次数: 0
Nan Sloane, Uncontrollable Women: Radicals, Reformers and Revolutionaries, reviewed by Jade Moran 南·斯隆:《无法控制的女性:激进派、改革家和革命家》,由杰德·莫兰评论
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.12.1.0111
Jade Moran
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引用次数: 0
Mobility and Post-Socialism: Cross-Border Shaming and Un-Belonging in a White Europe 流动性和后社会主义:白人欧洲的跨界羞辱和不归属
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0110
Corina Tulbure
In today’s Europe, mechanisms of controlling and disciplining bodies presumably transcend the logic and costs of the painful infliction of violence. State-sanctioned practices and bureaucratic categorization offer EU citizens the chance to live as “Europeans” wherever they choose to live in the territory of a member state. However, within the framework of the neo-colonial structuring of power, Eastern European states inhabit not only a geographic border zone, but recreate the periphery of modernity on the continent. In this article I aim to problematize the violence applied to people from Eastern Europe, who are border-crossers, and to reveal the meaning of intra-European bordering practices. I bring to the fore (personal) memories of border-crossing and data from my fieldwork, exposing collective similar experiences. Today, as in the last few decades, EU citizens whose mobility is controlled or forced across Europe, are submitted to forms of displacement, eviction, and deportation, producing the un-belonging of the border-crossers. These experiences are accompanied and accounted for by numerous emotions that reveal ways in which state institutions act upon the bodies and minds of non-citizens, a way in which the state is felt, becoming present in people’s lives. One of the emotions induced through state institutions and their practices is shame, an essential tool of control and a producer of un-belonging. Thus, within the nation-state, following a racist-patriarchal logic, the unaccounted dehumanization and dignity violation of “some” citizens is accommodated, rationalized, and encouraged.
在今天的欧洲,控制和惩戒机构的机制可能超越了痛苦施加暴力的逻辑和成本。国家认可的做法和官僚主义的分类,让欧盟公民有机会以“欧洲人”的身份生活,无论他们选择在某个成员国的领土上生活在哪里。然而,在新殖民主义权力结构的框架内,东欧国家不仅居住在地理边界地带,而且在欧洲大陆上重建了现代性的边缘。在这篇文章中,我的目的是对来自东欧的越境者施加的暴力提出问题,并揭示欧洲内部边境做法的意义。我把我个人的越境记忆和田野调查的数据放在了前面,揭示了集体的相似经历。今天,与过去几十年一样,欧盟公民在欧洲各地的流动受到控制或被迫,他们面临着各种形式的流离失所、驱逐和驱逐,造成了越境者的不归属。这些经历伴随着无数的情感,这些情感揭示了国家机构如何作用于非公民的身体和思想,一种人们感受到国家的方式,并出现在人们的生活中。通过国家机构及其实践引发的情绪之一是羞耻感,羞耻感是控制的重要工具,也是不归属感的制造者。因此,在民族国家内部,遵循种族主义-父权逻辑,对“某些”公民的不明原因的非人化和尊严侵犯得到了包容、合理化和鼓励。
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引用次数: 0
Making Their Lives Miserable: Structural Violence and State Racism towards Asylum Seekers from Sudan and Eritrea in Israel 使他们的生活变得悲惨:对在以色列的苏丹和厄立特里亚寻求庇护者的结构性暴力和国家种族主义
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0128
Maayan Ravid
This article examines state racism and structural violence inflicted upon Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers in Israel by surveying various exclusionary policies and their harmful effects. It situates exclusionary state practices of migration control in Israel’s racialized social dynamics, contextualized in Israel’s origins as a settler society and subsequent national ordering. Israel’s treatment of African asylum seekers is conceptualized as structural violence through an examination of unnecessary, preventable, or avoidable harms that were differentially inflicted upon this distinct, racialized migrant group both directly and indirectly. Claims in the article are based on ethnographic research conducted with asylum seekers who had been detained in Israel’s Holot detention facility. In contrast to Israel’s purported adherence to international commitments to human rights, including asylum protections, understanding asylum seekers’ destitution through the lens of structural violence enables us to place the onus and responsibility for human suffering upon the state.
