Pub Date : 2021-08-05DOI: 10.1142/S2377740020500153
Men Honghua, Jiang Pengfei
2020, the year that the world was engulfed by the Covid-19 pandemic, was also the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and Italy. The China-Italy comprehensive strategic partnership plays an important role in deepening China-EU cooperation, advancing the Belt and Road Initiative, and building a community with a shared future for humanity. China-Italy relations should be studied within the analytical framework of strategic partnership which has gained traction in China’s foreign policy narrative. Beijing’s pursuit of strategic partnerships aims at forging stable and enduring relations that are driven by common interests in a world of proliferating challenges and geopolitical uncertainties. While making steady progress, the partnership is also facing multi-dimensional challenges. China and Italy should strengthen strategic dialogue to build mutual trust and constantly improve their institutionalized cooperation. Economically, they should work out broader areas for collaboration and better manage their competition to achieve win-win results. At the level of people-to-people exchange, mutual understanding and trust should be enhanced to eliminate misconception and prejudice. At the regional level, the China-EU-Italy trilateral relationship should be consolidated to shield bilateral cooperation from the volatility of China-EU relations. In the global arena, China and Italy should also step up efforts to catalyze international financial reforms and address global challenges such as climate change, economic governance, and global public health emergencies by improving policy coordination and aligning global strategies.
{"title":"The China-Italy Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: Overview and Pathways to Progress","authors":"Men Honghua, Jiang Pengfei","doi":"10.1142/S2377740020500153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/S2377740020500153","url":null,"abstract":"2020, the year that the world was engulfed by the Covid-19 pandemic, was also the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and Italy. The China-Italy comprehensive strategic partnership plays an important role in deepening China-EU cooperation, advancing the Belt and Road Initiative, and building a community with a shared future for humanity. China-Italy relations should be studied within the analytical framework of strategic partnership which has gained traction in China’s foreign policy narrative. Beijing’s pursuit of strategic partnerships aims at forging stable and enduring relations that are driven by common interests in a world of proliferating challenges and geopolitical uncertainties. While making steady progress, the partnership is also facing multi-dimensional challenges. China and Italy should strengthen strategic dialogue to build mutual trust and constantly improve their institutionalized cooperation. Economically, they should work out broader areas for collaboration and better manage their competition to achieve win-win results. At the level of people-to-people exchange, mutual understanding and trust should be enhanced to eliminate misconception and prejudice. At the regional level, the China-EU-Italy trilateral relationship should be consolidated to shield bilateral cooperation from the volatility of China-EU relations. In the global arena, China and Italy should also step up efforts to catalyze international financial reforms and address global challenges such as climate change, economic governance, and global public health emergencies by improving policy coordination and aligning global strategies.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46936077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740021500147
Sarwat Rauf
This article analyzes the emerging economic corridors and growing geographical connectivity in Pakistan and Central Asian Republics (CARs). It hypothesizes that economic corridors and infrastructure building in CARs and Pakistan are connecting inaccessible areas to prosperous regions. The idea of geographical connectivity through economic corridors is not new for landlocked Central Asia and least connected South Asia. In the past some efforts have been made to connect South Asia with Central Asia by great powers. However, such efforts had been overshadowed by tensions between key regional states and political hostilities within states. Since China is facilitating Pakistan and CARs in the building of new infrastructure to make remote areas accessible, several political and regional changes are taking place. Construction of new corridors presents diverse challenges for Pakistan and Central Asia. The article specifies a conceptual understanding of regional connectivity through economic corridors, and then underlines the set-up of new infrastructure. It also assesses the problems attached to the connectivity projects. Currently, connectivity projects under the Belt and Road Initiative have been modernizing the old trade routes in Central and South Asia, and new infrastructure is being built, granting opportunities of increased trade. Even though the announcement of regional connectivity projects by China in Pakistan and CARs has raised hopes as well as suspicions, CARs and Pakistan are visibly involved in the accomplishment of regional connectivity.