本文通过调查各种排斥政策及其有害影响,探讨了以色列境内厄立特里亚和苏丹寻求庇护者所遭受的国家种族主义和结构性暴力。它将排他性的国家移民控制实践置于以色列种族化的社会动态中,并将其置于以色列作为一个定居者社会和随后的国家秩序的起源背景中。以色列对非洲寻求庇护者的待遇被定义为结构性暴力,通过检查对这一独特的、种族化的移民群体直接或间接造成的不必要的、可预防的或可避免的伤害。文章中的说法是基于对被拘留在以色列Holot拘留设施的寻求庇护者进行的人种学研究。与以色列声称遵守包括庇护保护在内的国际人权承诺相反,通过结构性暴力来理解寻求庇护者的贫困,使我们能够将人类苦难的责任和责任放在国家身上。
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引用次数: 5
T. J. Coles, Capitalism and Coronavirus: How Institutionalized Greed Turned a Crisis into a Catastrophe, reviewed by Raymond Michalowski T. J.科尔斯,《资本主义与冠状病毒:制度化的贪婪如何将危机变成灾难》,雷蒙德·米查洛夫斯基评论
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0161
R. Michalowski
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引用次数: 0
From Exception to Extra-Legal Normality: Pushbacks and Racist State Violence against People Crossing the Greek–Turkish Land Border 从例外到法外常态:对穿越希腊-土耳其陆地边界的人的抵制和种族主义国家暴力
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0012
Lena Karamanidou, Bernd Kasparek
The Greek–Turkish land border became the site of a border spectacle in March 2020, following the “opening” of the border by the Turkish government and its simultaneous closure by the Greek government. The ensuing violence was legitimated by narratives of exception and racist discourses hinging on the notions of “invasion” and “asymmetrical threats.” Yet, the spectacular and highly mediatized nature of the events of March 2020 hid the embeddedness and longevity of border violence in Evros, the area named after the river that constitutes the land border between Greece and Turkey. Drawing on qualitative research including fieldwork, interviews and document analysis, we focus on the practice of pushbacks as an enduring feature of the local border regime. We argue that pushbacks and other forms of violence should not be conceived merely as human rights violations and therefore aberrations to the laws and values of Europe and its states, but as normalized technologies of border management embedded in the racialized, violent border regimes of liberal states, exemplifying the inherent and unavoidable violence of borders.
2020年3月,在土耳其政府“开放”边境,希腊政府同时关闭边境之后,希腊-土耳其陆地边界成为边境奇观。随之而来的暴力行为被例外的叙述和种族主义话语所合法化,这些话语围绕着“入侵”和“不对称威胁”的概念。然而,2020年3月事件的壮观和高度调解的性质掩盖了埃夫罗斯边境暴力的根深蒂固和长期存在,该地区以构成希腊和土耳其陆地边界的河流命名。通过定性研究,包括实地考察、访谈和文件分析,我们将重点放在作为当地边境制度持久特征的推回实践上。我们认为,反击和其他形式的暴力不应仅仅被视为侵犯人权,因此违反了欧洲及其国家的法律和价值观,而应被视为根植于自由国家种族化、暴力边境政权中的边境管理规范化技术,体现了边境固有的、不可避免的暴力。
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引用次数: 5
The (In)visibility of Racialized Border Violence? A Ukrainian Killed in Lisbon Airport 种族化边境暴力的可见性?一名乌克兰人在里斯本机场被杀
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0090
Júlia Garraio, O. Solovova, S. Santos
On March 12, 2020, the Ukrainian citizen Ihor Homenyuk died, having been abused and tortured while in the custody of the Foreigners and Borders Office in Lisbon airport. This crime exposed what several NGOs and institutional reports had long denounced: the climate of impunity that enabled the denial of basic human rights to immigrants in closed spaces at the Portuguese border. Understanding the media as a pivotal place of both reflection and production of social meaning, this article examines the media coverage of this case and identifies the narratives that the case fuelled and the agendas by which it was co-opted. It explores how the public invisibility of violence at Portugal’s borders, Portuguese imaginaries regarding Eastern European immigrants, and current understandings of racism helped frame the case as one of police brutality rather than as a racist crime. We aim to highlight the role of the Schengen border in the reconfiguration of racialized vulnerability and the (re)production of global hierarchies.