{"title":"Regional Connectivity in Pakistan and Central Asian Republics","authors":"Sarwat Rauf","doi":"10.1142/s2377740021500147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740021500147","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the emerging economic corridors and growing geographical connectivity in Pakistan and Central Asian Republics (CARs). It hypothesizes that economic corridors and infrastructure building in CARs and Pakistan are connecting inaccessible areas to prosperous regions. The idea of geographical connectivity through economic corridors is not new for landlocked Central Asia and least connected South Asia. In the past some efforts have been made to connect South Asia with Central Asia by great powers. However, such efforts had been overshadowed by tensions between key regional states and political hostilities within states. Since China is facilitating Pakistan and CARs in the building of new infrastructure to make remote areas accessible, several political and regional changes are taking place. Construction of new corridors presents diverse challenges for Pakistan and Central Asia. The article specifies a conceptual understanding of regional connectivity through economic corridors, and then underlines the set-up of new infrastructure. It also assesses the problems attached to the connectivity projects. Currently, connectivity projects under the Belt and Road Initiative have been modernizing the old trade routes in Central and South Asia, and new infrastructure is being built, granting opportunities of increased trade. Even though the announcement of regional connectivity projects by China in Pakistan and CARs has raised hopes as well as suspicions, CARs and Pakistan are visibly involved in the accomplishment of regional connectivity.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48906800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740021500093
Gui Xi
With rising geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN is running the risk of becoming a victim of a hegemonic war against China waged by the United States and its Quad partners, a pessimistic scenario for the future of the Indo-Pacific. However, ASEAN has made it clear that ASEAN centrality should play a leading role in shaping the emerging regional architecture. ASEAN’s unique geopolitical position, the ASEAN Way as a special socialization process, and its extensive engaging networks with major powers can help the regional grouping obtain bargaining power to maintain its centrality. Also, the robust China-ASEAN relations can also facilitate ASEAN to maintain its centrality and thus avoid the trap of great power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.
{"title":"The Future of the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Gui Xi","doi":"10.1142/s2377740021500093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740021500093","url":null,"abstract":"With rising geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN is running the risk of becoming a victim of a hegemonic war against China waged by the United States and its Quad partners, a pessimistic scenario for the future of the Indo-Pacific. However, ASEAN has made it clear that ASEAN centrality should play a leading role in shaping the emerging regional architecture. ASEAN’s unique geopolitical position, the ASEAN Way as a special socialization process, and its extensive engaging networks with major powers can help the regional grouping obtain bargaining power to maintain its centrality. Also, the robust China-ASEAN relations can also facilitate ASEAN to maintain its centrality and thus avoid the trap of great power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46751449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-19DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500210
Sanja Arežina
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed remarkable changes in the distribution of global power. The lack of strategic vision by the United States has resulted in a power crisis, which in turn accelerates the trends of new multipolarity with several power centers in the world. Since President Trump took office in January 2017, the United States has been challenging the established norms of international relations on many fronts and, in particular, shifting its policy toward China to one that trumpets geopolitical rivalry amid their economic interdependence. The ever increasing anxiety of the United States has undermined multilateralism and globalization, generating profound consequences and impacts on major-power relations around the world. In the future, Washington and Beijing must seek common goals that can bring them together to resolve disagreements and set boundaries for potential conflicts. The U.S. leadership should always keep in mind that China is an important partner; and if the two powers fail to cooperate, there will be devastating implications for the whole world. In the meantime, Washington and Beijing need to be aware that an acute conflict of any kind between two high-tech countries may substantially change the world for all.