2020年3月12日,乌克兰公民Ihor Homenyuk在里斯本机场被外国人和边境办公室拘留期间受到虐待和酷刑,最终死亡。这一罪行暴露了几个非政府组织和机构的报告长期以来所谴责的:有罪不罚的气氛使得在葡萄牙边境的封闭空间里,移民的基本人权被剥夺。将媒体理解为反映和生产社会意义的关键场所,本文考察了该案件的媒体报道,并确定了该案件所推动的叙事和被采纳的议程。它探讨了公众对葡萄牙边境暴力的忽视,葡萄牙人对东欧移民的想象,以及当前对种族主义的理解如何帮助将此案定性为警察暴行而不是种族主义犯罪。我们的目标是强调申根边界在种族化脆弱性的重构和全球等级制度的(重新)产生中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Joachim J. Savelsberg, Knowing About Genocide: Armenian Suffering and Epistemic Struggles, reviewed by Lois Presser Joachim J. Savelsberg,《了解种族灭绝:亚美尼亚人的苦难和认知斗争》,Lois Presser评论
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0316
Lois Presser
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引用次数: 0
Spaces of Racialization: Ireland’s Direct Provision Asylum Centres as Sites of Racialized State Violence 种族化的空间:爱尔兰直接提供庇护中心作为种族化国家暴力的场所
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.1.0052
R. Lenṭin
Since November 1999, people arriving in Ireland to seek asylum have been dispersed throughout the country and confined in Direct Provision (DP) accommodation centres. Though initially meant for a six-month stay, by May 2020 7,700 people were living in 85 DP and emergency accommodation centres, many of them for up to nine years. The centres are operated by for-profit private companies who have been paid 1.6 billion euros since 2000, and are mostly sited in remote locations outside cities, on the periphery of society. The confinement of asylum seekers has been disavowed by state and society and continues the disavowal by Irish state and society of the coercive confinement of unwed mothers and poor children in church-run institutions, where women and children were confined and enslaved until late in the twentieth century. This article is based on interviews with and publicly available testimonies of asylum seekers in Direct Provision and on public and social media statements by the Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland (MASI). It theorizes the DP centres as racialized zones of nonbeing (Fanon 1967: 8) and the DP regime as racialized state violence. The segregation and racialization of asylum seekers in Direct Provision were poignantly demonstrated by asylum seekers’ inability to observe social distancing in overcrowded DP centres during the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, leading to a considerable number of them being infected.
自1999年11月以来,抵达爱尔兰寻求庇护的人分散在全国各地,并被限制在直接提供住宿中心。虽然最初计划停留6个月,但到2020年5月,有7 700人住在85个难民安置中心和紧急住宿中心,其中许多人的停留时间长达9年。这些中心由营利性私营公司运营,自2000年以来,这些公司已经获得了16亿欧元的收入,它们大多位于城市以外的偏远地区,处于社会的边缘。国家和社会否认对寻求庇护者的监禁,爱尔兰国家和社会继续否认将未婚母亲和贫穷儿童强制监禁在教会管理的机构中,妇女和儿童在这些机构中被监禁和奴役,直到二十世纪后期。本文基于对《直接条款》中寻求庇护者的采访和公开证词,以及爱尔兰寻求庇护者运动(MASI)在公开和社交媒体上的声明。它将民主党中心理论化为非存在的种族化区域(Fanon 1967: 8),将民主党政权理论化为种族化的国家暴力。在Covid-19大流行的早期,寻求庇护者无法在拥挤的难民中心保持社交距离,导致相当多的人被感染,这尖锐地证明了直接提供中的寻求庇护者的隔离和种族化。
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引用次数: 1
Narrating Civil Conflict in Post-war Sri Lanka: Counter Memory, Working-through and Implications for North-South Solidarity 叙述战后斯里兰卡的国内冲突:反记忆、努力和对南北团结的影响
IF 0.8 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/statecrime.11.2.0172
V. Perera
This article examines survivor/witness narratives of the Sri Lankan civil conflict (1983–2009) and their potential as counter-memories that contest and challenge authorized history dictated by the state. In situating the significance of these narratives the article draws on the prevailing conditions in post-conflict Sri Lanka, especially the surveillance and intimidation against public memory in the former war regions and the dominance of Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism within state power. In orientation, the study is future-oriented and is preoccupied with how survivor narratives can be utilized to strengthen reconciliation and solidarity among different victim groups. It advocates for survivor/witness narratives to be incorporated as classroom material and for frameworks that appreciate comparative readings of conflict to be developed and adopted.
本文考察了斯里兰卡内战(1983-2009)的幸存者/目击者叙述,以及它们作为对抗和挑战国家规定的官方历史的反记忆的潜力。为了定位这些叙述的重要性,文章借鉴了冲突后斯里兰卡的普遍情况,特别是对前战争地区公众记忆的监视和恐吓,以及僧伽罗-佛教民族主义在国家权力中的主导地位。在取向方面,该研究面向未来,并专注于如何利用幸存者的叙述来加强不同受害者群体之间的和解与团结。它倡导将幸存者/目击者叙述纳入课堂材料,并倡导制定和采用欣赏冲突比较阅读的框架。
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引用次数: 0
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State Crime
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