{"title":"U.S.-China Relations Under the Trump Administration: Changes and Challenges","authors":"Sanja Arežina","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500210","url":null,"abstract":"The beginning of the 21st century witnessed remarkable changes in the distribution of global power. The lack of strategic vision by the United States has resulted in a power crisis, which in turn accelerates the trends of new multipolarity with several power centers in the world. Since President Trump took office in January 2017, the United States has been challenging the established norms of international relations on many fronts and, in particular, shifting its policy toward China to one that trumpets geopolitical rivalry amid their economic interdependence. The ever increasing anxiety of the United States has undermined multilateralism and globalization, generating profound consequences and impacts on major-power relations around the world. In the future, Washington and Beijing must seek common goals that can bring them together to resolve disagreements and set boundaries for potential conflicts. The U.S. leadership should always keep in mind that China is an important partner; and if the two powers fail to cooperate, there will be devastating implications for the whole world. In the meantime, Washington and Beijing need to be aware that an acute conflict of any kind between two high-tech countries may substantially change the world for all.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/s2377740019500210","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43507567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500141
Z. Liu
The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countries by continuously encroaching on Chinese territory and pushing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) toward the Chinese side. After Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he adopted the Doval Doctrine and “offensive defense” policy in the border area, with a view to continuing the encroachment on Chinese territory and occupying the strategic commanding heights. The aim was to force China to resolve the border issue in accordance with India’s intentions, so that India can then shift its strategic focus to the Indian Ocean. China-U.S. strategic rivalry and Hindu nationalism have fueled India’s behavior in the border region, and the peaceful resolution of the 2017 Donglang/Doklam standoff has emboldened India, making the bloodshed in Galwan Valley an inevitable incident. That India’s Home Minister Amit Shah categorically declared in August 2019 in Parliament that Aksai Chin was part of new Ladakh Union Territory shows that the Indian government has restored its position on the western sector boundary that the Vajpayee Administration had abandoned in 2003. India is using the Galwan conflict as an excuse to pursue its policy of economic de-Sinicization and strategic alliance with the U.S. and other Western countries. In the future, China-Indian border conflict is likely to become commonplace due to India’s expansionism.
{"title":"Boundary Standoff and China-India Relations: A Chinese Scholar’s Perspective","authors":"Z. Liu","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500141","url":null,"abstract":"The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countries by continuously encroaching on Chinese territory and pushing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) toward the Chinese side. After Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he adopted the Doval Doctrine and “offensive defense” policy in the border area, with a view to continuing the encroachment on Chinese territory and occupying the strategic commanding heights. The aim was to force China to resolve the border issue in accordance with India’s intentions, so that India can then shift its strategic focus to the Indian Ocean. China-U.S. strategic rivalry and Hindu nationalism have fueled India’s behavior in the border region, and the peaceful resolution of the 2017 Donglang/Doklam standoff has emboldened India, making the bloodshed in Galwan Valley an inevitable incident. That India’s Home Minister Amit Shah categorically declared in August 2019 in Parliament that Aksai Chin was part of new Ladakh Union Territory shows that the Indian government has restored its position on the western sector boundary that the Vajpayee Administration had abandoned in 2003. India is using the Galwan conflict as an excuse to pursue its policy of economic de-Sinicization and strategic alliance with the U.S. and other Western countries. In the future, China-Indian border conflict is likely to become commonplace due to India’s expansionism.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"63852005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500190
Chun Zhang
The Horn of Africa (HoA) is on the threshold of a long-term transformation as the result of a confluence of political, economic, and social changes, namely, generational political leadership turnover as a reflection of the rise of a younger population; a palpable shift in governance approach from a “security-first” model to a “development-centered” one; and the return of geopolitics across the Red Sea, following global and regional political realignments. To steer the transformation in a sustainable and peaceful direction, the HoA has to enlist the assistance of external actors both as a source of trade and investment and as guarantors of regional peace and stability. This region-wide transformation presents challenges and opportunities for the implementation of the Chinese-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Beijing should better align the economic connectivity-focused BRI with the development-centered approach of regional states, build national and regional capacity for HoA security governance, and join local and external actors in a multilateral effort to ensure a peaceful, secure, and economically dynamic HoA.
{"title":"Regional Transformation of the Horn of Africa","authors":"Chun Zhang","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500190","url":null,"abstract":"The Horn of Africa (HoA) is on the threshold of a long-term transformation as the result of a confluence of political, economic, and social changes, namely, generational political leadership turnover as a reflection of the rise of a younger population; a palpable shift in governance approach from a “security-first” model to a “development-centered” one; and the return of geopolitics across the Red Sea, following global and regional political realignments. To steer the transformation in a sustainable and peaceful direction, the HoA has to enlist the assistance of external actors both as a source of trade and investment and as guarantors of regional peace and stability. This region-wide transformation presents challenges and opportunities for the implementation of the Chinese-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Beijing should better align the economic connectivity-focused BRI with the development-centered approach of regional states, build national and regional capacity for HoA security governance, and join local and external actors in a multilateral effort to ensure a peaceful, secure, and economically dynamic HoA.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44718604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500177
Jiyong Jin
The Covid-19 pandemic is both a public health crisis and a stress test for global health governance. Effective health governance hinges on the provision of global public goods for health. Generally, the hegemon underwrites the operation and stability of the global public health architecture by ensuring the sustained supply of global public goods for health. But when the hegemon is unable or unwilling to shoulder this responsibility, global health governance may run the risk of falling into a Kindleberger Trap. The leadership vacuum that is opening up amid the coronavirus pandemic is accelerating the process. At present, China should adopt a three-pronged approach to promote bilateral health cooperation with leading countries like the United States, strengthen regional institution-building with ASEAN, South Korea, Japan, and Belt and Road countries, and improve the performance, credibility, and integrity of global organizations like the WHO and G-20. The Kindleberger Trap in global health governance can be overcome by adapting regional health coordination to make it more agile and effective.
{"title":"Beware the Kindleberger Trap in Global Health Governance","authors":"Jiyong Jin","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500177","url":null,"abstract":"The Covid-19 pandemic is both a public health crisis and a stress test for global health governance. Effective health governance hinges on the provision of global public goods for health. Generally, the hegemon underwrites the operation and stability of the global public health architecture by ensuring the sustained supply of global public goods for health. But when the hegemon is unable or unwilling to shoulder this responsibility, global health governance may run the risk of falling into a Kindleberger Trap. The leadership vacuum that is opening up amid the coronavirus pandemic is accelerating the process. At present, China should adopt a three-pronged approach to promote bilateral health cooperation with leading countries like the United States, strengthen regional institution-building with ASEAN, South Korea, Japan, and Belt and Road countries, and improve the performance, credibility, and integrity of global organizations like the WHO and G-20. The Kindleberger Trap in global health governance can be overcome by adapting regional health coordination to make it more agile and effective.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48774057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500128
Chunsi Wu
The international arms control regime has arrived at a crossroads as the United States pulls out of a number of international treaties and launches a new round of defense and military buildup in pursuit of absolute strategic and technological superiority. Under the Trump administration’s “America First” doctrine, Washington is leading the global arms control cause astray. The article traces the international arms control regime’s liberal institutionalist roots and situates the positions of the world’s largest nuclear powers in it. It analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the regime and put forward a number of policy measures to improve it. It argues that the officially recognized nuclear powers, especially the United States and Russia, should assume the lion’s share of maintaining global strategic stability. The author highlights the most urgent challenges in the current arms control regime and outlines China’s role and responsibilities as a rising military power in the evolution of the arms control cause.
{"title":"Changes in International Arms Control and China’s Role","authors":"Chunsi Wu","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500128","url":null,"abstract":"The international arms control regime has arrived at a crossroads as the United States pulls out of a number of international treaties and launches a new round of defense and military buildup in pursuit of absolute strategic and technological superiority. Under the Trump administration’s “America First” doctrine, Washington is leading the global arms control cause astray. The article traces the international arms control regime’s liberal institutionalist roots and situates the positions of the world’s largest nuclear powers in it. It analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the regime and put forward a number of policy measures to improve it. It argues that the officially recognized nuclear powers, especially the United States and Russia, should assume the lion’s share of maintaining global strategic stability. The author highlights the most urgent challenges in the current arms control regime and outlines China’s role and responsibilities as a rising military power in the evolution of the arms control cause.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"63851943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500207
Shuai Feng
As the backdrop for contemporary international relations, globalization reflects the way economic and political power are distributed, and provides the grand context for China’s strategic planning. The history and logic of globalization have shown that underpinned by a system of nation-states, globalization proceeds according to an inescapable cyclical pattern. Globalization suffered major setbacks in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and is likely to further lose steam amid an evolving Covid-19 pandemic. A low-ebb phase of globalization will present an increasingly complicated strategic environment featuring intensifying great power rivalry, regionalized supply chains, and growing technology competition. Beijing remains determined to integrate further into the world, but to adapt to a new strategic environment, will vigorously implement the newly unveiled dual circulation strategy. As China sees it, despite all the major setbacks, globalization is an irreversible mega-trend but it will be driven by a new underlying logic.
{"title":"Cyclical Globalization and China’s Strategic Options","authors":"Shuai Feng","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500207","url":null,"abstract":"As the backdrop for contemporary international relations, globalization reflects the way economic and political power are distributed, and provides the grand context for China’s strategic planning. The history and logic of globalization have shown that underpinned by a system of nation-states, globalization proceeds according to an inescapable cyclical pattern. Globalization suffered major setbacks in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and is likely to further lose steam amid an evolving Covid-19 pandemic. A low-ebb phase of globalization will present an increasingly complicated strategic environment featuring intensifying great power rivalry, regionalized supply chains, and growing technology competition. Beijing remains determined to integrate further into the world, but to adapt to a new strategic environment, will vigorously implement the newly unveiled dual circulation strategy. As China sees it, despite all the major setbacks, globalization is an irreversible mega-trend but it will be driven by a new underlying logic.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49473670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740020500165
Xinping Zhang, Jiawei Dai
After years of war and chaos, the situation in Syria has stabilized with the active intervention of external forces, providing necessary conditions for national reconstruction. Security reconstruction, economic recovery, and political reconciliation will be the three key areas in post-civil war rebuilding. As an important node country along the Belt and Road Initiative, Syria’s urgent need for reconstruction makes it possible for China to play a larger role. Deeper Chinese involvement in postwar reconstruction will not only help restore political and economic order in a war-torn country and its neighborhood, but also improve Beijing’s image as a responsible stakeholder. At the same time, Beijing may find a bumpy road ahead as great power rivalry, Syria’s factional politics and weak economic foundation, and regional terrorism will pose significant challenges. While economic reconstruction should be the focus of Beijing’s efforts, China should also not lose sight of the role it can play in facilitating national political reconciliation in Syria.
{"title":"China’s Involvement in Syria’s Postwar Reconstruction","authors":"Xinping Zhang, Jiawei Dai","doi":"10.1142/s2377740020500165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500165","url":null,"abstract":"After years of war and chaos, the situation in Syria has stabilized with the active intervention of external forces, providing necessary conditions for national reconstruction. Security reconstruction, economic recovery, and political reconciliation will be the three key areas in post-civil war rebuilding. As an important node country along the Belt and Road Initiative, Syria’s urgent need for reconstruction makes it possible for China to play a larger role. Deeper Chinese involvement in postwar reconstruction will not only help restore political and economic order in a war-torn country and its neighborhood, but also improve Beijing’s image as a responsible stakeholder. At the same time, Beijing may find a bumpy road ahead as great power rivalry, Syria’s factional politics and weak economic foundation, and regional terrorism will pose significant challenges. While economic reconstruction should be the focus of Beijing’s efforts, China should also not lose sight of the role it can play in facilitating national political reconciliation in Syria.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47510743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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